Media Conflict Research Articles

Framing internal politics in a conflict situation: A study of the 2014 election campaign news in the local newspapers in the Indian-administered Kashmir region

International conflict reporting and national media discourse of warring nations continue to dominate existing scholarship on media–conflict relationships. The literature on the subject lacks significant consideration towards understanding the relevance of local and sub-national media narratives in conflict situations. The existing literature on the media–conflict relationship in the conflict territory of Kashmir shows that the issue has been largely studied from the perspective of national news media in India and Pakistan. This study while engaging with the local news media in the Kashmir region, draws empirical evidence from the local newspapers in the context of the 2014 State Assembly election campaigns which took place amid unprecedented political polarization in the region. The findings from the content analysis revealed that the contested political issues between the political parties found higher resonance in the campaign news while the deliberation regarding the conflict in the region and its resolution had the least prevalence in the news discourse. This not only confirms the significant relevance of local news media and internal political dynamics in redefining the media–conflict relationship in the Kashmir conflict but also suggests the further need to engage with local and regional news narratives in conflict situations.

Sensory curation: theorizing media use for sensory regulation and implications for family media conflict

ABSTRACTMedia sensory curation theory, introduced here, complements theories of informational, emotional, and relational media gratifications. Sensory curation theory conceptualizes media devices as tools people use to help maintain sensory regulation by simultaneously capturing and curbing sensory input within built and natural environments. This article explicates the theory and introduces the Child and Adult Media Sensory Curation Inventories (MediaSCIs), separate measures of child and adult media sensory behaviors and preferences. A survey of 789 parents and adult caregivers of children ages 3 to 14 revealed moderate to strong correlations between general sensory processing and media sensory curation, validating the MediaSCIs. Controlling usage time, child media sensory curation strongly predicted problematic child media use and moderately predicted adult–child media conflict, which was four times as frequent among adult–child pairs with high MediaSCI scores than with low MediaSCI scores.

The Role of Media in Peaceful Resolution of Civil Wars: The Case of Tajikistan from the Point of Peace Communication

The role of the media in conflicts has recently gained importance due to the fact that civil wars have taken place in various parts of the world. This role can either be positive or negative. Therefore, it is important to investigate how media outlets have been used during conflict situations in countries where civil wars have occurred. In light of the background information regarding Northern Ireland, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Ruanda and Sierra Leone, the case of Tajikistan civil war was explored in this study from a peace communication perspective. Content analysis, interviews and document analysis techniques were used to collect data. In particular, newspaper coverage, brochures, and radio broadcasts during the civil war were analyzed. The results show that the Tajikistan civil war started in the context of weak socio-political climate, visible influence of foreign countries, and a loss of long-exercised control over media through the state apparatus. Before the war media caused increasing tension in the society but the role of media has changed during the peace talks. Significant work has been done to end the civil war in Tajikistan in terms of all aspects of peace communication. The media generally played a vital role in promoting peace among people and encouraging the fighting parties to reach a consensus. In general, both the pro-government and pro-opposition media acted toward the direction of making peace. In particular, the pro-government newspapers Jumhuriyat and Sadoi Mardum reflected a peaceful view on behalf of the official government. The radio program Khoki Vatan (Homeland), which was created and broadcasted by the Radio of Tajikistan, also played a major role in promoting peace.

Political control and journalist protests in Spanish public media in electoral campaigns: A decade of conflict

For thirteen consecutive years, Catalan public broadcasting journalists have protested against the so-called coverage quotas established by Spanish electoral regulations. According to those regulations, during election campaigns, broadcasters are required to use a calculated number related to the proportion of votes cast in the previous election to determine the amount of broadcast time they allot to each party. Journalists have repeatedly and publicly complained about the quotas, while simultaneously explaining the effects of the quotas to the audience and not crediting authorship of this news. This paper undertakes an in-depth analysis of the case and its historical roots from different angles: the protests, the journalists’ professional roles, the political parties’ strategies, the roles of the regulatory boards and the initiatives taken by some professional organizations and institutions. The theoretical framework focuses on the mistrust between the political class and journalists in the context of a mediatized conflict with ethical implications. The methodology includes extensive document examination, news content analysis and interviews. The results indicate that the Spanish political class has deemed the performance of the Catalan public broadcaster as tending to equate political information with electoral spots controlled by parties. The consequence of this has been an enduring conflict between politicians and Catalan journalists that distances citizens from both of them.
 Keywords: Spanish public media, media conflict, journalistic-political conflict, politics and ethics in media.

