Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Research Articles

DIASPORA IN INDONESIA-CHINA RELATIONSHIP AT THE COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP ERA

Diaspora is a potential non-state actor as a driver of people-to-people connections between the country of origin and the country of residence. People-to-people connections are part of public diplomacy, increasing in importance with information and communication technology. Indonesia-China relations have existed for more than seven decades, experiencing dynamic ups and downs. Since the inauguration of the Strategic Partnership between Indonesia and China in 2005 and then in 2013, it has increased to become a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, and bilateral and multilateral relations have tended to increase. Bilateral and multilateral relations have managed to grow. However, from the Indonesian side, there are still classic obstacles in the relations between the two countries, namely the suspicion of China's good intentions and the role of the Tionghoa (Chinese Ethnic Group). The Tionghoa is an Indonesian citizen but culturally is a part of the Chinese diaspora. Despite that, along with the rapid progress of China, the number of Indonesian citizens (WNI) and descendants of Indonesian citizens living and-/or settling in China is also increasing rapidly and can be categorized as the Indonesian diaspora. How can the Indonesian diaspora play a role in people-to-people connection to increase mutual understanding between the two nations and reduce suspicion? that is the subject of this article. This research uses a historical approach to look at the role played by the diaspora, especially the Indonesian diaspora in China, in helping to improve Indonesia-China diplomatic relations.

Japan-Iran relations in the post-war era: The Middle Eastern dilemma for Japan

After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran did not change its policy towards Japan, which was not only perceived separately from the West, but was also a major customer of its raw resources and a potential economic donor. In turn, Japan had to pursue the policy of unstable balancing towards Iran, by coordinating its Middle Eastern policy with its strategic ally, the United States, and simultaneously trying to preserve close ties with Iran, which were important from the point of view of maintaining energy security. The article shows how Japan tried to maneuver between these two countries: it took steps to realize large-scale economic projects in Iran’s energy sector, to limit sanctions, which were minimal on its side, etc., and simultaneously participated in the anti-Iran campaign pursued by Western countries under the pressure of the US, or under the influence of major crises in the region (for example, the Iran-Iraq War). Japan continues to face this “Middle Eastern dilemma” in present times as well. It could partly have been solved by the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on the Iranian nuclear program in 2015, were it not for the fact that, two years later, under the US administration of Donald Trump, the US-Iran relations worsened significantly. Nevertheless, in this period, Japan successfully tried its mediatory potential, making use of its good relations with both parties of the conflict: on the one hand, it refused to participate in the US operation in the Strait of Hormuz, on the other, it halted the unfreezing of Iran’s funds in its banks, which had been blocked after the introduction of sanctions by the US administration of Donald Trump. Recently, the activization of China in the region has become a factor of risk for Japan’s Middle Eastern policy, as China tries to use the weaking positions of the US and to occupy the vacuum that was left in its wake, which is illustrated by the signing of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership agreement between Beijing and Tehran in March 2021. This forces Japan to deliberately strengthen its positions and expand its presence in Iran. It appears that Japan’s approaches to solving the “Middle Eastern dilemma” deserve special attention in the future as well.

‘Three Summits’ and the New Development of China-Arab States Relations in the New Era

