Cold War Research Articles

BIKINI ATOLL, NEVADA, MOSCOW. WASHINGTON’S LONG ROAD TO THE PARTIAL TEST BAN TREATY (1958–1963)

The conclusion of the 1963 Moscow Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water is an important milestone in the history of the Cold War. It was preceded by long and complex negotiations between the USSR and the US. Measures to impose a moratorium on tests (August 1958 — August 1961) did not yield signifi cant results either in reducing harmful environmental consequences or in reducing the risk of nuclear conflict. In addition, the issue of at least partial test ban was closely linked to the political contradictions between the superpowers, in particular, regarding the status of Berlin. On 9 September 1961, the negotiations were stopped. In the fall, the USSR conducted a large series of explosions, and advances in weapons development required new tests. Moscow’s decision to withdraw from the moratorium was dictated by the desire to demonstrate to its opponents the readiness for any emergency. In 1962, the events around Cuba led not only to intensified testing by both powers, but also to the acute Cuban Missile Crisis in October, when the danger of using nuclear weapons became quite real. The August 1963 treaty was one of the immediate outcomes of the Cuban Missile Crisis. However, it is also important that the superpowers came to the signing of the Moscow Treaty only after their scientific and technological achievements (including, above all, the results of nuclear tests) had been able to ensure a confident strategic deterrence of each other. The tests of nuclear devices conducted by both powers in 1961 and 1962 allowed them to equip all types of carriers with warheads as part of their planned programs to renew strategic nuclear arsenals. At the same time, the Moscow Treaty created a basis for harmonizing the positions of the US and the USSR with regard to nuclear nonproliferation for many years to come.

Back to the future: re-examining John Mearsheimer’s idea of hypernationalism in the context of the Russian–Ukrainian war

ABSTRACT Russia’s ‘special military operation’ in Ukraine is an opportunity for readdressing a crucial theoretical question: How to understand the role of hypernationalism in the run-up to war? Given the participation of Ukrainian ultranationalist militias and Russia’s goal of de-Nazifying Ukraine, a need emerges to provide a greater understanding of hypernationalism and its relation to this war’s origins. By going back to John Mearsheimer’s 1990 article ‘Back to the future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War’, this article examines Mearsheimer’s idea of hypernationalism and the problem of how states can signify other nations most negatively in the run-up to war. Drawing on a problem-driven strategy, it tackles this problem by applying ‘Essex School’ poststructuralist discourse theory. It argues that Ukrainian hypernationalism played a vital role in the genesis of this war, although not as a stable set of principles that possess a causal force but as a political subjectivity that the Russian government signified as a threat to its national identity. I use this distinction to theorise the role of hypernationalism by examining Russian official statements about Ukrainian neo-Nazism.

The World Is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War, by Allison M. Prasch

<i>The World Is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War</i>, by Allison M. Prasch

The Transition of Bulgarian Military Intelligence in the Post–Cold War Era: From Warsaw Pact to NATO (1989–2004)

The reconstruction of the history of the Bulgarian military intelligence services in the first fifteen years of post–Cold War democratic transition until the accession of the country to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has been rarely discussed in contemporary historiography so far. The proposed publication was based on various newly declassified archival sources, as well as on some personal recollections. The transformation of the Bulgarian military intelligence services in those years could be separated into three basic stages, in parallel with the transformation of the Armed Forces and the society as a whole.

Refuge in Revolution: Chilean and Uruguayan Exiles in Cuba, 1973-1990

ABSTRACT This article examines the refuge revolutionary Cuba offered to Chilean and Uruguayan exiles. Fleeing dictatorships during Latin America’s Cold War, thousands arrived in, or passed through, Cuba. Cuba was a logical refuge, representing a revolution suffused with promises of solidarity, internationalism and socialist modernity. It was also conceived as a route of resistance and return. Centring the memories of former exiles, this article examines expectations and reality of refuge in Cuba. Revealing a diversity of exile experiences, it asks what different forms of refuge existed in Cuba, how these evolved and with what significance for understanding the Cold War.

