Cognitive Mobilization Research Articles

La riflessione al lavoro

This contribution aims at discussing the relationship between professional identity growth and critical reflection on the ways to make experiences, on the knowledge and cognitive and emotional experiences acquired in the workplace, on the epistemic prespecties and sustaining practice. Thinking and re-thinking about oneself, together with inquiring and critizising oneself, allow new world construction, cognitive and learning mobilisation, knowledge production, process, artefact and language invention, and ones emotional life awareness. The subject in the workplace finds in the research, action and training the most promising conditions to discover the meaning of daily activities and to make sense to ones activity.

The Cognitive Mobilization Index

This article shows how the cognitive mobilization index, designed for use in observing potential political participation, can be used as an indicator of the political climate that a particular society is going through. Following a discussion of the theoretical elaborations (and their working definitions) of the concept of cognitive mobilization, a longitudinal study of various European countries is used to consider the question of how political crises influence cognitive mobilization indexes and what effects they have on the political socialization process among the youngest cohorts.

The role of prevention focus under stereotype threat: Initial cognitive mobilization is followed by depletion.

Previous research has demonstrated that stereotype threat induces a prevention focus and impairs central executive functions. The present research examines how these 2 consequences of stereotype threat are related. The authors argue that the prevention focus is responsible for the effects of stereotype threat on executive functions and cognitive performance. However, because the prevention focus is adapted to deal with threatening situations, the authors propose that it also leads to some beneficial responses to stereotype threat. Specifically, because stereotype threat signals a high risk of failure, a prevention focus initiates immediate recruitment of cognitive control resources. The authors further argue that this response initially facilitates cognitive performance but that the additional cognitive demands associated with working under threat lead to cognitive depletion over time. Study 1 demonstrates that stereotype threat (vs. control) facilitates immediate cognitive control capacity during a stereotype-relevant task. Study 2 experimentally demonstrates the process by showing that stereotype threat (vs. control) facilitates cognitive control as a default, as well as when a prevention focus has been experimentally induced, but not when a promotion focus has been induced. Study 3 shows that stereotype threat facilitates initial math performance under a prevention focus, whereas no effect is found under a promotion focus. Consistent with previous research, however, stereotype threat impaired math performance over time under a prevention focus, but not under a promotion focus.

Risco e prevenção do HIV/Aids: uma perspectiva biográfica sobre os comportamentos sexuais em Portugal

On the basis of a representative survey carried out in 2007 of the Portuguese population aged between 18 and 65, this study investigates the impact of factors during the course of sexual life on risk-taking behavior and perceptions among 3055 heterosexual men and women. A number of sexual biography profiles were identified through cluster analysis of indicators related to the identity, number and sequence of partners throughout life. We discovered different profiles, from systematic occasional partnerships and use of paid sex, more frequent among men, to the single partner profile, which is more prevalent among women. By carrying out several linear regression analyses, we were able to evaluate the predictive impact of biographical factors on condom use and prevention behavior. Our results indicate that sexual biographies are more important in explaining the prevalence of condom use with different sexual partners. On the other hand, fear of infection and information on HIV transmission seem to influence the cognitive mobilization of prevention strategies and change of sexual behavior. However, condom use is still more dependent on sexual life pattern and interaction with sexual partners.

Apartisans and the changing German electorate

The concept of party identification is central to our understanding of electoral behavior. This paper builds upon the functional logic of party identification and asks what occurs when more Germans manage the complexities of politics without needing to rely on habitual party cues—what we label as Apartisans. We track the distribution of party mobilization and cognitive mobilization within the German electorate from 1976 until 2009. Then, we demonstrate the importance of these mobilization patterns by documenting strong differences in electoral commitment, the content of political thinking, and electoral change. The results suggest a secular transformation in the characteristics of the public has led to a more differentiated and dealigned German electorate.

