Concept Of Emancipation Research Articles

Theoretical directions for an emancipatory concept of patient and public involvement

Patient and public involvement (PPI) is now firmly embedded in the policies of the Department of Health in England. This article commences with a review of the changing structures of PPI in English health and social care, largely in terms of their own explicit rationales, using that as a spring board for the development of a general theoretical framework. Arguing that all democratic states face major dilemmas in seeking to meet conflicting demands and expectations for involvement, we identify the diverse and sometimes conflicting cultural and political features embedded in current models of involvement in England, in a context of rapid delegitimation of the wider political system. We identify some of the major inherent weaknesses of a monolithic, single-track model of patient and public involvement in the management and running of health and social care systems. Although the mechanisms and methods for delivering this may vary we suggest the model remains fundamentally the same. We also suggest why the current structures are unlikely to provide an effective response either to the pluralism of values, ideologies and social groups engaged in the sector or to the valuing of lay knowledge which could potentially sustain the social networks essential for effective participation and service improvement. The article proposes a four dimensional framework for analysing the nature of PPI. These dimensions, it is argued, provide the co-ordinates along which new 'knowledge spaces' for PPI could be constructed. These knowledge spaces could facilitate and support the emergence of social networks of knowledgeable actors capable of engaging with professionals on equal terms and influencing service provision.

On the Complex Relation between Knowledges and Emancipations

In this essay, Ana Esther Ceceña argues that understanding our contemporary moment requires a rethinking of the processes of domination and emancipation, foregrounding the role of subjects in processes of construction and confrontation. Subjects, she argues, are forged in struggle, which itself happens both in spectacular moments of seemingly spontaneous revolt and in the long gestation of processes in everyday life. Moments of revolt open new possibilities, but such moments are possible only because they emerge from the structures of political organization that are forged in the everyday practices of the dominated. It is in everyday practices that the dominated slowly construct the spaces or territories where resistance is crafted and where new knowledges emerge. Ceceña then proposes that although it is also necessary to understand the spaces of confrontation with power, we must pay particular attention to the dislocated spaces of the everyday because here unexpectedly new worlds emerge and our very concept of emancipation is thought anew.

Understanding Non-racialism as an Emancipatory Concept in South Africa

Understanding Non-racialism as an Emancipatory Concept in South Africa

Anchored in Tahrir Square

This response is an explanation of the approach adopted in Ken Booth’s book Theory of World Security against criticisms in the article ‘Securing the Human in Critical Security Studies: the Insecurity of a Secure Ethics’ published in this journal by Dan Bulley and Mike Bourne. In Particular, the responses addresses familiar challenges to the advancing of the concept of emancipation in discussions of ‘security’ in world politics, while more generally it defends a work ‘theory’ against the expectations by readers of detailed and concrete policy prescriptions

Why Liberal Capitalism Has Failed to Stimulate a Democratic Culture in Africa

Using a critical review of selected works on Africa by prominent African intellectuals, this interdisciplinary study concludes that, contrary to Amartya Sen’s theory about the “real freedoms” that people enjoy in democratic states, these freedoms cannot be realized in Africa, because the continent’s mode of capitalism is dependent upon international finance. This system cannot function as an autonomous structure and has engendered major political contradictions in the continent’s nation-states. The capitalist ruling elites have hindered the expansion of full democratic rights in Africa by encouraging and exploiting the politics of class division. The African experience with liberal democracy indicates that Sen’s theory of development and “real freedoms” fails to take into account these contradictions as well as the religious and cultural idioms in Africa that run counter to liberal conceptions of emancipation. Achieving democracy and freedom in Africa is not merely a question of capacity building, it involves resolving difficult issues of power – particularly, in class and gender relations. The essay concludes by suggesting that there needs to be a shift away from conceptualizing development in terms of only economic factors to a new approach which combines more enlightened neoliberal capitalism with new indigenous strategies of development.

