Representative Democracy Research Articles

Performing What Is Absent: The Making of Representative Claims in the 2020 Chilean Constitutional Convention

Amid a crisis of political representation, Chile ran an institutional experiment. After a month of riots, lootings and human rights violations, in November 2019, the Chilean Parliament proposed the creation of a fully elected convention with the one objective of writing a new Constitution. The 155 members were elected in October 2020 and 62% of them were non-professional politicians but environmental activists, members of indigenous communities or feminist leaders. Inspired by the ideas of representative claim proposed by Saward and performativity coined by Butler, we analysed their inauguration speeches to observe how they attempted to constitute themselves as political representatives. We found that they relied upon four types of speech appeal in their political claims-making. We refer to these as the Agonistic (whereby the claim-maker purported to speak for “us” as opposed to “them”); the Climactic (whereby the claim-maker offered themselves as an embodiment of a historical coming of age for a particular group); the Biographical (the claim-maker focuses upon their personal qualities of identity with empathy towards a group); and the Trustee (whereby, adhering to more conventional rhetoric of representation, a claim-maker sets out their qualification to acknowledge and look after the interests and values of a particular group).

Design and implementation of an electronic voting system for optimal electoral process

Electronic voting is a tool for increasing the credibility and efficiency of elections in several democracies around the world. In Nigeria, many elections have conducted sub-optimally due to the manual methods employed in voting and transmission of election results. In such cases, electoral officials have been accused of colluding with politicians to alter election results while the results are being transmitted from polling units to results collation centres. To address this problem, this paper proposes and presents a framework for electronic voting and transmission of election results. The proposed system is designed and implemented using a C++-based Visual Studio Integrated Development Environment (IDE) and a MATLAB/Simulink application. This setup allowed for the simulation of the voting process, encryption of voting data, transmission of voting results and decryption of election results. The simulation-based results obtained for the proposed system was compared with that of the existing system. The results indicate that for sample sizes ranging from 2,000 to 7,000 voters, the proposed system accurately accredited an average of 85% of voters, compared to 73% for the existing system. Specifically, for 2,500, 4,000, 5,500, and 7,000 accredited voters, the existing system had 684, 1,095, 1,505, and 1,916 failed voters respectively. In comparison, there was a significant reduction in the number of failed voters for the proposed system and this stood at 364, 582, 801, and 1,019 respectively. Additionally, the quality of verified feedback for 3,000, 4,500, 6,000, and 7,000 accredited voters showed that the proposed system had quality scores of 0.362, 0.138, 0.019, and 0.000, compared to 0.549, 0.197, 0.024, and 0.001 for the existing system. In conclusion, the proposed system has proven to be highly effective, credible, secure, and transparent in safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process and it is therefore recommended for hardware implementation in subsequent general elections.

Student protests at Boğaziçi University against Turkey’s authoritarian regime

Amidst the proliferation of authoritarian regimes globally, youth has been on the front lines against top-down politics, antidemocratic norms and values, exclusion from decision-making processes, the privatisation of higher education, the erosion of academic freedom, the stigmatisation of different lifestyles, precarity and environmental degradations. As part of the global authoritarian wave, Turkey has witnessed a comprehensive economic, social and political transformation under Justice and Development Party (AKP) governments. The governing party has deepened neoliberal transformation, plundered environmental commons, imposed a conservative lifestyle, eroded democratic values, attacked academic freedom and intensified polarisation, precarity and corruption in the country. One of the biggest challenges to the AKP government has come from student resistance against the appointed rector at Boğaziçi University (BU). In this research, I focus on how BU has become a space of contestation by students against authoritarianism in Turkey. Against the top-down appointment of the rector, Boğaziçi resistance started in demand of the democratic election of the rector, institutional autonomy and the defence of academic freedom. However, through naming the appointed rector as ‘trustee’, students at BU have unequivocally made a resounding declaration for democracy, not only echoing within the confines of their campus but reverberating throughout the country.

