Community In Bosnia Research Articles

Transnational think-tanks: foot soldiers in the battlefield of ideas? Examining the role of the icg in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2000–01

Peace-building situations can be described as battlefields of ideas where key international policy makers engage in internal battles for control over intervention policy. Knowledge production, based on timely information and analysis, is seen as crucial to winning these battles of ideas. By providing detailed information, analysis and recommendations, the International Crisis Group (icg) has assumed an important role in this process. Yet we know little about the specific role the icg plays in battles for intervention policy. This article investigates icg analyses and recommendations and the way they fit into the specific internal debates within the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in 2000–01. By looking at the work of the icg in BiH around the elections in 2000, the article demonstrates that it often acted as a legitimising agent of US positions and policy in the country.

Constituency of peoples in the constitutional system of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Chasing fair solutions

The constituency of peoples as a collective political right of ethnic communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnians, Serbs, and Croats) was provided as a constitutional category by the Washington and Dayton Peace Agreements. On the one hand, institutional guarantees for equal status of ethnic groups, which make the essence of constituency, can indeed help to decrease the insecurity and tensions among them and secure the removal of obstacles during the distribution of political power. On the other hand, it is difficult to foresee the consequences of institutionalized ethnic equality on the individual equality of the members of the different groups. In that sense, there is a real risk of identification of the collective ethnic identity with individual identity, and limitation of individual rights to collective political rights of ethnic groups, which is the case in Bosnia and Herzegovina in post-Dayton period. By its decision in the Sejdic-Finci case, the European Court of Human Rights confirmed that Bosnia and Herzegovina, taking into account all its specificity, should find a “lucky” combination of civil and ethnic constitutional model.

The psychosocial need for intergroup contact

Modern day Bosnia suiers from widespread ethnic segregation, solidi¢ed by the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords that ended the Bosnian war. This has resulted in a lack of intergroup contact and the deepening of ethnic divisions. Using the ‘contact hypothesis’ that was developed in the ¢eld of social psychology, this article highlights the need for intergroup contact as an essential element for reconciliation initiatives, and addresses challenges to intergroup contact in the Bosnian context. The author suggests three practical ways to improve meaningful intergroup contact inBosnia andHerzegovina: 1) develop and support interethnic special interests groups that create a common ingroup identity among members of diierent ethnic groups in the pursuit of a common, overarching, cooperative goal;2) increase knowledge of ‘the other’ , forexample through interethnic education for youth and young adults; and 3) the productive use of intergroup problem solving workshops for grassroots community leaders, supplemented with public communication training for participants not already in a position to have their voices heard by their communities. Initiatives, such as these, can contribute toward eventual reconciliation among the ethnic communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

From nation-building to desecuritization in Bosnia and Herzegovina

AbstractThis article analyzes the value and impact of the nation building policy of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnia). The analysis shows that the nation building effort has failed in the sense that the ethnic nationalist political culture persisted and that a collective Bosnian identity is absent. Bosnian politics continued to be dominated by ethnic nationalist political parties and ethnic group interests. The author argues that this can be explained by the continued securitization of ethnic identity. In other words, each ethnic group regards its vital interests to be existentially threatened by the other ethnic group(s). Therefore, the author concludes that when it comes to inter-ethnic cooperation, achieving good and effective government in Bosnia is not so much about nationbuilding, but about de-securitizing ethnic relations.

(Re)Imagining Coexistence: Striving for Sustainable Return, Reintegration and Reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Prior to the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats shared neighbourhoods and friendships. The war, through its objective and effect, divided these communities and groups. Postconflict, the physical return of displaced persons and refugees was, and remains, insufficient to renew coexistence. Moreover, the weak economy aggravates divisions, further impeding sustainable return and reconciliation. Recognising these difficulties, UNHCR launched ‘Imagine Coexistence,’ a series of activities designed to rebuild trust among ethnic groups in areas of return. Many of the activities involved an income-generating component. The article reviews this and other similar initiatives that aim to promote livelihoods, community development, return and coexistence concurrently. It finds that while such inventive projects receive limited attention and funding, they have achieved successes in repairing social relationships, addressing poverty and strengthening communities in Bosnia. Consequently, they should be given greater prominence in Bosnia and more generally in the design of transitional justice and peace building interventions.

