Communist Party Of The Soviet Union Research Articles

Bonn's Ostpolitik at the Crossroads?

In September 1982 the Social and Free Democratic coalition1 collapsed after thirteen years' rule; the conservative Union parties coalesced with the Free Democrats to return to power in Bonn. Two months later Brezhnev died in Moscow amidst an ongoing new Cold War with the Reagan Administration. His successor, as the Chief of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), turned out to be the former KGB chief, Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov. With time running out for NATO's deployment of new missiles in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and other West European states, and a significant conservative victory in the United Kingdom elections in June 1983, elements of uncertainty in the crucial relations between Bonn and Moscow may have increased. Between 1969 and 1982 the (SPD) had managed to reverse the (CDU's) twenty years of hardline approach to the Soviet bloc. Despite irritations, Bonn under SPD-led governments managed to keep its ostpolitik on an even keel. Central European detente seemed to have survived the collapse of the larger, superpower rapprochement. The critical question in mid-1983, following the conservative election victories in Bonn and London and against the background of significant US-USSR rivalry, is whether the latter rivalry would also suck into its vortex relative peace in Central Europe. Should that happen, the Cold War would return to Europe, reinforce the anomalies emanating from a divided Germany as well as the superpower adversary relationship in turn. In this context the present article will, first, take a retrospective look at ostpolitik, its causes and achievements, then explore Bonn's relations with Moscow as they evolved while the SPD was in power and, finally analyze the implications of the leadership changes in Bonn and Moscow for the future of ostpolitik.

Soviet Jurists Divided: A Case for Corporatism in the U. S. S. R.?

The ability of specialist elites in the Soviet Union to influence policy in their areas of competence continues to puzzle analysts of the Soviet political system. Groups such as economists, lawyers, educators, industrial managers, and the military can be found acting in concert to formulate proposals, many of which have won the blessing of political decision makers. Soviet professionals not always manage to achieve unity on policy issues, however, and even when they the response of the leadership is not always sympathetic. An imaginative general secretary or the collective elite of the Communist party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) may still take the initiative, disregarding the alternatives brought before them by technical specialists. As result, political scientists currently project number of conflicting images of the Soviet decision-making process. The interest group, or pluralist, ideal-type has been with us for some time. It has long been opposed by vision of autocracy that sees only marginal shift since the totalitarian era of Joseph Stalin.' Recently few authors have begun examining the applicability of the corporatist ideal-type to Soviet politics. Conceived by theorists of fascism, which in practice bore little resemblence to the ideal, the concept of corporatism was resurrected in the 1970s by Philippe Schmitter to describe interest mediation under capitalism. By contrast with pluralism, in which interest representation occurs through an unspecified number of multiple, voluntary, competitive, nonhierarchically ordered and self-determined units that do not exercise monopoly of representational activity within their respective categories, Schmitter defines corporatism as a system of interest representation in which the constituent units are organized into limited number of singular, compulsory, noncompetitive, hierarchically ordered and functionally differentiated categories ... In corporatist system the units are recognized or licensed (if not created) by the state and granted deliberate representational monopoly within their respective categories in exchange for observing certain controls on their selection of leaders and articulation of demands and supports. 2

Soviet treatment of Western communists: a comparative analysis

As the essays in this issue demonstrate, relations between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the Western nonruling Communist Parties have been marked by a multiplicity of open and hidden altercations since Khrushchev's de-Stalinization Congress in 1956. After the military coup of December 13, 1981 that signified the bankruptcy of the Soviet-Communist model of society imposed on Poland, these divergences have sharpened dramatically. In their reaction to the suppression of the reform process in Poland, which they regard as Soviet-inspired, the leaderships of the Communist Parties of Italy (PCI), Spain (PCE), Japan (JCP), and a series of smaller Western Communist Parties (Sweden, Australia, Mexico) have directed pointed criticisms at the basic principles of the policy of the CPSU--criticizing both its model of society and its foreign policy. For the leaderships of these Parties, Soviet policies today both discredit the idea of Socialism itself and block its spread, especially in the highly developed industrial countries of the West. These Parties now conclude that they should emancipate themselves from Moscow still further, under the sign of a new internationalism. The Italian and Spanish Communists, in any case, announced at the

Toward the Twenty-Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

All Soviet people are preparing to greet the Twenty-Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in an atmosphere of great political and labor zeal. In industry, agriculture, and construction, as well as in health, culture, and education, our country has scored many successes that we can take pride in.

Report of the CPSU Central Committee to the Twenty-Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Next Tasks of the Party in the Area of Domestic and Foreign Policy, February 23, 1981

In the [five-year planning period — 1976 to 1980] being reported on, the directives of the Twenty-Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) concerning the development of public education were, for the most part, fulfilled.