Is Democracy Possible? : Limits and Alternatives of Representative Democracy

Is Democracy Possible? : Limits and Alternatives of Representative Democracy

선거공영제 관련 규정의 형성과 전개 - 선거운동 방법에 관한 일본과 한국에서의 논의를 중심으로

Article 116 (2), and, in a broader sense, including Article 116 (1) of the Constitution, stipulate the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. This system aims to ensure equal opportunities for election campaigns among candidates, reduce the influence of money in the electoral process, and prevent corruption in elections. The Election Campaign Management and Funding System can be categorized into two types: one where certain election campaign methods are supported or subsidized by the state, and another where only the election campaign methods explicitly permitted by the state are allowed, while all other private methods are prohibited. However, within an Election Campaign Regulation system that comprehensively regulates campaign methods, the former type of public election system often operates similarly to the latter. This is because candidates, unable to freely choose their campaign methods, are de facto limited to using only those methods supported or subsidized under the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. Both the Japanese and Korean systems exemplify this phenomenon. In Japan, the 1934 revision of the House of Representatives Election Law established a structure of ‘extensive regulation and limited permission’ regarding election campaigns. Consequently, election campaigns in Japan became largely confined to methods permitted and subsidized by the state. Similarly, the 1958 Act on the Election of Members of the House of Commons in Korea established a framework of ‘comprehensive regulation and exceptional permission,’ akin to Japan's system. The framework created by the 1994 Act on the Election of Public Officials and the Prevention of Election Malpractices, enacted after the 1987 Constitution, is also similar. It is challenging to assert that the structure has fundamentally changed under the current Public Official Election Act in Korea. As a result, election campaigns by candidates de facto continue to be largely confined to the methods allowed under the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. Given the importance of the freedom to conduct election campaigns, it is necessary to eliminate the comprehensive regulation of campaign methods in the current Public Official Election Act. Such a change would better enable the Election Campaign Management and Funding System to achieve its objective of supporting and subsidizing election campaigns.

The economic impact of terrorism in South Asia

This study examines the economic impact of terrorism in South Asia. The region is currently home to 123 active terrorist/insurgent groups and is accountable for over 27 % of recorded global terrorist attacks. The annual data from the six most-terror-affected South Asian countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka) during the US-led war on terror (2001 - 2022) is used. For econometric estimation, the five models: fixed-effect, generalized least squares (GLS), generalized estimating equation (GEE), quantile regression (QR), and panel-corrected standard errors (PCSE) are applied. Terror-related death (a proxy for human capital loss) and per capita income (a proxy for purchasing power) are considered to measure terrorism and its economic impact. In addition, four economic indicators (military expenditure, population, official development assistance (ODA), and USAID) and three institutional indicators (electoral democracy index, political violence index, and mobilization for autocracy index) are taken into account as control variables. The result suggests that every additional 886 terror-related human capital loss across the region significantly reduces the purchasing power of each South Asian person by at least 9.800 US dollars. Moreover, among the control variables, military expenditure, political violence, and mobilization for autocracy negatively affect per capita income, while electoral democracy, population, ODA, and USAID positively impact it. This study will also help understand the implications of the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) agenda and achieving specific targets such as SDG 8 (promoting economic growth) and SDG 16 (promoting just, peaceful, and inclusive societies) based on the most terror-affected region.

The OBS UK Dashboard: an interactive tool for representative trial site selection to facilitate equality and diversity in maternity research

BackgroundObstetric Bleeding Study UK (OBS UK) (award ID: 152057) is a National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR)-funded stepped wedge cluster randomised controlled trial of a complex intervention for postpartum haemorrhage. This was developed in Wales and evaluated in a feasibility study, with improvements in maternal outcomes observed. Generalisability of the findings is limited by lack of control data and limited ethnic diversity in the Welsh obstetric patient population compared to the United Kingdom (UK): 94% of the Welsh population identifies as White, versus 82% in the UK. Non-White ethnicity and socioeconomic deprivation are linked to increased risk of adverse maternal outcomes. Traditionally, decisions regarding site selection are based on desire to complete trials on target in ‘tried and tested’ research active institutions. To ensure widespread applicability of the results and investigate the impact of ethnicity and social deprivation on trial outcomes, maternity units were recruited that represent the ethnic diversity and social deprivation profiles of the UK.MethodUsing routinely collected, publicly available data, an interactive dashboard was developed that demonstrates the demographics of the population served by each maternity unit in the UK, to inform site recruitment. Data on births per year, ethnic and socioeconomic group of the population for each maternity unit, across the UK, were integrated into the dashboard.ResultsThe dashboard demonstrates that OBS UK trial sites reflect the ethnic and socioeconomic diversity of the UK (study vs UK population ethnicity: White 79.2% vs 81.7%, Asian 10.5% vs 9.3%, Black 4.7% vs 4.0%, Mixed 2.5% vs 2.9%, Other 3.0% vs 2.1%) with variation in site demography, size and location. Missing data varied across sites and nations and is presented.ConclusionThe NIHR equality, diversity and inclusion strategy states studies must widen participation, facilitating individuals from all backgrounds to engage. The development of this novel interactive dashboard demonstrates an innovative way of achieving this. National Health Service (NHS) maternity researchers should consider using this tool to enhance diversity in research, address health disparities and improve generalisability of findings. This approach could be applied to healthcare settings beyond maternity care and across different global populations.Trial registrationISRCTN 17679951. Registered on August 30, 2023.