Kozarac School: A Window on Transitional Justice for Returnees

Abstract 1 The majority Bosniak town of Kozarac, now within the entity of Republika Srpska (RS), is regarded as one of the most successful returnee communities in Bosnia. The ethnic cleansing that the town endured in 1992 is gradually being reversed with the re-establishment of civic life in the town. In this difficult process, education is at the heart of the struggle for reconstruction and recognition. This article traces the development of the Kozarac primary school since the end of the war. It highlights returnees’ experiences and obstacles they have encountered in their attempt to restore primary school education for children in a divided and often hostile post-conflict society. It illustrates how the neglect of local authorities can undermine the process of educational reform and perpetuate identity divisions into the next generation, rather than contribute to reconciliation. The article concludes by noting that more attention needs to be paid within transitional justice policies to the reform of both the structure and content of educational institutions in order to contribute to sustainable community-level reconciliation.

Catholic Religious and Spiritual Identity of Mediterranean Adolescents: Comparing Four Regions in Post-Communist and Western Europe

Abstract We investigated religious identity and spiritual profile of adolescents in selected communities of Bosnia, Croatia, Italy and Spain using a standardized questionnaire on three major areas of interest: inner content of religiosity, attitude towards Catholic doctrine and regulations, and the impact of religiosity on daily life. Controlling sample differences by age, socioeconomic status and gender, we tested the significance of differences in attitudes of adolescents in transitional post-Communist societies (rural and small-town Croatia and Bosnia) and western European postmodern culture (Sicily in Italy and Mallorca and Madrid in Spain) by analysis of variance (ANOVA). We tested 1204 adolescents from Franciscan high schools (Sicily and Spain) and public high schools (Bosnia and Croatia). Overall, Spanish youngsters appeared least religious and most socially permissive as they differed significantly from other groups in all three major areas of interest. Bosnian and Croatian adolescents were similar to each other and overall more religiously imbued. Sicilians were most often found between Spaniards on one side and Croatians on the other. The study shows a gradient of increasing religiosity from the West to the East, from Spain to Bosnia and establishes baseline values for the future longitudinal studies of the communities in Bosnia and Croatia. Keywords: Religious and spiritual identity; adolescents; transitional post-Communist societies; inner religiosity

Europeanisation without Democratisation: A Critique of the International Community Peacebuilding Strategy in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The academic debate over the role of the International Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) centres preponderantly on the legitimacy of intervention, as exemplified by the High Representative’s ‘Bonn powers’. By contrast, international officials and policy makers often place emphasis on the effectiveness of engagement. The author makes the case in this article that this implied trade‐off between democracy and efficacy is predicated on a stable constitutional settlement. With no such agreement yet in place, the reforms championed by the International Community risk re‐opening at every turn conflicting notions about the territorial integrity and powers of the BiH state. Reducing the risk of institution‐building and promoting domestic political and economic renewal requires a shift in strategy towards support for constitutional reform.

The International Community in Bosnia: Enduring Questions of Legitimacy

This analysis explores the legitimacy of the international community in Bosnia and the outcome of international involvement in the process of democratization. The paper discusses normative definitions of legitimacy and their relation to certain elements of the international community's involvement in Bosnia. The first part of the paper discusses the foundations of distrust of the international community during the war, specifically the presence of the UN. The second part of the paper explores the legitimacy of the Dayton Peace Agreement and the consequent Consti- tution. The final part of this paper explains how the Office of the High Representa- tive presents an enormous challenge to legitimate democracy in Bosnia and concludes with questions relating to the future of the Bosnian government.

The contribution of the Youth Communication Center (YCC) to the peace building process in the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina and in the region

Ever since its formation, the YCC has been working intensely on the reconciliation process and peace building. Over the past few years, we have implemented programs and conducted activities aimed at different categories of the population (refugees and displaced persons, ethnic minorities returnees, discharged soldiers, representatives of political parties representatives of local NGO-s, etc) in more than 40 communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina and broader. During our activities, we have developed a methodology of education on reconciliation and peace building by adapting the experiences of the good practice from other countries to the needs of the local environment we work in. In addition, we also organize programs aiming at connecting the young people in the region, actions and campaigns of public advocacy aimed at bringing about democratic change on the local and on the state level, counseling and psychotherapy for the vulnerable groups of citizens, continual media promotion of reconciliation over radio programs, we organize education for local experts dealing with reconciliation issues etc.