Horizons of the Possible

FORMER WEST Research Congress Istanbul Technical University Istanbul, Turkey November 4-6, 2010 The second FORMER WEST Research Congress, On Horizons: Art and Political Imagination, focused on as a motivating and emancipatory concept in aesthetic, political, and philosophical fields. The offers a proposal of what can or cannot be imagined in present conditions and future projections, providing a catalyst to rethink the relationship between art production find the political imagination, while opening new alternatives beyond the totalizing narratives of capitalism. Presented in Istanbul, Turkey, the Congress was the second of five research congresses planned as part of FORMER WEST, a multi-year research, education, publishing, and exhibition project (2008 14 investigating the pivotal aesthetic, economic, and political shifts of 1989, as well as the post-colonial and post-communist histories of our recent past. At the same time, FORMER WEST speculates about a ''post-bloc future founded on the recognition of diversity, equality, and the possibility of one Transnational and multidisciplinary participants in this second Congress engaged in a rich and productive exchange-over three days highlighted by multifaceted approaches and important insights. The Congress began by considering the representation of 1989 as a temporal marker that transformed the world. That year, the collapse of the Berlin Wall and Eastern socialist regimes signaled the West's alleged triumph over communism. With no competing ideology contesting the amalgamation of democracy with the free market, it was declared (after Francis Fukuyama) that the world had reached the end of history and had lost the capacity to envision an alternative future. Participants voiced a number of different perspectives, some questioning if 1989 has been fetishized, while others offered alternative dates and events for consideration as pivotal moments. Turkish sociologist Caglar Keyder proposed September 11, 2001. as the critical historic moment when the world's narrative shifted from the clash between capitalism and its alternatives to the clash between the West and ideologically driven Islamists. Keyder saw Europe's increasing alliance with the United States as foreclosing the promise of Turkey's membership in a European Union of open borders, civic participation, and ethnic and religious tolerance. At the same time, he argued, this shift has provided a catalyst for Turkey to explore other more fruitful directions. Peter Osborne's talk drew on Reinhart Koselleck's distinction between the of (events from the past made present) and the horizon of (the future made present). Osborne noted that the of expectation does not necessarily bring a surprise, as modernism expects a temporal continuity of progress. It is, in contrast, the unexpected that punctures the of expectation and opens the future to new possibilities. Also referring to Koselleck, Congress co-curator Simon Sheikh considered how the imagination or imaginaries connect the two categories of the space of experience and the of expectation. Art and art exhibitions partake in and produce these imaginaries. In the realm of the political, he noted, the is staged as an image, both local and concrete. For Sheikh, art functions not just as a metaphor but as a proposal of what can or cannot be imagined. Art punctures the of expectations, bringing the unexpected into the realm of experience and establishing new vectors of the possible. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] In contrast, artist and writer Julie Ault questioned art's connection to the larger political stage. …

Sobre las formas y los límites de la emancipación

The concept of emancipation has been historically used to name a very wide range of forms of liberation, both individual and collective. As a consequence, from the period of Enlightment and the first revolutions and liberal constitutions, it became one of the fundamental concepts of modern political thought. In this article, I examine the theoretical assumptions and the historical forms of the modern concept of emancipation, but I also propose a revision of those assumptions and forms that takes into account the historical changes of the second half of the 20th century as well as the appareance of new emancipatory social movements.

Signal behavior in cranes (the Siberian Crane Sarcogeranus leucogeranus, the White-naped Crane Grus vipio, and the Red-crowned Crane Grus japonensis) in the context of the ritualization hypothesis