Geospatial Data Aggregation Methods for Novel Geographies: Validating Congressional District Life Expectancy Estimates.

Place is a critical determinant of health. Recent novel analyses have explored health outcome estimation for small geographies, such as census tracts, as well as health outcome aggregation to geopolitical geographies with accountable political representatives, such as congressional districts. In one such application, combining these approaches, researchers aggregated census tract estimates of life expectancy to the congressional district level to derive local estimates, but such an approach has not been validated. Here, we compared two sources and approaches to calculating life expectancy data for Pennsylvania congressional districts. We used 2010-2015 census tract life expectancy estimates from the US Small-area Life Expectancy Estimates Project (LEEP) and dasymetric methods to compute population-weighted life expectancy aggregated to the congressional district level. Using georeferenced Vital Statistics data, we aggregated age-specific census tract death and population counts to congressional districts and used abridged life tables to estimate life expectancy. To validate the dasymetric aggregated estimates we compared absolute differences, assessed the correlation, and created Bland-Altman plots to visualize the agreement between the two measures. We found strong agreement between congressional district estimates of life expectancy at birth derived using the dasymetric LEEP model-based approach and Vital Statistics direct estimates approach, though life expectancy at older ages (75 and older) showed weak correlations. This validation contributes to our understanding of geospatial aggregation methods for novel geographies including congressional districts. Health outcome data aggregated to the congressional district geography can support congressional policy making aimed at improving population health outcomes.

The impact of democracy on peace in Africa: Empirical evidence

AbstractThe nexus between democracy and peace in Africa is examined by applying data to 42 sub‐Saharan African (SSA) countries between 2008 and 2020. The study used panel regression techniques that include Ordinary Least Squares, the Tobit regression to account for the limited range of the dependent variable, and the System Generalized Method of Moments to account for endogeneity bias. Using seven indicators of democracy, which include electoral democracy, liberal democracy, participatory democracy, deliberative democracy, egalitarian democracy, a total democracy index derived from principal component analysis, and the Polity2 score, and using the global peace index as a proxy for peace, our findings show that all the indicators of democracy, irrespective of the model, have a positive and significant influence on peace in SSA. The result has underscored the importance of advancing democratic practices and values to promote sustainable peace and stability in the region.Related ArticlesAntwi‐Boateng, Osman. 2015. “No Spring in Africa: How Sub‐Saharan Africa Has Avoided the Arab Spring Phenomenon.” Politics & Policy 43(5): 754–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12129.Asongu, Simplice A., Cheikh T. Ndour, and Judith C. M. Ngoungou. 2024. “The Effects of Gender Political Inclusion and Democracy on Environmental Performance: Evidence from the Method of Moments by Quantile Regression.” Politics & Policy, 52(1), 118–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12576.Ryan, Susannah. 2015. “White Gold and Troubled Waters in Southern Africa: Hydropolitical Policy's Effect on Peace in Lesotho and South Africa.” Politics & Policy 4(2): 239–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12114.