Social Media and Peace Building in Indian Politics

In an increasingly connected world, all businesses, governments, NGOs, political interest groups, and—most of all—individuals communicate and collaborate in ways they never did before, i.e., in real-time via the advancement in technology and computer links. Owing to the unrestricted nature of information transfer, users use these channels to circulate information, which in turn leads to destabilization of peace and creates conflicts. A developed media system with trained journalists benefits both global and local audiences and also provides a vital link to the outside world during times of conflict. Yet, the role of social media in conflict and its ability to mediate peace, is not adequately tackled. In rare cases, even if the media happens to warn of— inevitable violence—as in the case of Bosnia, Rwanda and Kosovo. Policy-makers tend to ignore and avoid conflict preventive measures. At this stage there is no sufficient public support for active engagement or intervention. Our study mainly focuses on how this gap is filled by social media tools like, Facebook, Twitter, etc., and to investigate the strength of social media in preventing conflicts and help in building peace. The research design of this study is a qualitative method with purposive sampling. The findings conclude that Social Media is considered a most popular and sensitive medium for promoting peace in a country like India as they provide Safety and Human Security and Social and Moral Integrity.

Politički i medijski sukobi Senja i Rijeke oko djelovanja parobrodarskih društava na početku XX. stoljeća

Politički i medijski sukobi Senja i Rijeke oko djelovanja parobrodarskih društava na početku XX. stoljeća

Media Conflict Resolution: Framing of the Govt-TTP Dialogue in the Editorials of Nawa-i-Waqt and Jang newspapers

Every newspaper dedicates space called editorial to put up its official stance on some topic. Contrary to objectivity being minded in news stories, an editorial either endorses or rejects an issue with stating its own editorial stance. The government of Pakistan, when initiated dialogue with the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), in 2014, two leading Urdu newspapers – Daily Jang and Daily Nawa-i-Waqt – in their editorials from January 2014 to July 2014 took up different positions. To analyze the editorial contents, agenda-setting and framing approaches were used. These newspapers discussed the dialogue activity under themes like pre-parliament discussions, the impact of terror attacks on talks, discussion in the National Assembly on talks, different stakeholders’ stance on talks, teams of the government and TTP for the dialogue, impact of terrorism and TTP terms for the dialogue and military operation during the dialogue process. The Nawa-i-Waqt, though an extreme right paper, opposed the dialogue whereas the Jang, a center to right paper, favored the activity and showed its tilt towards the banned TTP’s stance.

Media in conflict or conflict in media: examining media coverage of conflict in Northeast India

The paper looks at how media engages with the issue of framing movements in the northeastern state of Manipur. The focus of the paper is on the demand for Inner Line Permit in Manipur that landed the state into conflict between the communities of the state. The passing of the three bills, as discussed in the paper, by the state government has snowballed into ethnic tensions and re-opened the hill–valley divide in this northeastern state. By using frame analysis, the paper intends to explicate the issue of media framing within the socio-political context of the state. The paper then engages with the process in which local media frames movements that are diametrically opposed to one another. The study further reveals that the local media in Manipur are greatly influenced by the local politics and remain integral to it.

Ethnic media, conflict, and the nation-state: Kurdish broadcasting in Turkey and Europe and mediated nationhood

Drawing on fieldwork among Kurdish broadcasters in Turkey and Europe, this article shows how ethnic media mediate nationhood in a conflict context. Despite rising interest in the media–nationhood nexus, and the expansion of studies on ethnic media, little is known about ethnic media in conflicts involving state and non-state actors. This study investigates three Kurdish broadcasters, Roj-TV, Gün-TV, and TRT-6. The collected data include expert interviews and informal conversations with employees. Through a grounded theory approach, a model is developed that proposes four modes of mediated nationhood, in which the relation to the state and the role of ethnicity are key elements. Next, it is demonstrated how mediated nationhood in conflicts is characterized by multiple constraints, and how this affects the perceived roles and ethnic belongings among media professionals.