Signal behavior of three crane species was chosen to test the logic of the ritualization hypothesis. Its claims to explain the origin and functioning of the “highly ritualized” communication signals in birds are discussed. It is shown that such signals are observed in a wide range of situations, including those in the absence of a social partner for communication (perceiver). In its presence a signal may be performed in a way that it cannot be perceived by the partner. The same actions (“ritualized preening”) vary in length and intensity, and such variability is present in nearly all situations. In each situation, it is difficult to discriminate between the ritualized preening and actual comfort behavior. It may take place even when a social partner is present. Short preening that may be readily considered as ritualized signals are more common in the all situations, including those with an absent partner. The endogenous cyclicity in unison calling by mates indicates that communication cannot be regarded as a simple exchange of signals in accordance to the ‘stimulus-reaction’ principle. Similar actions by the more ancestral Siberian Crane may appear to be more ritualized than in the evolutionary advanced Red-crowned Crane. All these findings contradict the concept of emancipation and ritualization of behavioral actions during evolution and selection for increasing communication efficiency. According to that hypothesis, during this process such actions, due to selection for more efficient communication, evolve into discrete meaningful communication signals (displays). They stand out against the background of the monotonous, unexpressive (non-signal) everyday behavior and thus appear as the main carriers of information serving principal communication functions. A more realistic approach seems to be the understanding of communication as a process of a continuous mutual fine-tuning of the social partners’ behavioral attitudes towards each other. In either participant, its behavior is an integral structure, inseparable into categories of more or less important signals (flow of behavior). Even minor changes in performance by one individual reflect alteration in its motivational state which, in its turn, changes that of the other participant and the subsequent lines of its behavior.

The Emancipation of Dissonance: Schoenberg's Two Practices of Composition

The concept of emancipation can connote both a process and the result of that process. This ambiguity certainly applies to Schoenberg’s ‘emancipation of dissonance’, as he himself called it, and is further enhanced by the association with social and subjective emancipation such as can be found in the musical writings of Theodor W. Adorno. Adorno’s broad historical perspective that sees the ‘emancipation of dissonance’ as the outcome of a development going back via Wagner to Monteverdi prompts two questions that are addressed here: (1) To what extent is Schoenberg’s atonal music linked aesthetically to Monteverdi’s so-called ‘second practice’ (seconda prattica)? (2) Given that Schoenberg identified the emancipation of dissonance as culminating not in his atonal works (c.1910) but in the twelve-tone compositions (c.1925), and insofar as the music written according to his ‘method of composition using twelve tones related only to one another’ partakes of a quite different aesthetic from the earlier ‘freely atonal’ kind, is it not appropriate to talk of two distinct musical practices in a way analogous to the discourse about early seventeenth-century music in which Monteverdi became embroiled? In Schoenberg’s case, however, the first practice follows the second, thereby reversing the earlier historiographical sequence.

Contribuições do campo crítico do lazer para a promoção da saúde

The studies about leisure for health promotion still tend to choose the active body occupation in the free-time (leisure activities), revealing the influence of the functionalist way of thinking, which trying to reduce the links between society and health-disease process, undoubtedly do not keep with the purpose of population health promotion. Focusing on this idea, and keeping in mind the premise that in the Brazilian physical training there are different opinions since the earliest 80s which try to achieve the purpose to avoid the ideas of the functionalist way of thinking. However, those opinions are almost unknown both in the Brazilian public health system and the collective health system, once the bibliography revision about leisure activities development was made in the country, looking for ideas taken in common knowledge for health promotion presuppositions, this report has the aim to show critical and alternatives concepts of leisure in the way it is linked to healthy as a real social change, using a political-pedagogical proposal called lazerania. In general, this is an emancipatory concept of leisure, which comes from the sport phenomenon as a problem and provides the feeling, thinking and behavior of the population, trying to build a society based on solidarity and consumer participation.

Vamos fazer da nossa vida uma obra de arte?

Apresentamos neste artigo uma pesquisa educacional como caminho investigativo trilhado na companhia de muitas pessoas. Recorremos às narrativas de algumas educadoras populares para compartilhar uma experiência de formação realizada na cidade de Campinas-SP, no período compreendido entre 2003-2004. Procuramos abordar a formação e o trabalho realizado nos grupos de alfabetização de jovens e adultos, como vivência significativa na vida de todos os participantes do processo. A relevância da experiência pode ser apreendida através das narrativas, impregnadas da compreensão que as educadoras têm de si e do trabalho que desenvolvem em parceria com formadores e educandos, todos sujeitos produtores de uma outra e nova interpretação do vivido. A atitude autoral presente nas narrativas e nas opções de vida evidenciam que a concepção emancipatória da produção do conhecimento experimentada na Educação Popular favorece o desenvolvimento da inteligência e das energias criativas das pessoas. A re-significação da vida como uma obra de arte, inconclusa e aberta, pode ser vislumbrada através dos registros dos sujeitos: educadoras e pesquisadores.