Contrasting Democratic Trajectories: A Comparative Analysis of Costa Rica and Nicaragua

The main focus of this paper is the democracy process in Central America. It is a case study focuses on Costa Rica and Nicaragua and its respective trajectories towards democracy. Despite their shared historical backgrounds, culture, similar size, and geographical location, Costa Rica has one of the most peaceful and enduring democracies, while Nicaragua has been a tumultuous country with internal conflicts that have directly impacted its democratization. The historical context of colonial exploitation, socio-economic disparities, and political unrest has significantly shaped the contemporary political landscape of the region. This research uses Costa Rica and Nicaragua as examples to highlight the diverse paths of democratic development in Central America. Since 1948, Costa Rica has been a democratic country, while Nicaragua has undergone a dual transition, one through revolution (1984) and the other through democratic elections in 1990. By emphasizing the unique historical peculiarities of the region, valuable insights into the democratization processes are provided. The study uses a historical method to analyze the democratization processes in Costa Rica and Nicaragua. It examines the impact of the conquest period, the role of key factors such as landed oligarchies and military forces, the influence of international economic crises, and the current democratic quality in both countries. The study shows that historical legacies have lasting effects on democracy.

Artikel 48 der Weimarer Verfassung: Hugo Preuß und Carl Schmitt im Streit über den „Diktaturartikel“

The abuse of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution during the late presidency of Hindenburg has been criticized in many previous studies as one of the key factors of the collapse of the Weimar Republic that led to the establishment of the Third Reich, resulting from the lack of understanding of the parliamentary democracy. Whereas those criticisms have arisen primarily from the analysis of the consequences, this paper analyzes the issue of the executed presidential emergency powers with an integrative approach by comparing the arguments by Preuß, the drafter of Article 48, and Schmitt, taking into account the perspectives of members of the constitutional assembly as well as their contemporaneous intellectuals. While Preuß and Schmitt may appear generally contrastive in their beliefs and theories, some implicit logical agreements are observed, such as those on their interpretations of the relation between the first and the second sentences in Article 48, paragraph 2, and their thoughts regarding the handling of the law of the Reich that should be in Article 48, paragraph 5. With the findings of their commonalities and others in their theories, this paper attempts to contribute to refining the current systems of law and democracy for emergency situations in various contexts.

Food safety in the Dominican Republic—The current situation and challenges in the public management system

AbstractThe Dominican Republic, like other economically developing countries, has begun to shift national focus away from food security to concentrate on improving food safety and nutrition. The government of the Dominican Republic has promoted and implemented measures aimed at eradicating poverty and malnutrition and reducing the diseases that are a direct consequence of nutritional deficiencies. However, between 2013 and 2018, the Dominican Republic reported approximately 23,000 cases of foodborne illness annually. Additionally, the number of annual cases of acute diarrhea has increased to approximately 80,000 cases per year with a mortality rate (per 100,000 inhabitants) between 5.98 and 6.94. While the etiological agents responsible for these cases are often not identified, foodborne pathogens including Shigella, E. coli, Klebsiella pneumoniae, Salmonella, and Campylobacter have been isolated from food exported from the Dominican Republic as well as locally consumed foods. This review describes the status of food safety in the Dominican Republic. The review focuses on what is known regarding the etiological agents involved in foodborne disease outbreaks in the country, the impact of foodborne disease, measures the Dominican Republic government has taken to ensure the safety of both exported foods and foods consumed locally, barriers to improving food safety, as well as current and emerging food safety challenges.

Deepfake Cases in the 2024 Lok Sabha Election: Impact and Implications for Democracy

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections in India have been significantly impacted by the pervasive use of deepfake technology, raising critical concerns about its implications for democracy. This article delves into specific instances of deepfake utilization during the election, exploring their effects on voter behavior and broader democratic processes. It highlights how deepfakes have been employed to spread misinformation, manipulate voter perceptions, and discredit political opponents, thereby undermining trust in the electoral system. The response from regulatory bodies, including the Election Commission of India and the Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Center, is examined, showcasing efforts to mitigate these threats. Furthermore, the article discusses the urgent need for enhanced regulatory measures and public awareness to combat the growing menace of AI-driven misinformation. The findings underscore the profound challenges that deepfake technology poses to the integrity of democratic elections, emphasizing the necessity for collaborative strategies to protect democratic values in the digital age.