Housing reconstruction in Kosovo

Housing reconstruction is one of the first steps towards environmental and economic recovery and development after a ‘complex emergency’. This paper presents the main aspects and experience of the Housing Reconstruction Programme (HRP) in Kosovo since its beginning in 1999 until 2001. The special reference to the Peja/Pec (Peja is the Kosovar name of the most western municipality in Kosovo whose Serbian name is Pec. In the paper both names (Peja and Pec) appear because of the uncertain political status of the country at the time at which the paper was written.) region helps to contextualise the case-study, giving concrete images of the HRP. Kosovo has been a special case because the United Nations has managed the entire reconstruction process since soon after the NATO bombing. A great many economic and human resources have been deployed, since the United Nations, the European Union and many international organisations have been thoroughly involved. This has created high expectations both in terms of quality and quantity of results and duration required to stabilise the tremendous hotbed represented by the Balkans. The previous deep involvement of the international community in Bosnia a few years before and in the same area of the Balkans has also created mutatis mutandis a comparable antecedent. The literature on the subject, in terms of manuals and articles, supports the analysis and criticism. The reconstruction process analysed ranges from damage assessment to housing reconstruction management and implementation, where implementation is not only intended as the physical reconstruction of the country but also the institutional and capacity building that the UN, the most important international organisation, has been creating in Kosovo. In spite of the bulk investment, not all the strategies and actions implemented can be considered successful. Certainly, some could even be considered best practices and hence are replicable. Among these is the Municipal Housing Committee (MHC), which has the lion's share of the institutional bodies set up by the UN temporary government to manage housing reconstruction. Apparently the MHC has dealt with only the selection of beneficiaries. In fact the MHC has created an adequate peaceful and democratic environment in which housing reconstruction has taken place, as well as the allocation of housing assistance to minority families. Within the HRP the role of the NGOs has been crucial as always, but limited to a much more sectoral-specific involvement, contrary to the Bosnia experience. This has impeded the adoption of appropriate building technologies, a real participatory and integrated approach, and post emergency local development where housing and people (ethnics included) were pivotal. However today in Kosovo, the games have already been played, the decisions have been taken and development is somehow in progress.

The Near and Middle East - Catalogue of the Arabic, Turkish, Persian and Bosnian Manuscripts, Tome VI. Prepared by Mustafa Jahie. London: Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation; Sarajevo: The Riasat of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1999. 563 pp.

The Near and Middle East - Catalogue of the Arabic, Turkish, Persian and Bosnian Manuscripts, Tome VI. Prepared by Mustafa Jahie. London: Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation; Sarajevo: The Riasat of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1999. 563 pp. - Volume 63 Issue 2

Towards a culture of peace: Remarks on the religious aspects of the war in Bosnia and Croatia∗

On 10 and 11 September 1994 Pope John Paul 11 visited Croatia. His planned visit to Sarajevo on 8 September unfortunately had to be cancelled at the last minute on advice from the UN. It was not possible, therefore, for the pope to express his solidarity with the population of this besieged city and the people of Bosnia-Hercegovina by means of a personal visit. The postponement of the papal visit was a huge disappointment for everyone who is concerned for the survival of Bosnia-Hercegovina. It was quite obvious who was opposed to this visit and why: the leader of the Bosnian Serbs had uttered threats, in familiar style laying advance blame on the Muslim community in Bosnia for any terrorist attack on the pope's life. Notwithstanding this major disappointment the papal visit to Croatia was of the utmost importance. To grasp its significance one has to know something about the long debates in Yugoslav society in the 1980s about an eventual visit of the pope to Yugoslavia. 'The time is not ripe yet' was the standard answer from the secular authorities to the Roman Catholic Church, which longed for such a visit to take place. Obstacles from the point of view of the authorities included: the wounds of the Second World War; the polemics on the Jasenovac concentration camp; the Stepinac case; the fear that (as in Poland) the visit could have undesired political effects by stimulating national feelings, this time on the part of the Croats; and continuing tension between church and state on national and human rights issues. Those in power obviously also thought that such a visit could have a destabilising effect on the country. It was only after the recognition of an independent Croatian state that a papal visit to Croatia became a realistic option. There is no doubt that Pope John Paul 11 had wanted to go to Belgrade as well as Zagreb and Sarajevo and to visit the Serbian Orthodox Church. In the previous year the patriarchs of Constantinople and Moscow had both been in Belgrade. A meeting there between the pope and the leaders of the Serbian Orthodox Church would have underlined that as far as the Holy See is concerned the improvement of ecumenical relations with the Orthodox has top priority. It is a well-known fact that the Orthodox churches, especially in Russia and Serbia, are very displeased with Vatican policy towards what they see very clearly as 'Orthodox nations and territories'. Accusations of proselytisation have become obstacles to the official theological dialogue between these churches which started in 1980. The Holy See is very anxious to convince the