Cosmopolitan politicization: How perceptions of interdependence foster citizens’ expectations in international institutions

Much of what can be subsumed under the label ‘political cosmopolitanism’ calls for the empowerment of international institutions because of increased global interdependencies. Surprisingly, however, few scholars have asked whether ordinary citizens share this way of thinking. Do people believe that international institutions are desirable because of their superior capacity to solve transnational problems? To address this question, falsifiable hypotheses about the quality of and scope conditions for a minimally defined ‘public political cosmopolitanism’ are derived from the literature and tested using the results of a representative survey of German citizens. I show that there is significant support for what I call the ‘interdependence model’ of cosmopolitan politicization: German citizens’ perception of transnational interdependencies (in terms of functional sensitivity as well as moral commitments) fosters beliefs in the capacity of international institutions to solve problems. Remarkably, this relationship is moderated by citizens’ sense of their own vulnerability, that is, their beliefs that the national government is incapable of solving such problems. The interdependence model has significant explanatory power, spanning different levels of education, and thus disproves claims that cognitive mobilization is a crucial scope condition for cosmopolitan politicization.

The Consequences of Cognitive Mobilization in Comparative Perspective: Political Sophistication and Voting Behavior in Old and New Democracies

This paper focuses on the relationship between cognitive mobilization and party dealignment in different institutional and political settings. Drawing on data from the Comparative National Election Project (CNEP), this study aims to examine the relative impact of political sophistication on three distinct measures of party dealignment, namely partisan attachments, time of voting decision and electoral volatility. The models test both individual and country-level variables by using a multilevel approach. The findings suggest that higher levels of cognitive mobilization are associated with stronger partisan loyalties, whereas short-term determinants have a significant impact on late deciders and defectors. Moreover, different political experience and institutional factors are found to affect the three dimensions of party dealignment. This effect is mediated through political sophistication as voters with high levels of cognitive mobilization are more affected by different institutional arrangements.

The European Public Sphere, the Media, and Support for European Integration

The goal of this study is to find out whether the emergence of a European public sphere (EPS) contributes to EU support in its affective and evaluative dimensions. The EPS is conceptualized as an entity resting on Europeanized national public spheres. The media is seen as the most important place where Europeanization manifests itself. As an example of Europeanized public spheres, data on the coverage of the 2004 European Parliament election is used. The data set involves measures on EU salience in the media and tone of the messages, and is analyzed together with individual level data on EU support from the 2004 European Election Study. In contrast to earlier approaches to similar data of the 1999 EP elections, multilevel analysis is used to account for the hierarchical structure of the data. In particular, this study analyzes whether the media exerts an independent effect on evaluative and affective support. Additionally, it focuses on whether the impact of cognitive mobilization and egocentric utilitarianism as individual level predictors for EU support varies depending on the Europeanization of national public spheres. A positive, significant effect was found between the tone of the media context and evaluative support. Cross-level interaction effects revealed that EU salience significantly increases the importance of class affiliation when it comes to affective and evaluative support. Utilitarian considerations are found to differentiate people in their EU support only in the presence of negative EU coverage, but not when coverage is positive. This study comes to the conclusion that an emerging EPS can have a positive effect on support for the EU, resulting in a more critical, but also more alerted public.

Between Economic Utility and Regional Attachment: The EMU and Eastern Enlargement in the Spanish Eye

This paper uses Spain as the case study in furthering understanding of the forces that influence public opinion, specifically as they exist within the contemporary European context. To evaluate this, the focus is on two primary issues: the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the Eastern Enlargement. In order to explore the relationship between opinions towards EU membership, the Euro and support for enlargement, ordinary least squares (OLS) and logistic multivariate regression methods are used to model public opinion development. The argument put forth in this paper is that the formation of public opinion is influenced by both regional dynamics and utilitarian economic considerations. Within this framework, the concept of political symbolism is explored in uncovering the influence of cognitive mobilization, group attachment and cost-benefit factors as they relate to Spanish opinion on widening and deepening of the European Union.

Between Economic Utility and Regional Attachment: The EMU and Eastern Enlargement in the Spanish Eye

This paper uses Spain as the case study in furthering understanding of the forces that influence public opinion, specifically as they exist within the contemporary European context. To evaluate this, the focus is on two primary issues: the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the Eastern Enlargement. In order to explore the relationship between opinions towards EU membership, the Euro and support for enlargement, ordinary least squares (OLS) and logistic multivariate regression methods are used to model public opinion development. The argument put forth in this paper is that the formation of public opinion is influenced by both regional dynamics and utilitarian economic considerations. Within this framework, the concept of political symbolism is explored in uncovering the influence of cognitive mobilization, group attachment and cost-benefit factors as they relate to Spanish opinion on widening and deepening of the European Union.
 Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v5i1.203