Objective representative flow field selection for tidal array layout design

The representation of flow across influential spatiotemporal scales introduces a challenge when micro-siting tidal stream turbine arrays. Robust representative approximations could accelerate design optimisation, yet there is no consensus on what defines the most appropriate flow conditions. We summarise existing approaches to representative flow field selection for array optimisation and propose an objective-driven process. The method curates a subset of flow fields that best captures relevant dynamics, enabling the streamlined representation of tidal cycles. To demonstrate the method, we consider flow modelling data in the Inner Sound of the Pentland Firth, Scotland, UK. We examine the impact of flow field inputs to array design through comparative analyses using a heuristic array optimisation process. Results indicate notable sensitivity of the turbine layout to the flow conditions selected. For the case study presented, our method led to 4%–5% energy yield prediction improvements relative to use of simple time-interval based approaches and up to 2% improvement against using peak flow fields; these can be pivotal margins to secure feasibility by developers. We also find that using the data associated with a single monitored point across the array for flow field selection can lead to sub-optimal results, emphasising the need for accurate spatiotemporal representation.

What roles can democracy labs play in co-creating democratic innovations for sustainability?

This perspective essay proposes Democracy Labs as new processes for developing democratic innovations that help tackle complex socio-ecological challenges within an increasingly unequal and polarised society, against the backdrop of democratic backsliding. Next to the current socio-ecological crisis, rapid technological innovations present both opportunities and challenges for democracy and call for democratic innovations. These innovations (e.g., mini-publics, collaborative governance and e-participation) offer alternative mechanisms for democratic participation and new forms of active citizenship, as well as new feedback mechanisms between citizens and traditional institutions of representative democracy. This essay thus introduces Democracy Labs, as citizen-centred processes for co-creating democratic innovations to inspire future transdisciplinary research and practice for a more inclusive and sustainable democracy. The approach is illustrated with examples from a Democracy Lab in Lisbon, reflecting on requirements for recruiting participants, the relevance of combining sensitising, reflection and ideation stages, and the importance of careful communication and facilitation processes guiding participants through co-creation activities.

Acceptance of SARS-CoV-2 Surveillance Testing Among Patients Receiving Dialysis

Integrating routine SARS-CoV-2 testing in dialysis facilities may benefit patients receiving dialysis by mitigating risks of serious illness and reducing transmission. Patient acceptance of nonmandatory testing is unknown. To evaluate the acceptance of 2 SARS-CoV-2 testing strategies among patients in hemodialysis facilities nationwide. This nationwide cluster (dialysis facility-level) randomized trial investigated the acceptance of SARS-CoV-2 testing among patients receiving maintenance hemodialysis at facilities located in 22 states. Anterior nares real-time reverse transcriptase-polymerase chain reaction tests offered once every 2 weeks (static testing facilities) vs offered once a week, once every 2 weeks, or once a month depending on county COVID-19 infection prevalence (dynamic testing facilities). Facilities were randomized by county, and tests were offered for 3 months between February 4 and July 24, 2023. The primary outcome was test acceptance. Secondary outcomes included the proportion of patients who accepted at least 1 test. In total, 62 hemodialysis facilities were randomized and 57 participated. Among 2389 participating patients, the median age was 64 (IQR, 54-74) years, 1341 (56%) were male, 138 (6%) were categorized as American Indian, 60 (3%) Asian, 885 (37%) Black, 75 (3%) Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, 338 (14%) Hispanic, and 876 (37%) White; and 1603 (67%) had diabetes. A median of 6 (IQR, 6-6) tests were offered per patient in the static arm and 4 (3-6) tests in the dynamic arm. Test acceptance was low: 8% of offered tests were accepted in each of the test arms. Among 503 patients who accepted at least 1 test, the median percentage of offered tests that were accepted was 16% (IQR, 17%-42%) using the static testing strategy and 50% (IQR, 33%-75%) using the dynamic testing strategy (P < .001). Older patients (odds ratio [OR], 1.08 [95% CI, 1.01-1.16] per 5-year age increment), patients with (vs without) diabetes (OR, 1.59 [95% CI, 1.18-2.16]), and women compared with men (OR, 1.30 [95% CI, 0.98-1.73]) were more likely to accept multiple tests. Patients designated in the electronic health record as Hispanic were more likely than patients designated as White (OR, 1.78 [95% CI, 1.15-2.76]) to accept at least 1 test, whereas patients living in zip codes electing Republican representatives to Congress were less likely than patients living in zip codes electing Democratic representatives (OR, 0.34 [95% CI, 0.17-0.69]) to accept multiple tests. In this cluster randomized trial evaluating 2 SARS-CoV-2 testing strategies in dialysis facilities, test acceptance was low, and a dynamic testing strategy anchored to COVID-19 infection prevalence did not outperform a static testing strategy of every 2 weeks. ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT05225298.