Futures without financial crises: Utopian literature in the 1890s and 1930s

Australian utopian fiction of the 1890s and 1930s reflects the traumatic impact of the economic crises of these decades and expresses desire to avoid the insecurities of capitalism. There are significant differences, however, in the imaginative reach of the utopias devised in the 1890s and those formulated in the 1930s. In Australia in the 1890s, the possibilities for progress and perfection were varied. Unionism, socialist legislation, the formation of ideal communities based on socialist or anarchist principles, militant forms of protest, attempts to inaugurate direct rather than mere representative democracy were some of the various strategies pursued in this decade that promised a better world. The methods depicted in the utopian writings of the 1890s for achieving ideal societies are as diverse as the real politically radical currents of the time. By the 1930s, the starkly singular conception of emancipation offered by the Soviet model dominates the imagination of those who wrote of better futures. The utopian literature of the 1930s is thus diminished by its fascination with an alleged model of perfection in the real world. The differences between the utopian literatures of two decades undergoing similar upheavals confirms Darko Suvin's observation that the parameters of utopian imagination are produced by the particular radical milieux around those who dare to dream of alternatives.

False dawns or new horizons? Further issues and challenges for Critical Terrorism Studies

While welcoming Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) as an interesting and valuable addition to the discourse on terrorism studies, this article argues that CTS has some serious shortcomings, particularly in those accounts that draw explicitly on a Frankfurt School approach. The article will mainly engage with three areas: the notion and conceptualisation of ‘critique’, the role of emancipation, and the overstatement of the novelty of CTS. It will argue that the way in which Critical Theory has been incorporated into the study of terrorism does not take sufficient account of the wider philosophical implications and shortcomings inherent in Critical Theory. It then suggests that while the concept of emancipation (which drives the normative agenda of CTS) has been advocated, it is very unclear as to its practical application. CTS scholars, it is argued, cannot simply take ‘emancipation’ out of the different contestations surrounding it by either claiming a (somewhat deceptive) transparency of meaning manifested in ‘liberating the oppressed’ or by retreating into an anti-foundationalist stand in which ‘the concrete content of emancipation cannot and need not be determined in the beginning’. Finally, and in relation to the definition of terrorism in particular, the article argues that the novelty of CTS has been overstated.

Conhecendo um programa de liberdade assistida pela percepção de seus operadores

Este artigo se baseia em pesquisa desenvolvida no mestrado em Política social, cujo objetivo foi conhecer a percepção que os operadores da medida socioeducativa de liberdade assistida comunitária Casa Sol Nascente têm a respeito do seu programa. Partimos do pressuposto de que esse programa tem sido positivo no acompanhamento aos adolescentes em conflito com a lei, na medida em que os atende em meio aberto, preservando a sua convivência familiar e comunitária, como é estabelecido pelo Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente. O programa tem recebido boa avaliação dos participantes e de suas respectivas famílias, além de ter apresentado um índice de reincidência significativamente reduzido. Apresentamos os resultados mais relevantes organizados em categorias: o trabalho em equipe, os aspectos negativos e positivos do programa, os conceitos de adolescente e de adolescente em conflito com a lei, a proposta pedagógica e as concepções de emancipação, de ressocialização e de protagonismo juvenil que norteiam as atividades desenvolvidas no programa.