Does Public Broadcasting Make a Difference? Political Knowledge and Electoral Campaigns on Television

The political role of the modern media and the impact on public opinion has come under intense scrutiny. The arguments in the scientific dispute have been structured under the optimistic ‘cognitive mobilisation’ and pessimistic ‘media malaise’ banners. For obvious reasons the role of television has been most intensely discussed. TV has the widest reach and is believed to have to the strongest impact. So far, much of the exchange of arguments has been based on data from the United States. In many European countries, public broadcasting is far more prominent than in the United States, and one can argue that the ideals underlying public broadcasting have put their mark on the TV industry in many European countries. Norway is such a case. The interesting question is, of course, whether this matters. Does public broadcasting foster a ‘virtuous circle’ of increased political competence, whereas commercial TV creates ‘media malaise’? Data from the Norwegian 1997–2001 election survey panel is used in this study to overcome the main methodological problem in the many studies based on cross‐sectional data: the question of causality. Too often researchers have based their inferences about the link between media exposure and political knowledge on cross‐sectional correlations. The empirical results do little to support the optimistic view of TV as the great political educator. On the contrary, neither exposure to the state‐owned public broadcasting NRK nor the commercial TV2 help to increase the general level of political knowledge. However, NRK seems to be the preferred channel among the politically well‐informed.

Does political knowledge erode party attachments?: A review of the cognitive mobilization thesis

This article re-examines one of the most prominent theories explaining partisan dealignment in the advanced democracies: cognitive mobilization. Utilizing a diverse collection of cross-sectional and longitudinal data from a variety of countries, it is shown that measures of cognitive skills and access to mass media consistently predict an increase in the probability that a citizen will express an attachment to a party. What is more, this positive relationship is not diminishing over time. The essay concludes with a summary of key questions that remain about the relationship between political knowledge and party identification.

What Leads Young People to Identify with Europe? An Exploration of the Impact of Exposure to Europe and Political Engagement on European Identity among Young Europeans

The paper looks at young people's sense of being European in a number of European regions: Madrid and Bilbao, Vienna and Vorarlberg, Manchester and Edinburgh, Chemnitz and Bielefeld, Prague and Bratislava. We considered the ways in which ‘exposure’ to Europe through travel and speaking languages as well as cognitive mobilisation through discussing politics made young people aged 18–24 more European. However, the most important factor in differentiating ideas of Europe was the region itself with people in Central European regions (Austria, Germany, Czech and Slovak Republics) having much stronger European identification than those in peripheral regions (Spain and the UK). These ideas are explored using both quantitative and qualitative data from the regions and the explanations advanced are framed in terms of a theory of ‘entitativity’ or people's identification with something beyond themselves.

The Paradox of the Politically-Sophisticated Partisan: The French Case

The erosion of partisan ties observed in many advanced industrialised democracies has been attributed to a cluster of factors associated with societal modernisation. This article considers the impact of one of these explanatory factors, the political sophistication of the electorate, in the case of France. Specifically, it tests the proposition that a more highly-educated and better-informed electorate will be less partisan. Its findings challenge a number of the assumptions behind the ‘independent’ voter thesis. The evidence points to the fact that it is lower rather than higher cognitive mobilisation that is associated with apartisanship. More politically-sophisticated voters, young and old alike, tend to have stronger party attachment and to rely on this rather than on complex evaluations of issues and policy to guide their voting decision.

Partisan mobilization, cognitive mobilization and the changing American electorate

The concept of party identification is central to our understanding of American electoral behavior. This research builds upon the functional logic of party identification and asks what occurs if citizens become better able to manage the complexities of politics without relying on habitual party cues. Using the data from the American National Election Studies, we track the distribution of party mobilization and cognitive mobilization within the American electorate. Then, we demonstrate the importance of these alternative mobilization patterns by documenting strong differences in the content of political thinking, voting choice, and electoral change. The results suggest a secular transformation in the characteristics of the American public since the classic images of The American Voter, leading to a more differentiated and dealigned electorate.