Drivers of universal health coverage in Makueni county, Kenya: Lessons for the Global South

All UN member States committed to realizing universal health coverage (UHC) when they included UHC as Target 3.8 in the Sustainable Development Goals in 2015. However, the global commitment to UHC has not been matched with action on the ground. According to the World Health Organization, about half of the world population lacks full coverage for essential health services. To accelerate progress toward UHC, a close understanding of factors that drive adoption of UHC policies at the national and local levels is essential. The purpose of this study was to investigate the impetus for establishing a sub-national health insurance program in Kenya—the Makueni county government health insurance program (MakueniCare)—which led to increasing the percentage of the county population with health insurance, the majority of whom live in poverty, from 8.8% in 2013 to 91% in 2018. This qualitative case study drew on Kenyan law and policy documents as well as semi-structured interviews with 30 key informants in government and NGOs to understand the drivers that led to the establishment of MakueniCare. Findings revealed that several drivers—namely, global norms, decentralization, democratic competition, and the strategic action of social change-minded leaders—coalesced to influence the adoption of MakueniCare. The study offers timely insights into the factors driving UHC in Makueni, Kenya and lessons for other low- and middle-income countries working toward UHC.

Meningkatkan Kesadaran Partisipasi Generasi Z dan Pemahaman Pemilu yang Berasaskan Luber Jurdil di Kelurahan Sanur

Elections in Indonesia are an integral part of the democratic system, ensuring people's participation and asserting their sovereignty. The 2024 election is of particular concern due to a significant increase in the participation of first-time voters, especially Generation Z. Although their participation rates are increasing, there is also a group of non-voters who abstain from exercising their right to vote. The importance of understanding the principles of Luber Jurdil in elections, as mandated by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, needs to be emphasized to create democratic elections. The main problem formulation includes efforts to increase the participation of Generation Z and understanding the principles of Luber Jurdil in Banjar Sindu Kaja. The purpose of this activity is to understand efforts that can be made to increase the participation of Generation Z in elections and their understanding of Luber Jurdil in Banjar Sindu Kaja, Sanur Subdistrict. Socialization activities at the Sekaa Teruna Teruni Sindu Putra in Banjar Sindu Kaja, Sanur Subdistrict aim to increase the participation of Generation Z in the 2024 elections and strengthen their understanding of the principles of Luber Jurdil. It is hoped that through this socialization, Generation Z can become more aware of their role in the political process and be able to vote wisely and responsibly.

Public Perception of Money Politics Acceptance (Case Study in Bandung Regency and West Bandung Regency)

If money politics tends to be seen as a threat to electoral democracy, what is the public's actual perception of money politics? This research uses quantitative methods, especially descriptive statistics to explain perceptions of the acceptability of money politics in elections. The case study for this research is the Bandung Regency and West Bandung Regency (KBB) areas. This locus shows the existence of spatial influences that explain geopolitical differences in the Greater Bandung area, especially in the district area. The researchers used Stratified-Systematic Random Sampling with 800 samples in Bandung Regency and West Bandung Regency. The margin of error in this study is ± 4% with a confidence level of 95%. It was found that people tend to consider the money politics that occur in elections as normal. However, some variations are variations that reflect differences in views. Apart from that, respondents who will accept money politics tend to choose according to their own conscience. However, the value of giving money or goods can also influence a person's political choice tendencies.

The Dilemma of Democracy in Modern Russia: Parliamentarism or Universal Civil Co-government

The civilizational choice of modern Russia has posed to our people the problem of searching for a national idea, choosing a socio-political system that ensures the survival of the Russian state in the context of the global political crisis of liberal representative democracy and armed conflict with the West. Universal civil co-government and libertarian state socialism as a popular initiative coming from the depths of the consciousness of Russian society, acts as the only guideline for state-building capable of ensuring the national path of development of the country, preserving its identity and becoming an example to other peoples.