Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Research Articles

Strangers to Strategic Allies: An Overview of Thriving, Prospering and Blossoming Sino-Saudi Relations

Over the last one-decade, Saudi Arabia has adopted the policy of “Looking East” and is rigorously busy in developing and augmenting its economic and diplomatic relations with China. Since 2016, China and Saudi Arabia have strongly supported and complemented each other via China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the Saudi Vision 2030. In January 2016, Chinese President Xi Jinping paid a grand state visit to Saudi Arabia, during which both countries decided to enter a comprehensive strategic partnership. Later in March 2017, Saudi King Salman bin Abdul Aziz visited China and endorsed the Belt and Road Initiative project of China. By reciprocating, China expressed its support for Saudi Arabia’s pursuit of the 2030 Vision and offered its help to Saudi Arabia in achieving a diversified economy. So, both countries are busy in cementing their relations upon the synergy of their two signature programs i.e. China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Saudi Vision 2030. This article highlights the historical overview of Sino-Saudi relations, describing how the two countries transitioned from mutual apathy to diplomatic relations, and then how this relationship grew to the point that they entered into a comprehensive strategic partnership.

Vietnam - India Oil and Gas Cooperation: From “Strategic Partnership” To “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership”

Entering a new phase of the "Look East Policy": the "Act East" policy, the relationship between Vietnam and India has grown and developed in almost all fields. Based on a developing traditional relationship, upgraded to a comprehensive strategic partnership, Vietnam is an essential pillar in India's "Act East" policy in the Indo-Pacific context. With abundant resources, especially oil, and gas, the collaboration and investment between the two nations in this field have been increasingly strengthened and developed despite adverse reactions from China - a key challenge in the relationship between the two countries – especially in oil and gas exploration and production projects in the South China Sea. This article presents the results of cooperation between Vietnam and India in the oil and gas field in the context of China's rise and strong intervention.

China-Russia Cooperation Exchanges in Retrospect and Cultural Communication in Prospect

The year 2024 marks the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Russia. Over the past ten years, the China-Russian Comprehensive Strategic Partnership of Coordination has become increasingly close and deeply rooted in people's minds. The paper reviews the exchanges between China and Russia in the areas of political communication, economic cooperation and cultural exchanges since the 18th CPC National Congress (2012), as well as with the guidance of the strategy of Comprehensive Revitalization of Northeast China and under the background of Harbin’s Booming Winter Tourism, Northeast China makes full use of geographic advantages and resource endowments to play the role of "transfer station" and "bridgehead" in China-Russia economic and trade cooperation and cultural exchanges. What’s more, the paper discusses recommendations of Northeast China in terms of expanding the influence of culture and tourism, creating regional brand characteristics, and optimizing the main body, media and activities of external communication, to put forward a Chinese proposal with characteristics of the Northeast region from the perspective of China-Russian friendly exchanges and cross-cultural communication.

Research on the Development of China-Brazil Trade Relationship under the Lula Administration—Based on the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership

During President Lula’s visit to China, the two sides issued a joint statement on deepening the comprehensive strategic partnership, which made clear the common will to continuously promote economic and trade cooperation. The trade structure of China and Brazil is highly complementary, and the trade relationship has been stable. Due to Brazil’s good agricultural development and rich natural resources, the commodities exported to China are mainly soybeans, crude oil, and iron ore, and there has been a trend of gradually enriching commodity structure in recent years. The continuous positive development of China’s trade relations is reflected in the following aspects: On the one hand, from the data of the first three quarters of 2023, it can be seen that Brazil’s trade surplus with China has a trend of continuous expansion, which plays a positive role in the recovery of Brazil’s national economy; On the other hand, from the perspective of internal affairs and multilateral mechanisms, the future development of China-Brazil trade relationship can generate more possibilities and convenience under the multilateral framework, and improve the “common integration” of developing countries trade.

Vietnam's Response to the US Indo-Pacific Strategy in the Context of a Rising China

As a less-powerful state threatened by a rising China in both security and economic domains irrespective of increasing economic cooperation and sharing a border and political affinity with China, Vietnam is expected to warmly welcome the United States (US) -led Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) The country, nonetheless, has remained low-key in responding to the IPS. The article argues that Hanoi is truly interested in a regional rules-based order promoted in the IPS, but it has proposed a hedging response to this strategy through cautious statements and limited engagement in into this strategy. Vietnam's hedging response to the IPS is framed by its post-Doi Moi foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, multilateralisation, and diversification. The year 2023 marks a milestone in bilateral relations between the US and Vietnam as both states upgraded their diplomatic relations to comprehensive strategic partnership which is the highest level in Vietnamese diplomatic ranking. This may become a favourable catalyst for further cooperation between Washington and Hanoi under the IPS within the context of a rising China.