Editor's Introduction

Abstract Five years ago, Soviet Education published two issues (November and December 1976, Volume XIX, No. 1 and No. 2) on schooling and higher education at the beginning of the Tenth Five-Year Plan for socioeconomic development in the USSR. Five years later, it is time to take stock of the results of the work done during that planning period — the years 1976 to 1980 — and to project policy goals for education in the years of the new, Eleventh, Five-Year Plan - 1981 to 1985. Such is the rhythmic cycle followed in Soviet policymaking. The successive five-year plans are launched by the congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU): the Twenty-Fifth Communist Party Congress was held in February 1976 at the start of the Tenth Plan, and the Twenty-Sixth was held in February 1981 at the beginning of the Eleventh.

The Theory of Developed Socialism and its Growth into Communism

[Note by Editors of Voprosy filosofii. A plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) was held on June 23, 1980. The plenum adopted a resolution to convene the next regular Twenty-sixth Congress of the CPSU on February 23, 1981. The congresses have always opened new horizons for our Party and our country. The congresses of the CPSU, embodying the collective intelligence of the Party, draw conclusions, on the basis of thoroughgoing Marxist- Leninist analysis, respect what has been accomplished, creatively interpret problems of social development ripe for solution, and illuminate with the bright light of their decisions the perspectives of further movement along the road of communist creativity. The preparations for the forthcoming Twenty-sixth Congress, which is called upon to define the strategy and tactics of struggle during the next stage of the building of communism, have from their first days embraced the people as a whole, and are marked by a growth in the creativ...

Interrepublic Inequality in Agricultural Development in the USSR

Soviet statements of policy on nationality relations traditionally have expressed a commitment to equalize economic development among the union republics of the USSR. As early as the 1920s, Soviet leaders promised to reduce differences between more advanced and more backward republics. The program adopted in 1961 by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union reaffirmed the intention of “devoting special attention to those areas of the country which are in need of more rapid development.” The goal of economic equalization among union republics is said by Soviet sources to have broad social and political significance, and the elimination of disparities in the economic base is thought to be necessary for the achievement of harmony among Soviet nationalities.

Chapter 1: The Development of The Soviet System of Vocational And Technical Education

Abstract The Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) [in 1976] drew up an ambitious program for the development of the national economy during the Tenth Five-Year Plan (1976-80). Among other things, it covers the field of vocational and technical education. The "Basic Guidelines for the Development of the USSR National Economy for 1976-80" declare: "Young people should be trained as highly qualified workers for all branches of the national economy, primarily in vocational-technical educational institutions —where they can acquire both a specialized technical education and a general secondary education simultaneously — as well as in technical schools. The enrollment of pupils in secondary vocational-technical and [post-secondary] technical schools shall be more than doubled. The system of vocational and technical education must prepare approximately 11 million skilled workers. The training of workers with a secondary education at vocational-technical schools shall increase no less than 2.5 times." (1)

Problems facing hydropower engineers in fulfilling the resolution on power development, passed by the Central Committee (CC) of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU)

Problems facing hydropower engineers in fulfilling the resolution on power development, passed by the Central Committee (CC) of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU)

Foreword

The Twenty-Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1976 noted the need for further serious improvement in the entire system of general education, especially in the secondary school. It is no easy matter to resolve the problem of the universal compulsory secondary education of youth. In completing this task, special importance attaches to improving the training of teachers, who are called upon to solve creatively various problems in the communist education of the new [Soviet] man. Today's Soviet teacher must know the basic principles of pedagogical theory, which is continuously developing under the conditions of scientific-technological and social progress, as well as how to apply these theoretical principles in practice, thus creating new and valuable experience in teaching and upbringing. The most important of these principles is the attainment of an integrated approach toward defining the role of education; that is, a close unity of ideological-political, labor, and moral education; the formation of an activist stance in life among the Soviet people, and the development in them of a patriotic and internationalist consciousness and a communist ideology, which is an amalgam of knowledge, conviction, and practical activity. The Soviet school works to resolve these challenges with due regard for actual possibilities and prospects.

SOVIET POLICIES IN AFRICA

A POPULAR THESIS often advanced by analysts of Soviet-African relations runs thus: Africa merely occupies a secondary place in Moscow's foreign policy and, as a result, the Soviets always adopt a low profile policy on African issues.' USSR's recent forceful roles in Angola and Ethiopia have not only weakened this assertion but, at the 25th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), the Kremlin has also consciously demonstrated the emptiness of that argument by specially emphasizing the growing importance of Soviet African policy. It is increasingly becoming clear that there are some strategic considerations behind Moscow's policies in Africa. Put in another way, the Soviet policies in the continent form an integral part of a global strategy. Yet, for years, there was no logical consistent pattern in Moscow's policies toward Africa. Stalin, for one, was deeply suspicious of the nationalist leaders; he saw them purely as 'bourgeois imperialist lackeys'. In his view, these nationalists were not genuinely interested in working towards the decisive overthrow of the world colonial system. The fact that some of these leaders actually cooperated with the metropolitan power in drawing up a time-table for the attainment of their political independence, for instance, strengthened Stalin's suspicion. The Soviet leader viewed Africa through the lens of orthodox Marxism, with an emphasis on class rather than racial struggle. To be sure, Stalin believed that imperialism could only be overthrown through a proletarian revolution.