Covering Controversy: What Are the Implications for Women's Health?

We see it while skimming newspaper headlines, watching the nightly news, and, increasingly, scanning our social media feeds: high volumes of conflicting and controversial information about issues relevant to women’s health. Already in 2015, several such controversial issues have occupied media attention, including conflict over childhood vaccination decisions after a measles outbreak in California (Loehrke & Szabo, 2015), resurgence in controversy surrounding the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine after a Toronto newspaper published a sensationalist story highlighting dramatic and unproven vaccine side effects (English, 2015), and the release of draft U.S. Preventive Service Task Force (USPSTF) breast cancer screening recommendations (USPSTF, 2015). Although it is well known that the media can have a positive influence on health-related attitudes and behaviors (Ramirez et al., 2013; Redmond, Baer, Clark, Lipsitz, & Hicks, 2010), mass media messages that broadcast conflicting and controversial health information raise the potential for adverse effects. Although there is some evidence that exposure to media conflict and controversy is associated with public confusion, decreased trust in health recommendations, and less adoption of prevention and screening behaviors (Han et al., 2009; Nagler, 2014), this research arena remains underexplored.

The Role of Media in Conflict Management: The Case of Electoral Conflicts in Kenya

The Role of Media in Conflict Management: The Case of Electoral Conflicts in Kenya Col (Rtd) Zachary K Chebii Abstract The role played by media in conflicts has been an issue of discussion all over the world. Although media influence has increased tremendously in the last decade, researchers are yet to agree on the degree and magnitude of its influence in conflicts. The context analysis of Kenya election coverage and post election conflict of 2007/08 revealed that media has a ‘double-edge’ role in electoral conflict situation i.e. conflict escalation and de-escalation roles. The conflict escalation role is more prevalent with vernacular (local) media stations while the conflict de-escalation role is predominant with nationwide mainstream stations. This affirmed the study conceptualized framework developed from libertarian theory and social responsibility theory of media reporting. In addition, people’s response to conflict coverage is persuaded by their age, gender and social status as human variables. Therefore, to mitigate conflict reporting misrepresentation, specifically in weak democratic states, a common approach to conflict reporting should be designed and adhered to. More importantly, there need to be stringent regulations and control of vernacular (local) FM stations which are prone to manipulation by political elite. This should be coupled with training of journalists on conflict reporting and development of a standard conflict reporting procedure. Lastly, media houses should be discouraged from running parallel tallying centres, a mandate reserved for legitimate electoral body. Full Text: PDF DOI: 10.15640/jgpc.v3n2a3

Social Media in Conflict

There are important differences in how information technology is used in military and social-movement cultures. Militaries use social media in the Human Terrain model and security-police mode for quantifying and controlling social space, in order to meet low-intensity, counterinsurgency, and regime-maintenance goals (or for recruitment and public relations). For social-movement cultures, such as secular Egyptian revolutionaries, 15M (Los Indignados), and Idle No More, social media is an integral part of life; it is context. Unlike these horizontalist movements, military institutions are based on a hierarchical structure that precludes social media from becoming part of their organizational and decision-making culture. For them, social media constitute part of civil society, a commons both virtual and physical. The synergy between computer networks and decentralized social movements is clear when military, social-movement, and network theories and practices are compared. These differences are manifested in asymmetrical relationships to “veillance,” alternative modes of producing social technologies (especially protocols), contrasting theories of power, and opposing conceptions of morality and efficacy. The differences are more than a matter of how the affordances of information technologies match with the different technocultures. Horizontalist social movements incorporate new information technologies into their praxis as self-control, while militaries seek to subsume them into the existing hierarchical control paradigms.