Review and perspectives of the strategic partnership China European Union

The author proposes a commitment to dialogue and good relationships. In summary, she says that the world needs a Europe of peace, dialogue and negotiation, so as not to be the scene of hostilities and in this way, to become an actor to fully participate in the birth of the more just and inclusive multipolar world, which China seeks. Therefore, the author suggests that it is a time for cooperation and not for hegemonic powers, for collaboration and not for conflicts. The comprehensive strategic partnership has been extremely economically beneficial for both China and the European Union. As great defenders of peace and security through dialogue and diplomacy, China and the EU have many possibilities for cooperation: China needs Europe, as Europe needs China. Beijing and Brussels defend their commitment to multilateralism, written in the DNA of the Union, and adopted by China as a tool to continue advancing its development, but their different visions on the role and direction that international institutions should take limit a much-needed cooperation in global governance. They have a complicated journey to trust, cooperation, mutual benefit and equity, but they are moved by different values and rhythms. Therefore, the author suggests that the future of bilateral relations and their comprehensive strategic partnership depends on the two parties learning to dialogue from new realities and committing to building trust and respecting each other.

A Brief History of Pak-China Political and Economic Relations

This research paper delves into the intricate history of Pakistan and China's political and economic relations, spanning over seven decades. Beginning with early diplomatic engagements in the 1950s, it traces the evolution of this alliance from initial agreements to a comprehensive strategic partnership. It examines the era of security and strategic alignments during the 1970s and 1980s, influenced by Cold War dynamics and geopolitical shifts. The paper also provides an overview of present-day Pak-China relations, highlighting key 21st-century developments such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), shared security interests, and cultural exchanges. Analyzing the driving factors behind this enduring partnership, the study emphasizes shared interests, trust, mutual respect, and the mutual economic and strategic benefits. This research provides insights into the trajectory and dynamics of Pak-China relations, offering a deeper appreciation of its role in shaping the contemporary geopolitical landscape. The enduring nature of this alliance stands as a testament to the possibilities of cooperation and shared objectives in international diplomacy.

Vietnam's rapprochement with Japan: stages, factors and areas

The author evaluates the progressive process of rapprochement between Vietnam and Japan during the transition to a strategic partnership (2011) and the rise of relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership based on statements made by the leaders of the two countries in November during the visit of the President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam to Japan and in December 2023 – the Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic. The stages of this process, its determining factors, priorities and the characteristics of cooperation between two parties in trade and economic, humanitarian and military-technical areas are considered. An overview of the importance of the interaction between the two countries in terms of national interests and geopolitical challenges is also provided.

Russian Federation and Uzbekistan: Russian Identity and Attitude to Russians

The article presents the results of a study of the communication regime of the Republic of Uzbekistan in relation to the Russian Federation, in the context of modern changes in the world order. Despite the global challenges, the Republic of Uzbekistan is strengthening its close and friendly relations with the Russian Federation. The Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Treaty underlines the importance of strengthening cooperation between the two countries. The analysis of the communication regime covers both official resources and the media, while revealing a positive trend in communicationswith Russia. Russian identity and the degree of positivity of communication in relation to the Russian language and Russian identity in Uzbekistan are considered in the article. The Russian language is preserved, and the Russian identity is encouraged and supported. The Republic supports friendly and positive communication with respect to Russia, Russians, Russian language and Russian identity, even in the face of global changes. Uzbekistan continues to strengthen relations with Russia on the basis of mutual respect, partnership and common historical memory, which remains important in the modern geopolitical reality.

RELATIONS BETWEEN TURKIYE AND UZBEKISTAN: POSTKARIMOV PERIOD

The chance to forge new ties between Uzbekistan and Turkiye emerged in 2016 with the change of leadership, following about 20 years of ups and downs. The strained relations were due to several political hiccups like Turkiye’s asylum to Uzbek dissidents, Currencycrisis of Turkiye, banning of Gulen schools and the Andijan event. This study focuses on the relations between Turkiye and Uzbekistan in the post-Karimov period. The focus will be on the development of political relations and the opening of new ventures due to current geopolitics in Turkiye-Uzbekistan relationship dynamics. The geo-strategic position of Turkey enables it to become transit hub as it is situated in between energy scarce European market and energy rich countries on the other side. Uzbekistan needs to diversify its export partners where Turkey as a transit hub can play crucial role. The construction of trans-Caspian pipeline to move energy from Central Asia and the Caspian sea region to Turkey and for European markets, is primary strategic goal. Both sides needed constructive attitudes to further the relations. There have been a number of high-level political visits and signing of important strategic cooperation agreements. Both heads of the state frequently refer to Turkic-Islamic symbols of shared identity while addressing their relationship. The bilateral relations have been improving in all the fields majorly in trade. To deepen and strengthen the relations further the trade goal of $10 billion is set. In 2022, the relationship was elevated to a "comprehensive strategic partnership level".