The Resolution of Teaching, Upbringing, and Health Problems in Prolonged-Day Schools

The appeal of the All-Union Congress of Teachers to public educators, parents, and the public emphasizes that the major task of the general education school is to implement the decisions of the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), the new Constitution, and the December (1977) decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the USSR Council of Ministers on further improving the teaching, upbringing, and labor preparation of the younger generation. Concern for the health of school pupils continues to be an integral part of communist upbringing, which develops pupils in every way. In this regard, the rational organization of a system of classroom activities, recreation, physical and labor education, and mass participation of school pupils in physical culture and sport requires scientific validations. The prolonged-day school, which has every prerequisite for resolving teaching, upbringing, and health problems simultaneously, is the most effective form for the social educat...

The Location of Research Potential

The Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union posed the task of improving techniques used in the comprehensive solution of major nationwide interbranch and territorial problems. The improvement of the territorial location of science and the better utilization of regional research potential are some of the problems that hold great importance for the further socioeconomic development of the nation. (1) The development of long-range plans for socioeconomic development and comprehensive programs of technical progress on a national, union republic, and regional scale is closely associated with the territorial location of research, project-planning, and experimental facilities.

Preface

The resolutions of the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) focused special attention on the management and control of the national economy under the conditions of developed socialism. Now that the Party has worked out a modern political line and the ambitious tasks of the Tenth Five-Year Plan, a plan emphasizing efficiency and quality, are being implemented, "organization — that is, the further improvement of control over the economy in the broadest sense of the word — has become a crucial factor."

The Soviet School: The School of Developed Socialist Society

We live in the great age of developed socialist society. More than two years have passed since the Twenty-fifth Party Congress (1976), which outlined the grandiose tasks of communist construction. In carrying out the Party's decisions, our people have conquered new frontiers in creating the material and technological foundations for communism. The economic and non-material potential of the nation has grown significantly. A creative effort is being carried out to fulfill the targets of the Tenth Five-Year Plan (1976-80), a five-year plan of effectiveness and quality. In the Report of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to the Twenty-fifth Party Congress, Comrade L. I. Brezhnev declared: "Communist education implies constant perfection of the public education and occupational training system. This is especially important today, under conditions of the scientific-technological revolution, which tends to change the nature of labor and consequently of man's training for work as well. We have done a great deal in this regard. But what has been and is now being done still falls short of solving all problems in this area" (The Leninist Course [Leninskim kursom], vol. 5, p. 536).

On Further Improving the Teaching and Social Education of General Education School Pupils and their Preparation for Labor

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the USSR Council of Ministers have adopted the decree, "On Further Improving the Teaching and Social Education of General Education School Pupils and Their Preparation for Labor."

Continuing Education in Developed Socialist Society

The Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) [in February 1976] adopted a broad program for the further economic, sociopolitical, and cultural development of Soviet society. The rapid growth of the material, technical, and nonmaterial resources of our country, which has become a real factor in the life of Soviet society, simultaneously guarantees further improvement of the well-being of the Soviet people, betterment of their working and living conditions, and significant progress in health, education, and culture — in everything that promotes the formation of the new man, the comprehensive development of the individual, and the improvement of the socialist way of life. (1)

Support Points for Law and Order

The socio-economic program set forth by the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) provides for consistent implementation of measures of public law, of preventive socialization, and of protection of the rights of Soviet citizens; it also provides for observance by all citizens of their duties to society. It is precisely a responsible approach by each citizen to his duties, to the interests of the people, L. I. Brezhnev has commented, that creates the only dependable base for the fullest possible realization of the principles of socialist democracy and true personal freedom. (1)

Some Problems of Ideological Work and the Tasks of Psychology

The Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) has placed vast, important tasks before the large army of workers on the ideological front. These tasks are associated primarily with the problems of communist education, the further improvement of the socialist way of life, and the development of socialist democracy. They grow logically out of Lenin's pronouncement: "The foundation and chief content of our work continues to be the development of the political understanding of the masses" [2, p. 376]. The Congress urged that the role of science in organizing and executing all educational work carried out in our society be intensified, for science not only plays a large part in the formation of a Marxist-Leninist world view and has import ideological aspects, it can also have a decivisive influence on the elaboration and introduction of effective methods for educating the new man.