Book Review: Social Media Go to War: Rage, Rebellion and Revolution in the Age of Twitter, edited by Ralph D. Berenger

Social Media Go to War: Rage, Rebellion and Revolution in the Age of Twitter. Ralph D. Berenger, ed. Spokane, WA: Marquette Books, 2013. 531 pp. $49.95 pbk.This third book in a trilogy from Marquette Books examines the uses and impact of social media in conflicts throughout the world, particularly in Northern Africa and the Middle East. The volume consists of twenty-eight essays from thirty-nine authors, and as with the first two books in the series (Global Media Go to War and Cybermedia Go to War), this volume draws on scholars with diverse backgrounds and experiences. Some of the con- tributors are graduate students; some are journalists. Many are scholars who live and work in the Middle East. Berenger, who also edited the other volumes in the series, is a professor of mass communication at the American University of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates, and author of numerous studies on media behavior in times of crisis.Five essays in Part 1 consider the theoretical constructs and ideologies that help explain the impact social media had on world uprisings from 2008 until 2013. An essay by the late John C. Merrill leads off the section with a look at ideological forces driving political upheavals. Steven Dick and Katharine R. Allen contribute essays that consider how existing mass communication theories might be applied to social media. Sohail Dahdal explores how Al Jazeera, a popular television series, and social media contributed to the rise of Arab Nationalism. Lt. Col. Jennifer A. Berenger concludes the section with a look at U.S. Department of Defense policies concerning soldiers' use of social media.Part 2 presents case studies of social media use prior to the Arab Spring. This sec- tion includes Byron T. Scott and Ellada Gamreklidze's report on how social media was used during Georgia's war with Russia in 2008; Basma Botros and Melanie Mills' look at the contribution of Facebook to an Egyptian youth movement in 2008; Martin A. Parlett's report of how Barack Obama used social media during the 2008 election; Katherine R. Allen's report on a Cuban blogger; and Catherine Cassara's essay on Tunisian citizen journalists. The section also includes essays by Melissa Wall and Treepon Kirdnak who look at the use of YouTube videos in Thailand; Tim Macafee and J. J. De Simone, who studied social media use during the recall election of Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker; and Margaret D'Silva, Siobhan Smith, and Girish Nikam, who discuss how social media helped free an Indian civil rights activist.Part 3 focuses on Iran's presidential election protests in 2009. The five essays in this section include a historical overview by Irfan Raja, a report from Cora Werwitzke and Jurgen Wilke on social media use during the mass demonstrations of June 2009, Emily A. …

Media and conflict: An assessment of the evidence

This article assesses the evidence used in arguments for the role of the media in conflict and post-conflict situations. It focuses on two broad areas within the literature. First, it examines literature on the contribution of media in war to peace transitions, including an assessment of the evidence used to show how the media may contribute to violent conflict and how they may provoke, or hinder, post-conflict reconstruction. Second, it assesses evidence used in arguments for the role new Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) such as the Internet and mobile phones may have in liberation or oppression in developing country contexts. Through reviewing some of the most significant papers that were systematically selected in a literature review on media and conflict, our findings suggest that there are serious gaps in the evidence and the majority of evidence is located in the ‘grey literature’ or policy documents. The article concludes by suggesting future research agendas to address these gaps.

On media conflict and new forms of screen product

The transition of the TV to the digital broadcast platform and the regenerating media-space cause certain alterations in the programming policy of TV channels. The change in the existence conditions of the TV as a market entity accounts for the reforming of its structural, artistic and production activity. The search for new forms and conceptions of the screen content is determined by transformations in social life. The article explores the confrontation of media and society particularly evident in the digital era and the influence of innovative technologies on the emergence of new screen product forms.

War 2.0: an analytical framework

Media has always been a critical dimension of politics and of political violence. Information about violence and conflict is disseminated through the media. Media is also a mechanism through which the politics of violence is monitored, represented and interpreted. While the historical relationship between old media and political violence has long been the subject of research and debate, how this relationship is affected by the emergence of digital new media technology warrants further consideration. This development raises several important issues and questions for students of international relations, in particular with respect to how the reconfiguration of the role of media in conflict impacts more broadly on configurations of world politics. This article identifies four critical dimensions of world politics through which to explore this impact: the constitution of power, the configuration of agency, the nature and politics of representation, and the constitution of legitimacy. It argues that the concepts of power, agency, representation and legitimacy provide critical interfaces between media, conflict and world politics. In so doing, the article elucidates the conceptual framework that animates this special issue. Finally, it reflects on how these concepts are engaged in the articles to follow.