Юго-Восточная Азия и США: параметры взаимодействия

The article analyzes the factors influencing the nature of cooperation between Southeast Asian countries with the United States and the directions of its implementation in the context of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China, who seek to influence them. The US interest in the region is primarily determined by the tasks of containing China and strengthening its position in the Indo-Pacific region by expanding ties with partners and allies. The approach of the Southeast Asian countries towards cooperation with the United States is motivated by two considerations – strategic and economic. In the context of growing concerns about China’s expansion in the region and the persisting territorial disputes with it in the South China Sea, the United States in the eyes of these states is considered a stabilizing factor of the regional security system. The article points out that despite the fact that the Southeast Asian countries are interested in the presence of the United States in the region, the anti-Chinese orientation of American policy limits the potential of their strategic interaction. Case studies of individual Southeast Asian countries confirm their commitment to the principle of inclusiveness in foreign policy, which excludes choosing one party over the other. Despite the fears inherent in Southeast Asian countries about the expansion of China’s influence, they prefer to pursue a hedging policy, which in reality manifests itself in the desire to balance between competing parties in order to neutralize risks and preserve strategic autonomy. This explains the dualism of the Southeast Asian countries’ policies and affects their cooperation with the United States in the field of security, which, despite the intensification of diplomatic activities of Biden’s administration and the conclusion of a comprehensive strategic partnership agreement, is developing slowly, except for the ongoing joint military exercises and arms purchases. In general, the Southeast Asian countries are – and contribute to – solving problems they consider important, primarily in the field of economy. Contrary to the prevailing idea of China’s economic dominance in the region, the economic relations of the Southeast Asian countries with the United States have been stable for a decade, developing in an upward direction, and beneficial for the Southeast Asian countries themselves. Economic cooperation remains a priority of their interaction with the United States, despite the importance of developing security relations. Pragmatism and the acknowledgement of the emerging geopolitical situation in the region determines the parameters of interaction between the Southeast Asian countries and the United States.

Measuring the efficiency of the Republic of Korea’s cultural diplomacy in Vietnam under Moon Jae-in’s presidency (2017-2022) and its potentialities

As soon as the new president of the Republic of Korea was elected in 2017, Moon Jae-in anchored the New Southern Policy (NSP), which targeted southern Asian countries and expanded South Korea’s strategic presence in the Asia-Pacific Ocean. As such, the ROK continued to adopt a public diplomacy policy and empowered Korean culture in Southeast Asian countries, including Vietnam. This article aims to generalize Moon Jae-in’s policy on cultural diplomacy and his application in Vietnam as a case study. I employed Joseph Nye’s soft power and cultural diplomacy concept while adopting a qualitative method to collect official information from the ROK’s homepages and assess diplomatic results. The central argument of this article is that Moon Jae-in considers cultural diplomacy a key element of the NSP for promoting Korean culture and bolstering a strategic presence in Vietnam and Southeast Asia. The ROK attempted to graft K-pop, movies, Korean customs, Korean languages, and Korean cuisine onto the Vietnamese concept and seek an upgrade of Vietnamese Korean cultural exchanges and the frequent organization of cultural events. Hence, an upgrade between the ROK and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in December 2022 marked an achievement of cultural diplomacy. I also argued that this attempt has a tonic effect on continuing the ROK cultural diplomacy under Yoon Suk Yeol’s presidency and on the foreseeable chance of both the SRV and the ROK in cultural diplomacy.