The ‘Three Summits’ are three specific diplomatic events, namely the China-Saudi Arabia Summit (Chinese President Xi Jinping’s state visit to Saudi Arabia), China-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit and China-Arab States Summit for Cooperation and Development. The realisation of President Xi’s state visit to Saudi Arabia came from the following three reasons: firstly, both sides seised the opportunity to push bilateral relations forward; secondly, both sides valued each other’s comprehensive strength and influence; thirdly, both sides made it a common goal to build the ‘Belt and Road’ and promote the docking of their strategies. The mending of relations within the GCC states has laid the groundwork for a successful China-GCC Summit, and China is also focussing on maintaining a balance between Saudi Arabia and other GCC members, with a growing trend of GCC states’ ‘looking eastward’. The success of the China-Arab States Summit is due to the background of profound changes unseen in a century and the opening of the post-pandemic era, as well as to the promotion of China’s head-of-state diplomacy, in addition to the solid foundation of cooperation that already exists between China and Arab world. The ‘Three Summits’ became a new starting point for China’s diplomacy with the Arab countries after the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), providing an opportunity for the Chinese President to hold several bilateral meetings with Arab leaders. In short, ‘Belt and Road’ cooperation between China and Arab countries will continue to expand in the future, and the two sides will work together to promote the building of a China-Arab community with a shared future. The strategic partnership between China and the GCC will be strengthened, and the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Saudi Arabia will continue to develop.

China-Iran Comprehensive Strategic Partnership: An Evolving New Security Complex and its Implications

China-Iran relations have witnessed a new ascendency. Where China-Iran ‘Comprehensive Strategic Partnership’ (CSP) is characterized by deepening economic, trade and investment ties, cooperation through Belt and Road Initiative and shared interests in promoting stability and security, it has raised concerns of the international community, especially by the US. The prime concern is regarding the shift in the balance of power in the region. China through its diplomatic efforts has somehow addressed the concerns by brokering raproachment agreement between Saudi-Arabia and Iran, but Western and US concerns persist as they view the new partnership as a challenge to their influence and interests of its regional allies. This paper hypothesizes that China-Iran CSP, if fully realized would establish a new regional security complex that would undermine the US-led status quo regional order. This paper analyzes this very research puzzle by enquiring about the evolving nature of the China-Iran economic, political and security relationship and its implications for the regional political and security complex through the lens of Regional Security Complex theory (RSCT). Through Qualitative methodology, it explains the convergences of interests of Iran and China, the dynamism in the relationship and its implications for the regional security complex.

Китайско-российский медиафорум как платформа для развития дипломатических отношений

The article is about the substantiation of the significance of the Sino-Russian media forum for the progress of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The features and role of intercountry interaction in the media for effective diplomatic relations are announced in this article; the tendencies of holding the Chinese-Russian media forum are systematized, the most important and priority areas of bilateral cooperation are highlighted. It has been proven that the basis for holding the Sino-Russian Media Forum is to ensure interaction between the media of both countries, which should deepen cooperation and mutual trust, promote exchange and mutual learning, constantly expand the achievements of practical cooperation and promote the development of Sino-Russian relations. Through this partnership, fruitful results are being achieved between the two sides: interpersonal and cultural exchanges, which have become an important part of the comprehensive strategic partnership and coordination between China and Russia. People-topeople exchanges and cooperation have not only strengthened the social and social foundation of the Sino-Russian comprehensive strategic partnership, but also brought comprehensive benefits to the development of bilateral relations.

ОБЗОР ИНДОНЕЗИЙСКО-ИНДИЙСКОГО СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВА В ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЙ И ОБОРОННОЙ СФЕРАХ В КОНЦЕ XX – НАЧАЛЕ XXI в.

Historically, the relationship between Indonesia and India has existed for more than two thousand years and represents a strong foundation for cooperation between the two countries at the present stage. The expansion of trade and investment relations between the two countries is expected to enhance beneficial practical cooperation between both countries. The unprecedented terrorist attack in Mumbai, which lasted from 26 to 29 November 2008, demonstrated India’s vulnerability on the high seas. These events along with the unstable environment have necessitated an enhanced security partnership between India and Indonesia to ensure stability and peace in the region.Developing bilateral relations between the two countries to the level of a comprehensive strategic partnership should further strengthen cooperation in security and other areas.