NATO: from Cold War to Ukraine

NATO: from Cold War to Ukraine

Cybernetic States: Communication, Control, and State-Space in the Advanced Research Projects Agency

While political geographers have researched state restructuring extensively over the past forty years, few have explored the role of cybernetics in this process. Conversely, although a wide spectrum of scholars outside of geography have shed light on aspects of cybernetic governance, they have yet to incorporate insights from political geography. In both cases, the political geography of cybernetic state power remains largely unexplored. To bridge this gap, the article explores the nexus of cybernetics and state restructuring in the Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA), a Cold War US defense research agency, circa 1958 to 1969. It analyzes Congressional testimonies by ARPA-sponsored scientists and engineers alongside their academic publications and other papers to grasp how they conceived of and actively sought to transform state-space. The article makes two arguments. First, while geographers treat state restructuring as a function of neoliberalization or War on Terror securitization, the process was set in motion near the start of the Cold War. It was then that ARPA's appeal to cybernetics to resolve geopolitical conflicts cemented the logical, organizational, and technical foundations for neoliberal and War on Terror state mutations. Second, the main thrust of ARPA responses to Cold War crises involved restructuring state-power in the mode of a cybernetic feedback control system. These efforts bring into relief a distinct object of analysis, the state control system (SCS), which offers geographers fresh perspectives on state restructuring and opens new pathways for interdisciplinary research.

Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961-7

This absorbing account of relations between the Soviet Union and the leaders of anticolonial movements fighting to liberate Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau from Portuguese rule in the 1960s and 1970s is in part the fruit of Natalia Telepneva's doctoral dissertation under the supervision of Odd Arne Westad,1 whose own work looms large in the historiography of the Cold War. The book opens like a spy thriller with a Soviet military plane landing in Luanda on the day Agostinho Neto, leader of the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), is set to be inaugurated as the first president of independent Angola. On board the An-12 is an intelligence officer by the name of Boris Putilin, 'whose job had been to coordinate arms transfers from the Soviet Union'2 to the MPLA. Putilin is almost shot at by an Angolan solider but is rescued in time to attend the inauguration by the chief of airport security.

The Last Starfighter

Museum objects have the potential to act as powerful symbols of national identity and modernity. This article examines the three lives of Starfighter 637, a Norwegian military aircraft that flew in the Arctic during the Cold War before becoming an exhibit at the Norsk Luftfartsmuseum and finally being restored to fly again by a group of aviation enthusiasts. The case study of the Starfighter considers the role of socialisation in generating a military object’s meanings and value as cultural heritage, but also how museums can convey the kinetic experience of flying.

Forward defense – concept, plan, and action for solving russian aggression at Nato's easternd border

Forward defense is not a new concept. It is rather traditional, coming from the Cold War and implying, originally, the nuclear posture and strategy. Following the issuance of the Madrid NATO Strategic Concept and Vilnius statement that not an inch of the Alliance’s territory will fall under the control of the opponents, a new approach to forward defense is needed to cope with the multiple shifts in the security environment: Russian war of aggression, the change of technological generation, dilemmas of resources and apabilities, limits and multiple challenges from the international environment with superposed simultaneous crises. The perspective of possible attacks on NATO territory – in the next 2-3-5-8 years – requires a review of the concept and, consequently, of the political decisions, strategic planning, enforcement of those decisions, and development of forces and capabilities on the ground. Combining nuclear flexible capabilities, a strategy of massive retaliation with conventional forces and deterrence by reinforcement, deterrence by denial, forward presence, rapid projection capabilities, resolution, effective decisionmaking, and forward posture, we could build a new, updated doctrine of forward defense. However, the debate has to consider what is theoretically developed, technically feasible, politically acceptable, financially sustainable, and strategically credible in the „new forward defense” for granting inviolability of allied territory. The basic limitation is to define and refine forward defense without a reconsideration beyond existing means.

Strategic Storytelling: Russian State-Backed Media Coverage of the Ukraine War

Abstract Strategic narratives help shape wars. In modern history, strategic narratives were used during the Cold War, the War in Afghanistan, and the Iraq War to justify military invasions and manipulate opponents. During the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Russia was accused of weaponizing its state-backed media outlets to promote a pro-Russian version of the war. Consequently, Russian state-backed media faced a series of new sanctions from Western governments and technology companies. While some studies have sought to identify disinformation about the war, less research has focused on understanding how these stories come together as narratives, particularly in non-English language contexts. Grounded in strategic narrative theory, we analyze Russian state-backed media coverage of the Ukraine war across 12 languages. Using topic modeling and narrative analysis, we find that Russian state-backed media focused primarily on promoting identity narratives, forming an image that Russia is powerful, Ukraine is evil, and the West is hypocritical. Russian strategic narratives both converged and diverged across languages and outlets in ways that met Russia’s desired image and objectives in each region. This paper allows us to better theorize the evolving and transformative role of strategic narrative in Russian state-backed news media during times of conflict.