Vladivostok in interregional cooperation: problems and prospects

This article examines the features and main problems of Vladivostok as a large city in the Russian Far East and an important hub connecting Russia and China. The Russian Far East is a vast region rich in resources and focused on the vast market of the Asia-Pacific region. However, in recent years, a number of reasons have weakened the basis for the development of a comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and China. After the start of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in 2022, Russia actively "looks to the east" and creates a model of economic development focused on the Asia-Pacific region. The Chinese initiative "One Belt, One Road" and the strategy of comprehensive openness have created conditions for the development of cooperation between the Northeast of China and the Russian Far East. In order to promote the accelerated development of the Far East, Russia is actively creating cities with advanced socio-economic development and hopes to improve business conditions in the Far East through a number of measures such as: improving infrastructure, providing tax incentives and simplifying administrative procedures in order to increase its investment attractiveness, increase employment and contribute to the economic development of the region, which will lead to the rise of the entire national economy. The following methods of scientific research were used in the work: the method of analysis and synthesis; generalized method; classification method; specific method; systematic method; phenomenological method. The main conclusions of the study are that in the overall strategic context of the modern world, China and Russia should gradually strengthen their complementary advantages and local industrial cooperation between the two countries. Vladivostok, as the fastest growing city in the Far East, has a great influence on regional cooperation between Russia and China. China has always been Russia's largest partner in the Far East in terms of bilateral trade, foreign investment and financial participation in recent years, so how to make rational use of Vladivostok's advantages and how to solve Vladivostok's current problems (for example, transport problems, demographic problems and the investment market for enterprises of the two sides) is the way to achieve the common development of both countries.

Uzbek-Turkish Strategic Partnership in the Context of Geopolitical Turbulence in Central Asia

Central Asia has long captured the attention of global and regional powers due to its abundant natural resources, strategic location, potential for economic development, transportation, logistics, and connectivity. Simultaneously, global and regional actors have intensified their engagement in the geopolitics of the Central Asian region. Under these circumstances, strengthening a comprehensive strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and Türkiye is essential to maintaining the geopolitical balance of power in the region and effectively addressing the common challenges of sustainable development. The commentary is devoted to studying the current bilateral and multilateral relations between Uzbekistan and Türkiye in the context of ongoing geopolitical turbulence and shifts at the global and regional levels.

Vietnam - India Defense Cooperation Under the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership: Achievements, Challenges and Prospects

This paper aims to analyze the achievements, challenges and orientations for Vietnam-India defense and security cooperation since both sides elevated their relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in September 2016. The study is based on qualitative analysis methods, using data from secondary documents related to Vietnam-India relations. The results show that since 2016, Vietnam and India have made significant progress in defense and security cooperation through various activities such as high-level exchanges, policy dialogues, military equipment transfers and joint training. However, some constraints remain regarding more advanced forms of cooperation. While defense ties have grown remarkably, continued efforts are needed to tap the full potential. Regional tensions also persist with China’s unilateral actions in the South China Sea. In that context, Vietnam and India need to further strengthen defense and security cooperation by expanding engagements in key areas and effectively implementing signed agreements. There is ample room for both sides to foster this key pillar of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and ensure peace in the Indo-Pacific region.

China-US Strategic Competition in the Lower Mekong Region and Vietnam’s Position

Recently, both China and the United States of America (US) have started focusing more on settling influence in the Lower Mekong region in the general context of global China-US competition. Although they have different connecting approaches, both superpowers focus on establishing and maintaining their influence in the strategic geo-political area in Southeast Asia and Asia. Their activities in the Lower Mekong region are more noticeable since the 2010s when Xi Jinping came to power in China and the US conducted the “Pivot to Asia” and “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” policies. Their competition therefore raises difficult tasks for Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam (CLMTV) to keep neutrality, and protect their national sovereignty and the regional sustainable development. As the China-US competition in the Lower Mekong region is remarkable and profoundly influential to the development of regional countries, both academic scholars and policy makers pay attention to this subject. This paper focuses on evaluating the recent competition between China and the US in CLMTV and Vietnam’s adaptations to maintain its sovereignty, security and neutrality in the great-power competition, especially since Vietnam established a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with both China (2008) and the US (2023).

Sino-Russian military relations in People’s Daily in 2014-2022

The significance of the topic under study is due to substantial advancements in Sino-Russian military cooperation amid the 2014 Ukrainian crisis and Russia’s deteriorating relations with the West. After the USSR collapse, Sino-Russian military relations and cooperation have significantly expanded through further development of form and content. Sino-Russian military diplomacy is playing an important part in comprehensive strategic partnership and coordination in the international arena. Since the onset of crisis in Ukraine in 2014, a confrontation have escalated between Russia and many Western countries, which indirectly prompted Russia’s pivot to Asia. In this context, military cooperation between China and Russia is getting increasingly closer. The purpose of this study is to clarify the state and prospects of Sino-Russian relations in the sphere of military diplomacy in the period between 2014 to 2022, as reflected on the pages the People`s Daily newspaper. A general analysis of the articles made it possible to identify major areas of cooperation and principal features of interaction in this sphere.