Russian-Chinese Partnership and the United States

A number of important documents have recently been published that, in my opinion, deserve serious analysis. These are the two Russian-Chinese declarations signed at the Moscow summit (Joint statement of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation on deepening the comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for the new era and stress settling the Ukraine crisis through dialogue. 21 March 2023; Joint statement by the President of the Russian Federation and the Chairman of the China People’s Republic on a plan for the development of key areas of Russian-Chinese economic cooperation until 2030. 21 March 2023). Soon after, a new concept of Russian foreign policy and a report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 2022 were published (The Concept of The Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. 31 March 2023; Foreign Policy and Diplomatic Activities of the Russian Federation in 2022. Review of the Russian Foreign Ministry. Moscow, March 2023); Earlier, the US Administration released the National Security Strategy (National Security Strategy. The White House. Washington, D.C., October 12, 2022; National Defense Strategy. The Department of Defense. Washington, D.C., October 27, 2022).

Regional Aspects of the Initiative "Belt and Road"

According to the Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan for 2020- 2030, one of the key priorities in the field of regional and multilateral diplomacy is the further development of a comprehensive strategic partnership with the People’s Republic of China. Currently, China is one of the leading world powers, a strategic partner of Kazakhstan and one of the few countries in the world that can provide feasible financial assistance to our country to restore the economy faced with the consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. China’s foreign policy strategies reflect the approach of the country’s leadership to the system of international relations and global governance. China is constantly in the spotlight and arouses constant interest. It should also be noted that an important factor for the PRC determining the development of its relations with Kazakhstan is the intention to create a buffer zone between major world powers.

Indonesia as a Global Maritime Fulcrum: Examining the Model of Indonesia-Australia Maritime Cooperation and Its Impacts to Achieve Indonesia’s Global Maritime Fulcrum Security Agenda

This article is motivated by a cooperation agreement between Indonesia and Australia, namely the Lombok Agreement or Lombok Treaty, regarding law enforcement, intelligence, resistance, terrorism, and maritime security. This collaboration was also continued with the MoU Joint Declaration on a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Australia and Indonesia during the reign of President Joko Widodo in realizing a shared vision of a safe and stable maritime environment. This article aims to look at and analyze more deeply such cooperation between Indonesia and Australia and how it influences Indonesia under President Joko Widodo's administration to realize its Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) mission, thus contributing to managing maritime security. The research method applied in writing this article uses a descriptive research type using literature review techniques to collect data from various journals, articles, books, websites, and studies that correlate with this article. This article uses the concept of maritime cooperation to see the bilateral cooperation between Indonesia and Australia, which is based on problems and aims to achieve the interests of each country. Overall, this article shows that the maritime cooperation carried out by Indonesia and Australia can impact efforts to realize Indonesia as a Global Maritime Fulcrum proclaimed by President Joko Widodo in the security realm. This cooperation is implemented in the form of cooperation that has a positive impact on the development of personnel quality, both on Indonesian Navy (TNI AL) and Royal Australian Navy (RAN) personnel professionalism, as well as information gains in implementing maritime security operations with Indonesia.

A scientific discussion on the current state of relations between Russia and Vietnam: mixed estimates by the two parties

The article provides an overview of the round table held by CIVAS RAS ICCA together with scientists from the VASS Institute for European Studies to discuss the results of the decade-long comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and Vietnam, as well as an international conference of the Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the same Vietnamese partner dedicated to Russian-Vietnamese cooperation in the era of sanctions. Vietnamese scientists are convinced that mutual relations are being strengthened and improved, and interaction is developing in all areas. Russian scientists are more critical. They noted the decline in Russian influence in Vietnam in all areas, which worsened after the start of the NWO. A particularly weak point is trade and economic cooperation. The causes of this phenomenon were analyzed and measures were proposed to correct the situation. According to experts, one of the main conditions for improving the current situation is Vietnam's departure from pro-Western guidelines.

India–Vietnam: fifty years on the path of interaction

2022 is the fiftieth year of diplomatic relations between India and Vietnam. The article is an attempt to follow the history and stages of the bilateral relations, mutual interests and their limiters. The author discusses the main trends of the current interaction in the scope of comprehensive strategic partnership. The conclusion is made of a favorable prospect of the two countries relations, which meets the interests of Russia.