Between Politics and Justice: International Criminal Law in Hungary

Abstract Hungary has had an intense engagement with international criminal justice. During communism and democracy alike, the normative framework and language of international criminal law was used to delegitimise the political opponent. This article aims to describe the way international criminal law was repeatedly instrumentalized to not simply serve as a genuine tool for justice but also as a potent political pawn through presenting the use of international criminal law in four different time periods: (1) during the post-World War ii war crimes trials at the People’s Tribunals; (2) the adoption of universal jurisdiction during the communist era as a tool of Cold War status competition; (3) in the 1990s, as an instrument of transitional justice; and finally, (4) in the post-2010s, as a tool for memory politics and anti-migration propaganda.

Peter Quill : Multimedia, Anti-Communism, and Science Superhero

ABSTRACT This article assesses Peter Quill, a radio thriller drama that aired on WGN (1938–1940) and evinces the early multimedia interaction of newspaper-owned radio stations through a tie-up with the Chicago Tribune, its owner. The paper condensed each week’s program with a visual summary, while the program dramatically echoed and amplified the paper’s anticommunist stance and rightist ideology through another mode and medium. Peter Quill aided US authorities in stymieing the Red Circle, a fifth-column communist group that typically overwhelmed the capabilities of law enforcement and the military. Quill also provides a scientific genius superhero that anticipates the Cold War.

The Cold War History of Wheat Flour in South Korea, 1945–1960: the Discourse of Corruption and the April Revolution of 1960

ABSTRACT One way that the United States conducted the Cold War was through its surplus food programmes (Public Law 480), which fed the hungry and supported anticommunist regimes. Consequently, South Koreans consumed over fourteen times more wheat flour by 1960 than during the preceding Japanese colonial period. This study presents a nuanced exploration of 1950s South Korea, using wheat flour — a central commodity in US aid — as a focal point to unravel complex political dynamics. It challenges the traditional binary narrative of authoritarianism versus liberalism, demonstrating how the Rhee regime’s promotion of wheat flour consumption reflected multifaceted strategies of corruption. This article underscores the unintended consequences of US aid, highlighting the intricate interactions between foreign assistance and local political, economic and social forces. By analysing the local responses to wheat flour distribution, it reveals how US aid, while aimed at bolstering anticommunism, inadvertently facilitated corruption and influenced public sentiment.

A Bridge No More? Turkiye’s Geopolitical Significance in the Twenty-first Century

This article scrutinises popular convictions about Turkiye’s ‘bridge’ status between Asia and Europe in the twenty-first century. Unlike during the Cold War, when Turkiye enjoyed geopolitical leverage due to its proximity to Europe and the Soviet Union, today’s geopolitics is shaped by China’s rise and the shift of commercial nodes away from the Atlantic and towards the Pacific. This renders Turkiye a peripheral actor in Asia-to-Europe commodity flows, as well as in the ongoing rivalry between Washington and Beijing. Other factors adversely affecting Turkiye’s geopolitical significance include the decarbonisation process and the Fourth Industrial Revolution. The European Union’s declining demand for fossil fuels challenges Turkiye’s ambition to become an energy corridor between Central Asia and Europe. Likewise, Turkiye’s secondary role in the global supply chains for technology (semiconductors, cobalt, silicon) is undermining its bridge status.

Not More, But More Assured: Optimising US Nuclear Posture

The Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States has urged Washington to adopt new measures to maintain a credible nuclear deterrent against Russia and China in a deteriorating security environment. Any effort by the United States to match its two nuclear peers warhead for warhead, delivery system for delivery system, would be costly folly, potentially reprising the Cold War arms race. A qualitative rather than quantitative response may well be more effective. Developing nuclear-capable hypersonic glide vehicles and cruise missiles, though challenging, would improve Washington’s ability to shape an opponent’s decision calculus and reduce its capacity to pursue deterrence by denial. These systems would also enhance the United States’ ability to hold at risk multiple high-value, well-defended targets and reinforce planners’ confidence in retaliatory strikes. Finally, a qualitative focus would enable the US to argue more credibly for quantitative limitations at levels similar to or lower than those existing today.