Southeast Asia in the context of the rivalry between the USA and China

The article examines the specifics of the situation in Southeast Asia (Southeast Asia) from the point of view of military security issues and in connection with the situation in the Indo-Pacific region (ITR). The author proceeds from the fact that a serious destabilizing factor in the region remains the presence of intraregional contradictions - political, territorial and ethno-confessional, which are used by extra-regional actors under the auspices of the United States. Having identified China and Russia as the main rivals, Washington improved its Indo-Pacific strategy, activated the activities of existing ones and began to form new military-political alliances, on the basis of which it is envisaged to create an Asia-Pacific branch of NATO to contain them. The author believes that Washington's policy in Southeast Asia is opposed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which proceeds from its central role in the evolution of the regional security architecture. In the context of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China, ASEAN sees a way to overcome the complex of regional contradictions in creating a security system based on mechanisms associated with ASEAN. In the ASEAN concept, the ITR appears as a region of dialogue and cooperation, not competition, open to China and other interested states to participate in the project. The author comes to the conclusion that such a statement of the question is justified both from the point of view of the strategic interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves, and in general of the entire ITR. Analyzing the strategy adopted by Washington, the author believes that it becomes a long-term factor of strategic planning in the Pentagon. Its main goal will be to forcefully counter China's policy and put pressure on Russia and ASEAN, which seek to resist the dominance of the United States in the IT. In his opinion, in the current conditions of the situation, it is necessary to further strengthen the comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and China and deepen cooperation with ASEAN on the basis of common interests in order to ensure regional security and stability.

GEOPOLITICAL VIEWS AND GEO-ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GERMAN STRATEGY AND EU WIDER FRAMEWORK RELATIONS WITH CHINA

On July 13, 2023, the German Government has released the first national strategy related to approaching China in international relations, including from a geo-economic perspective. The text of the German strategy is of significant importance for other EU member states and the EU authorities, as it encloses aspects pertaining to the industrial policy and cyber-security, serving nonetheless as a use-case and / or a model for developing a coherent approach to China, including the perspective of economic diplomacy in the larger context of policy dialogues with China. From a diplomatic stance, China has anchored international relations in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, some of which being EU members – in 2012, China forged partnerships via the “16+1” Cooperation, later extended after the Dubrovnik Summit to “17+1” by the adhesion of Greece. China looks to consolidate bilateral relations in Europe via a multi-level approach and sectorial-specific coordination (to include trade, energy, financial technologies, forestry, maritime services, etc) and the German strategy complements the projected EU-China comprehensive strategic partnership, rather than to be an alternative to it. In this context, the paper explores the implications of the German strategy towards China from the European viewpoint and analyses its value-added potential to supporting the wider angle of EU international relations towards China. The research hypothesis is that in the current international geopolitical context related to China, the German strategy enhances at the national level the guiding principles of EU approach to managing the relations with China and adds value to EU economic diplomacy instead of duplicating it. The research methodology is focused on a qualitative analysis of documented authentic scientific public resources and synthesis of key aspects from a geopolitical and geo-economical wide angle of Sino-European relations. The conclusions draw on the fact that China acts as an international challenger, on a path to consolidate its international role and the EU and the German strategies towards China support the mitigation of exposures to economic dependencies by de-risking linkages rather than economic de-coupling from “a partner, a competitor and a systemic rival” at the same time, as designated by EU.

Vietnamese online media leaders’ and citizens’ perspectives on Vietnam-US relations

After more than 26 years since the normalization of Vietnam-US relations, cooperation in all fields, including the most sensitive ones, such as military, security, and politics, has significantly advanced. Moreover, the political beliefs of the people and governments of the two nations have at least partially converged. Therefore, it is time for Vietnam to consider the United States’ proposal to elevate their relationship from a comprehensive partnership (2013) to a strategic one. Using qualitative and quantitative methodologies through content analysis, we first focus on particular areas of cooperation between the two countries, especially in development, and clarify the policies and desires to deepen collaboration and relations from both sides. The paper then evaluates Vietnamese public opinion regarding Vietnam-US relations by analyzing online articles in Vietnam. However, it is noteworthy that the announcement made on September 10, 2023, by the respective top leaders of the United States, President Joe Biden, and the Communist Party of Vietnam, General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong, regarding the elevation of Vietnam-US relations to the utmost level of comprehensive strategic partnership, bypassing the intermediate stage of a strategic partner, has indeed surpassed the anticipations of the Vietnamese populace. Contrarily, this phenomenon can be considered commonplace when examining the escalating dynamics of support from political leaders and the general populace toward Vietnam-US relations.