Obor: One Belt, One Road Initiative, China Pakistan Economic Corridor, Challenges, and Impediments

The One Belt, One Road initiative not only proposes significant potentials in multifaceted realms including economic, political, strategic, and geographical dimensions, it also presents many uncertainties and possible apprehensions for the associated countries. The initiative broadly includes five areas of regional connectivity: policy reformation, infrastructure development, trade regimes and investment. The trade and investment facilitation are one of the main areas where the developing countries like Pakistan need to focus upon. The OBOR initiative paves regional connectivity paths between Pakistan, China, Central Asian Republics. Pakistan-China friendship is an incomparable phenomenon. The two states have nothing in common in terms of history, language, ethnicity, culture, or ideology, yet their nexus is being considered as deeply rooted and time-tested which has developed into a comprehensive strategic partnership. Pakistan-China partnership sustained and remained unaffected during changes of leaders, political system in the realm of regional and international politics. Both states have developed an ideal state-to-state relationship based on complete trust. They have been steadfast friends who have supported each other throughout thick and thin. On one hand, this initiative fosters new opportunities, but on the other it also unveils challenges. With the Chinese over production, the Asian markets will thus be loaded with the Chinese products, suppressing the Pakistan markets. This paper through secondary data investigation, takes a closer look at the One Belt, One Road initiative and its impact on Pakistan

Russia’s Pivot to Asia and Russia-Vietnam Economic Relations in the Early 21st Century

Russia began to refocus its attention on the Asia-Pacific region in 1994, but the policy of pivoting toward Asia was implemented dramatically in the second decade of the 21st century. Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy and practical activities carried out by Russia in the region have impacted Russia-Vietnam relations generally and their economic ties in particular. Based on a qualitative approach and analysis of secondary data collected from previously conducted research works, this paper focuses on the following issues: (1) Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy towards Asia-Pacific over the first two decades of the 21st century; (2) Position of Vietnam in Russia’s foreign policy towards Asia–Pacific; and (3) Impacts of Russia’s new foreign policy on the economic ties between Russia and Vietnam over the first two decades of the 21st century. Based on the results of the analysis and evaluation, Russia's Asia-Pacific policy has been adjusted, particularly in the second decade of the 21stcentury, when the country turned its attention to Southeast Asia. Due to the importance of this region, Russia is implementing a comprehensive Asia policy and promoting Russia's interests in this region. The Russian Federation considers Vietnam an important partner in its "Look to the East" policy and plays a leading role because Vietnam is a country with an important geostrategic position to connect both land and sea between Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia. This is reflected in the Russian Federation's upgrading of its strategic partnership with Vietnam from 2001 to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2012. The adjustment of the Asia-Pacific policy of the Russian Federation has positively affected the relationship between Vietnam and Russia in the economic fields (trade and investment). Doi: 10.28991/ESJ-2022-06-06-017 Full Text: PDF

Vietnam - India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership: Science and Technology Cooperation Perspective

Vietnam - India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership: Science and Technology Cooperation Perspective

India’s Bilateral relations in Regional Trade with the Vietnam: An Analysis

India and Vietnam countries are located in Asia continent region of the world. Moreover, India is located in South Asia and where as Vietnam is located in Southeast Asia. In geostrategic terms, both are the maritime countries and are highly dependent on the sea based diplomatic commerce trade for their respective economic vitality. The Prime Minister of India, Mr. Narendra Modi had visited to Vietnam in September 2016. This visit has provided a major boost to India’s diplomatic bilateral relations with Vietnam. The both countries have agreed to elevate their current Strategic Partnership to Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. The year 2021 marked the completion of 5 years of this partnership. This article has analyzed the progress of India’s diplomatic bilateral relations which focusing on the regional trade relations with the Vietnam Socialist Republic country.