The media and public health: complexity, controversy and combat

Public health officials and the media in conflict in their "shadow" roles .

An Arranged Marriage: Police - Media Conflict & Collaboration

Media and police professionals are bound together in interdependent, and often tense, working relationships. For different purposes both professions need to work effectively together while simultaneously retaining independence from each other. These complex inter-reliant relationships create unique challenges that often call for improvement. This essay examines whether relationships between interdependent professional organizations can be improved through a collaborative problem-solving intervention, based on the interactive methods of facilitated dialogue and appreciative inquiry. The article describes a case study of a large Canadian police agency working with local media outlets to improve their working relationship. It highlights the importance of conflict analysis followed by effective change management strategies in implementation of collaborative solutions that meet everyone’s needs. This case study illustrates dynamics that generalize to organizations that have strong organizational cultures and are highly independent and simultaneously required to work together. Some examples of such organizations are military, prison guards, scholars, medical professionals, social workers, teachers, lawyers and most government agenciesLes médias et les corps policiers sont à la fois interreliés et interdépendants, et leur collaboration est souvent tendue. Dans divers objectifs, ils doivent travailler efficacement ensemble tout en maintenant leur propre autonomie. Ces relations complexes donnent lieu à des difficultés auxquelles il faut remédier. Cet essai porte sur les améliorations pouvant être apportées dans les relations entre deux organisations professionnelles interdépendants par l’entremise d’une intervention visant à résoudre les problèmes fondée sur des méthodes interactives de facilitation du dialogue et d’interrogation appréciative. Cet article décrit un cas où une grande agence policière canadienne a collaboré avec des médias locaux en vue d’améliorer leur relation de travail. On y souligne l’importance de l’analyse des conflits suivie de stratégies efficaces de gestion du changement dans la mise en œuvre de solutions axées sur la collaboration et répondant aux besoins de tous. Cette étude présente les dynamiques communes aux organismes indépendants dont la culture d’entreprise est bien affirmée, et devant travailler en partenariat. Parmi ces organisations, on compte l’armée, les gardes de prison, le secteur universitaire, le corps médical, les travailleurs sociaux, les enseignants, les avocats et la plupart des organismes gouvernementaux.

INFORMATION DIFFERENTIATION, COMMERCIALIZATION AND LEGAL REFORM

Scholars have recognized the importance of commercial news media in disseminating diversified information to challenge state censorship. However, these observations fail to explain adequately how and why the authoritarian regime in China is able to strengthen its capacity to control information even after information flourished dramatically since the 1990s. From a state perspective, I argue that besides disseminating information, commercialization also differentiates informational and state–media conflict, which transforms the previous single-dimensional state–media regime into a three-dimensional one. During this process, the development of the court system and the labor market have played a significant role in shaping state–media dynamics and offer the state the structural resilience to survive these information challenges. The implications of the new state–media regime are further discussed.

Disarming not defending Africa

Most sub-Saharan states cannot protect themselves from major military threats, especially extra-continental ones. From the perspective of the big international players the question is: should Africa be protected? In this collection of essays, the impact of Africa's global marginalisation is duly noted. This fundamental facet of Africa's security dilemma, however, is not analysed in any meaningful way. True, the usual malaises, including 'ethnic nationalism', are paraded, but there is no mention of the current debate on how Africa's 'ethnic' wars are interpreted by the international media, and its assumed impact on humanitarian and military intervention. If they have not done so already, the editors should read Tim Allen and Jean Seaton's new book, The Media of Conflict. Here the implications of the so-called second scramble for Africa, including the role of aid agencies and the International Monetary Fund, are scrutinised. Seaton and Allen reject the notion of mindless, primordial violence in Africa, and instead examine the repercussions of foreign intervention (most egregiously French meddling in Rwanda) as well as the rational economic motivations of the assorted warlords.