Toward a New “Logic” of Emancipation: Foucault and Rancière

Where one searches for the hidden beneath the apparent, a position of mastery is established. —Jacques Ranciere, The Politics of Aesthetics INTRODUCTION The idea of emancipation plays a central role in modern education. To the extent that education is about more than the transmission of content and culture but involves an interest in fostering independence and autonomy, education can be said to be a process that aims at the emancipation of the child or the student. This is not only true of those traditions within educational theory and practice that are informed by an explicit political agenda. It can be said of any approach that acknowledges that there is a fundamental distinction between education and indoctrination. Although there is likely to be widespread support among educators for the sentiment of emancipation, there may well be quite different views about what emancipation actually entails and how it can be achieved through educational processes and practices. My purpose in this essay is twofold. First, I wish to articulate and problematize what I see as the prevailing understanding of emancipation in modern educational thought. Against this background I will then sketch the outlines of a different conception of emancipation, one which might be able to overcome some of the problems and contradictions within the prevailing view. To develop the contours of this new logic of emancipation I will draw upon Michel Foucault's work and, to a lesser extent, that of Jacques Ranciere. This essay is an attempt to think emancipation differently and to begin to explore how and why this might matter for education.

La Chercheuse d'Esprit: Gender, Mobility, and the Crisis of Authorship in J. M. R. Lenz's Conception of Soldiers' Marriages

ABSTRACTTaking as its starting point the title page from Jakob Michael Reinhold Lenz's essay on soldiers' marriages, this article explores the notion of authorship, i.e. the negotiation of author positions in literary, military, and sexual discourses in Lenz's play Die Soldaten (1776) and his essay ‘Über die Soldatenehen’ (posthumously published in 1913). In the play, authorship is an emancipatory concept associated with the female protagonist, Marie, and her attempts to assume a position in society that would allow her to articulate desire and liberate herself from male domination. In ‘Über die Soldatenehen’ this position is retracted and replaced by a male author position, in which authorship is identified with masculinity and the political power it serves to advance. While Lenz's national agenda is politically progressive, it is, at the same time, based on exploitation of female sexuality, which renders it anti‐emancipatory. Lenz's decision to designate his essay as ‘par un Allemand’ is contradictory, insofar as Lenz's own emancipatory conceptualisation of authorship is at odds with the writer's submission to the political demands of the day. Ultimately, Lenz's designation implies the denial of that which it asserts.

Politics of Childhood, Democracy and Communal Life: Conditions of Political Socialisation and Education

Conditions of children's political socialisation and education have more than ever in the last 40 years to deal with questions of social inclusion and exclusion. This is a result of social cleavages which are pertinent for children's lives and experiences. This article deals with this question while favouring an approach which shows that a strengthening of children's rights – based on an emancipatory concept of politics of childhood – could support the struggle against these cleavages in the interest of establishing a really democratic society. A central starting point for an improvement of the situation of all children could be a new connection between communal life and childhood policies. Therefore the article shows different approaches which work on this level and argues for their generalisation. When the future of mankind is at stake, only a democratisation of society/ies – based on enlisting the competencies of all citizens (including children) – can be useful. This is the major challenge for political education.