A Study on the Status of Russia in Chinas Diplomatic Strategy in the New Era

In the context that the West, led by the United States, is still pursuing global hegemony and China and Russia are jointly committed to the rejuvenation of the nation state, China-Russia relations are not only strategic, special, and complementary, but also supporting each other’s status as a great power. The head of state diplomacy is the driving force for the comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination between the two countries in the new era. China-Russia relations are a model of major-country relations and a new type of international relations which are at their best in the history of the two countries. As two major countries in Europe and Asia, the Silk Road Economic Belt and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) will work together to make up for the lack of economic and social links between the two countries. This cooperation will enhance great developmental prospects for mutual benefit and common development. At the same time, China-Russia relations are also complicated and sensitive. How to overcome the “bottleneck” in China-Russia relations, strengthen political mutual trust and cultural exchanges, and further promote China-Russia all-round cooperation and stable development of bilateral relations within the framework of the “One Belt and One Union” is a research project with great practical significance and theoretical value.

Challenges on the European Union-China cooperation in higher education from ‘people-to-people dialogue’ perspective: The case of health-related joint projects

The European Union (EU) and People’s Republic of China have a tradition of cooperation in Higher Education (HE) that has been increasingly developed since the Chinese reform of economic opening. From 2012 onwards, when the EU-China High-Level People-to-people Dialogue was established as the third pillar of a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between both parties, this cooperation in HE was enhanced, particularly in terms of people mobility (students, teachers and researchers). Along with this, globalization and the need for global governance responses in terms of global issues like climate changes, water and food security, pandemics and other health issues lead us to reflect about the role of academic and scientific cooperation - in the domain of HE and research cooperation-in the lens of this People-to-People approach. By means of a literature review grounded on different sources of documents (scientific articles; policy briefs; joint statements and educational programs) and their content analysis, the aim of this paper is to trace a brief state-of-the-art of the EU-China relations in the field of HE and research to analyze if there are effective EU-China partnerships in HE as a whole, and in health scientific joint research projects in particular, by mapping health-related projects involving the EU’s and PRC’s academic and research institutions, as well as their goals.

The Potential of Sino–Russian Energy Cooperation in the Arctic Region and Its Impact on China’s Energy Security

The Sino–Russian Arctic energy cooperation is a successful example based on the comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries. In order to analyze the impact of Sino–Russian oil and gas resources cooperation in the Arctic on China’s energy security, this paper selects 11 influencing factors such as energy self-sufficiency rate and uses the energy security index method to evaluate the three dimensions of energy supply, demand, and environmental security. The assessment results show that China’s energy security is mainly affected by the over concentration of energy import sources. At the same time, energy demand and environmental security will also have an important impact on China’s energy security. However, relative to energy demand, environmental security factors such as the proportion of clean energy consumption and channel safety factor have a greater impact on China’s energy security. After China and Russia strengthen cooperation in oil and gas resources in the Arctic, China’s energy security index is expected to increase from 0.4419 in 2020 to 0.5412 in 2025. Therefore, China can use technology, funds, scientific research, and other support to carry out all-round cooperation with Russia in the Arctic waterway, oil and gas exploration and development, and Arctic scientific research.

VIETNAMESE-RUSSIAN COOPERATION IN EXPLORATION AND PRODUCTION OF OIL AND GAS FROM 1980 TO THE PRESENT

Cooperation in oil and gas exploration and production between Vietnam and Russia has a long history from the 1980s to the present. The cooperation was confirmed and promoted in the first two decades of the 21st century after the two countries established a strategic partnership in 2001 and developed it into a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2012. In this study, we evaluate and analyze the current situation and development trend of the comprehensive strategic partnership between Vietnam and Russia in oil and gas exploration and production. The research shows that the former Soviet Union and the current Russian Federation have supported Vietnam in developing its oil and gas energy industry. Today, both Vietnam and the Russian Federation are very interested in cultivating a cooperative relationship in the oil and gas sector for mutual economic and political interests. The article highlights the economic benefits that Vietnam and the Russian Federation have achieved from this long-term partnership.