Shaky attachments: Individual‐level stability and change of partisanship among West German voters, 1984–2001

Abstract. Individual voters’ identification with a political party is believed to be a highly stable core of the political personality, and an ‘unmoved mover’ of political behaviour. In this article, the authors take advantage of a unique longitudinal database – the German Socio‐Economic Panel (GSOEP) – to test the basic premise of partisanship's high persistence. Analysing individual‐level data from 18 annual panel waves conducted in West Germany between 1984 and 2001, it was found that only a minority of the electorate appears steadfast with regard to partisanship over the entire period. Using event history analysis, the authors demonstrate how movements from partisanship into independence and changes between parties are affected by: personal attributes of voters, especially cognitive mobilisation; by properties of their social contexts, in particular spousal relationships and family constellations; by situational contexts, specifically election campaigns; and by the type of party with which voters identify.

Media Effects on Public Opinion about the Enlargement of the European Union*

AbstractStudies of public support for matters of European integration tend either to neglect or inadequately model the role of the mass media. This study investigates how news media content affects public support for the enlargement of the EU. Other influences on support for integration, such as economic evaluations, anti‐immigration sentiment, domestic political considerations and cognitive mobilization are accounted for. The study draws on two‐wave panel surveys and media content analyses of television news and national newspapers. The results suggest that media coverage of EU affairs matters to change in public opinion about EU enlargement. The effects of the news media, however, are conditional upon the visibility and consistency in tone of the news.

‘Dead men walking?’ Party identification in Germany, 1977–2002

Scholars engaged in the discourse on ‘Parteienverdrossenheit’ claim that a breakdown of party attachments in West Germany occurred during the early 1990s. Employing data from a series of monthly polls that were conducted from 1977 to 2002, this paper demonstrates that the notion of such a rapid decline is wrong. Rather than being swept away by political crises, party identification declines slowly and fairly constantly over time, which is in line with theories of a secular dealignment. Furthermore, it can be shown that this dealignment is driven by a weakening of traditional social ties, while cognitive mobilization and change in the composition of the society have no effect on partisanship. The decline is most pronounced among the working class.

The Self-Organization of Social Movements

tion of self-organization is one way of taking into account both internal and external, structural- and action-based aspects of social movements and that it allows a dynamic concept of protest. The emergence of social movements is not determined, but a complex result of crisis, resource mobilization, cognitive mobilization, self-production— searching for singular laws of the emergence of movements is an expression of onedimensional, linear, and deterministic thinking. Protest and social problems are nonlinearly related. Social movements are part of the civil society system, by producing alternative topics and demands, they guarantee the dynamic of the political system. Existing system-theoretic approaches on social movements (Luhmann, Japp, Ahlemeyer, Hellmann) are rather uncritical and ignore the productive relationship between human actors and social structures in processes of social self-organization. Social movements are dynamic communication systems that permanently react to political and societal events with self-organized protest practices and protest communications that result in the emergence and differentiation (production and reproduction) of protest structures (events, oppositional topics, alternative values, regularized patterns of interaction and organization). The dynamic of social movements is based on the permanent emergence and mutual production of protest practices and protest structures. The self-organization of a social movement is a vivid process, it is based on the permanent movement and differentiation of actors and structures that communicate public protest, a social movement is only a movement, as long as it communicates protest and moves itself. In critical phases of protest new social systems of protest emerge whose form, content and effects are not determined, but dependent upon old structures, i.e., old structures enable and constrain new structures. The emergence of new protest issues, methods, identities, structures, and organizational forms starts as singular innovation, if it is widely imitated then it spreads within the protest system and transforms the system as a whole. In terms of Hegelian dialectics this means that novel qualities sublate the old structure of the total system, i.e., the system is transformed, reaches a higher level, incorporates old qualities, and creates new qualities. In critical phases protest can spontaneously and quickly spread and intensify itself. This reflects the idea of complexity thinking that

Explaining Citizen Support for Trade Liberalization

This paper examines individual attitudes in six industrialized democracies to determine what factors condition citizens' support for trade liberalization. We argue that public support for trade liberalization is influenced by politically driven views and individual economic utilitarian considerations. To test our propositions, we develop and estimate a series of logistic regression models of public support for trade liberalization. That data are derived from The World Values Surveys (1995–1997). We find strong empirical support for the economic utilitarian factors—primarily education, but also gender and income—as the principal factors shaping individual attitudes toward trade liberalization. Conversely, while some empirical support is found for political factors such as one's geographic orientation and level of cognitive mobilization, we find that the political predictors of support are weaker overall than the economic interest predictors.