Turkish Women in Academia: Problems of Legitimacy in Trans/National Perspective

Turkish Women in Academia:Problems of Legitimacy in Trans/National Perspective Arzu Öztürkmen (bio) The study of women and history stands at the crossroad of a variety of directions. Writing the "history of women" in a particular country vis-à-vis their relation to state and society is one genre. Constructing the history of how women's studies emerged is another. There may also be feminist attempts to rewrite national historiographies in order to incorporate gender into them. Following that framework, one can state that there is substantial work on the first genre, where Ottoman and Turkish women's history has been analyzed.1 Turkish scholars have also broadly covered the history of the feminist movement within the last two decades.2 What is lacking in Turkish studies now is a feminist critique of national historiography, as was tried in Creating a Nation, where an accepted Australian national historiography was challenged through a reconsideration of colonialism and gender relations.3 Having stated these directions, this essay will focus on a different dimension of women's studies in Turkey—that of the multisited positions contemporary Turkish women academicians face in their encounters with national and international academic circles. It will try to highlight two main positions vis-à-vis Turkish women scholars: first, the discrepancy between national academics trained abroad and in national universities, and second, the problems of legitimacy in international context. Leaving aside the sporadic curiosities and nationalist publications about women's emancipation,4 scholarly interest in rethinking women's history in Turkey emerged in full force during the 1980s with the newly rising women's movement.5 This movement created its own academic programs, a women's library, social help shelters and centers, and political organizations to support women in politics. With this wave came an amount of research, which gradually led scholars toward a critique of women's status in national historiography. The Republican concept of women's emancipation apparently was not as progressive as Turkish women had so far been indoctrinated to believe; instead, this concept of emancipation was a regression from the demands and thematic richness expressed by Ottoman feminists. That such nineteenth-century Ottoman publications were in Arabic script, illegible to the Republican generation, had long postponed a thorough analysis of the Ottoman women's movement. This movement was fully aware of the rise of Western feminism and had already begun negotiating their roles and status in domestic space.6 Ottoman women debated their rights in education and political spheres, and adopted a more [End Page 173] assertive discourse than their successive Republican generations. With all its conservatism, Turkish women cherished more access to education and professional life under the Republic. Many studied abroad in different fields to return to teach in Republican universities.7 They acquired high-status jobs as the first generation of women teachers, doctors, judges, and pilots, accepting to a great extent their role as emancipated women in the public sphere. The Republican regime had also granted Turkish women their voting rights in 1934, before many European countries, a matter which had long been part of a proud national discourse. The state-controlled women's emancipation model survived until the 1970s, a period when Marxism dominated the public sphere, generating clashes between left- and right-wing groups. A group of women who questioned their position and status within the leftist movement broadened their critique towards a more gendered analysis: the wind of a general critique to the political order also brought a critique of gender.8 The women's movement accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s, with the growth of many women's nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the establishment of a Directorate General on the Status and the Problems of Women in 1990, and various campaigns on a variety of issues ranging from violence to citizenship rights. The movement created its own publications with more impact on general public debates. With the opening of thirteen research centers for women's issues and four women's studies departments since 1989, many young students also took part in research and writing, contributing to the development of an academic community. With the emergence of new power domains and relations, there soon appeared a tension between...

Uma crítica à crítica domesticada nos estudos organizacionais

Este é um artigo de posição; um texto provocador do debate e do contraditório. O argumento desenvolvido gira em torno de diferentes concepções sobre emancipação, e suas conseqüências para a realização da crítica. Introduz-se os estudos críticos em administração, sob a perspectiva desenvolvida por Alvesson e Willmott. Posteriormente, se discute a emancipação, tendo como referência as formulações da Escola de Frankfurt em suas diferentes fases. Considera-se, então, um artigo de Alvesson e Willmott dedicado à emancipação e sua resultante transmutação em microemancipação, domesticando a crítica nos estudos organizacionais. Em oposição, adota-se uma definição de emancipação que repousa na produção dos autores latino-americanos Enrique Dussel e Paulo Freire, além de recuperar as abordagens dos teóricos da primeira fase da Escola de Frankfurt. Além disso, se reverencia a produção crítica brasileira. Encerra-se com uma breve consideração sobre a inscrição da crítica como uma oposição à ciência funcional.

Security and the democratic scene: desecuritization and emancipation

While the Copenhagen School has provided security analysts with important tools for illuminating processes of threat construction, the reverse processes of un-making security or desecuritization have remained seriously underspecified. Informed by a critical sensibility, this article asks the question ‘how can desecuritization be thought’ and argues, contra the Copenhagen School, that desecuritization has to be tackled first politically and not analytically. I show that the dynamics of securitization/desecuritization raise questions about the type of politics we want, whether that is democratic politics of universal norms and slow procedures or the exceptional politics of speed and enemy exclusion. I subsequently propose a different concept of emancipation, which is informed by the principles of universality and recognition. This concept distances itself from both desecuritization and the equation of emancipation with security by Critical Security Studies since it has a different logic from the non-democratic and exclusionary logic of security and it engages more thoroughly with both democratic politics and the ‘conditions’ in which securitization becomes possible.