Chronology of Events: April 2022 to June 2022

Chronology of Events:April 2022 to June 2022 Chen Juan (bio) Resources for China–ASEAN Relations As a research institute based in Singapore, the EAI monitors developments in relations and interactions between China and the individual countries of Southeast Asia as well as the ASEAN grouping as a whole. This material is presented in the form of (i) a chronology of events and (ii) important documents. —the Editors CHINA–ASEAN RELATIONS APRIL 2022 TO JUNE 2022: CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS APRIL 2022 1st Myanmar's Foreign Minister U Wunna Maung Lwin upon invitation visits Tunxi in ChinaJs Anhui province and meets with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi. The Myanmar side has expressed concerns over domestic economic difficulties. Wang suggests advancing poverty alleviation projects, starting with a batch of "small yet smart" livelihood projects. Both sides jointly inaugurate the Consulate General of Myanmar in Chongqing and exchange cooperation documents in areas such as economics, technology and agriculture. Both sides also exchange views on the South China Sea issue and the Rakhine State issue. 2nd Thai Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai visits Tunxi and holds talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi. The former expresses hope to expand cooperation in agricultural trade and connectivity, industrial and supply chains security, and sustainable development. Wang proposes that both sides explore conducting pilot and demonstration projects on industrial parks in Thailand. Both foreign ministers also exchange their views on the Ukraine issue. Wang briefly summarises for Pramudwinai Chinese President Xi Jinping's opinions delivered to European Union leaders on the Ukraine crisis. 3rd Philippine Foreign Minister Teodoro Locsin visits and meets with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Tunxi. They discuss the South China Sea issue, and Wang emphasises the need to eliminate interference and to properly manage differences between the Philippines and China. The Philippines side has agreed to strengthen communications. Both sides have also exchanged views on issues in Myanmar and Ukraine. 5th The 23rd ASEAN–China Joint Cooperation Committee Meeting, held online, reaffirms ASEAN's and China's commitment to further strengthen their partnership and cooperation in line with the ASEAN–China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership established in 2021. Both sides discuss the follow-up to the implementation of the comprehensive strategic partnership, such as enhancing cooperation in trade and investment through the ASEAN–China Free Trade Area and implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement. They also update the substantive progress of the ASEAN–China Plan of Action 2021–25 in cooperation in these areas such as trade and investment, digital economy, connectivity including air connectivity, clean energy and environmental protection. 8th Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and Chinese President Xi Jinping have a telephone conversation and they officially inaugurate the Binondo–Intramuros Bridge, which is the second bridge funded by China under Duterte's "Build, Build, Build" infrastructure programme. Built at a cost of US$105.6 million, the bridge connects two busy districts in Manila city across the Pasig River and it aims to ease daily traffic congestion, catering for a daily traffic volume of 30,000 motorists. Both sides have also agreed to further enhance bilateral trade and investments, jointly address the impact of climate change and promote collaboration in the pandemic response. 14th Vietnamese Foreign Minister Bui Thanh Son and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi speak over the telephone. Both foreign ministers share their views on the South China Sea and the consultations of the three maritime working groups of both sides. They have expressed hope to see substantive progress and advancement of maritime delimitation in the sea area outside the mouth of Gulf of Tonkin (or Beibu Gulf). They also exchange views on the Ukraine issue. 26th Malaysia's Ministry of International Trade and Industry and the People's government of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, China jointly organise an inaugural online investment forum. The objective of the forum is to promote investment and business opportunities in the Malaysia–China Kuantan Industrial Park (MCKIP) and the China–Malaysia Qinzhou Industrial Park (CMQIP). The forum is also part of a series of events to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the CMQIP. Companies from both sides have signed 11 memoranda of understanding for future projects...