Conceptual Evolution and Paradigm Reconstruction: An Integrated Framework for International Communication

The tracing of historical origins and disciplinary trajectories enables us to reveal that international communication, as a specific manifestation of global information flow and media evolution, is primarily influenced by the interplay of three societal factors: the roots of political conflicts, the catalytic role of economic and technological developments, and the reshaping of values into distinct blocs. These factors intertwine with the awareness of external exploration across different historical periods. Traditional knowledge production in international communication has evolved along two main lines: political economy and cultural studies. These paths have given rise to three major paradigms—propaganda, global communication, and intercultural communication—each stemming from differing core units of analysis. Together, they have constructed a multifaceted interpretive framework for understanding self-identity and the relationship between self and the external world in the information age since the beginning of the 20th century. This paper argues that on the new journey in the new era, efforts should be made to weaken the attributes of hierarchical control and power conflict derived from the practices of Western industrial societies and the Cold War. In the context of an era marked by the fusion of “new subjects, new networks, new media, and new values,” there is a need to return to the original purpose of communication: the sharing of information and the collective responsibility it entails. This will enable the construction of a new paradigm driven by Chinese modernization for the exchange and mutual learning of civilizations. Such a paradigm aims to unify humanity around shared values, foster the building of a human community with a shared future, and create new forms of human advancement.

Colonial legacies and the British geological survey in cold war South Asia: 1960s–1980s

ABSTRACT This article explores change and continuity in the institutional objectives and actions of the British Geological Survey across independent South Asian countries, namely India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Ceylon/Sri Lanka, and Burma/Myanmar. By focusing on this geographical space from the 1960s, the article tells a political tale of adjustment, in which the colonial background of the British presence in the region was overlain by the Cold War foreground of international competition. The Geological Survey had the required pedigree to prolong the British presence in important technical arenas of these emerging nation-states, albeit within the redefined parameters of development, overlapping interests, and competing benefits. The article sketches the Survey’s history of exchange and collaboration across South Asian countries (except Bhutan), as its projects adapted to national preferences and global pressures. It traces how and why its proposals prioritised certain interactions over others and tracks the ways-and-means through which it pursued geological and attendant commercial aims. The article also attempts to situate these interplays within regional and ideological frames, within which politically conscious technocrats sought capital and influence to reorient earth science objectives so that these could simultaneously accrue national products and generate neo-colonial prestige.

The arsenal of democracy? An examination of political regime types’ success in the global sporting arms race following the collapse of the iron curtain

ABSTRACT Over the years, international elite sport has developed into an ‘arms race’ with the success of national elite sport systems becoming a symbol of regime superiority. During the Cold War, the Eastern and Western Blocs battled for success in various sports disciplines. The former nations were dominating in terms of medals, symbolising the force of the socialist autocratic system. However, because of the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, Western liberal democracies had the opportunity to gain more strength. In this paper, we aim to test whether this has happened by analysing the association between political regime type and international sporting success at the Winter and Summer Olympic Games in the post-Cold War Period. We do this by deploying data on the political regime types to a set of regression models, finding that democratic nations have taken over the international sporting arms race at the Summer Olympic Games. For the Winter Games, our results indicate that less democratic countries (anocracies) are in the lead. Our results add to existing research by suggesting that political regime type still matters to international sporting success. Implications for stakeholders, sports managers, and politicians are that they must decide to what extent they want to be part of this game in the coming years.

The Reagan Doctrine or “Sandinista Chic”? Political Balance in the Committee to Protect Journalists’ 1982 Mission to Central America

ABSTRACT The Committee to Protect Journalists is a world-renowned press freedom organization that advocates on behalf of journalists being persecuted for doing their work. Launched in 1981, CPJ was originally imagined as a group of US journalists who would speak out on behalf of beleaguered colleagues working under both right-wing and left-wing dictatorships. CPJ was a product of the late Cold War, and its members found it particularly challenging to navigate US foreign policy—especially when advocating for journalists in Central America. This article tells the story of CPJ’s first international mission to El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, showing that the mission was riddled with internal tension. Such tension centered on the question of how to gain credibility with both conservative and liberal lawmakers in Washington. CPJ members each believed that they could and should gain this credibility by striking a political balance among the delegates themselves, as well as in the official statement that followed the mission. Yet, the political differences among the people who went on the mission ultimately led to bitter disagreements about how to represent journalists’ persecution in that region of the world.