Climate Change Negotiations Research Articles

Climate Finance in and between Developing Countries: An Emerging Opportunity to Build On

AbstractThe United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations are evolving to reflect changes in national and global economic circumstances. However, this shift has been far smaller in the critical issue of climate finance, which remains too mired in an increasingly antiquated North–South, developed–developing country dichotomy. This inertia poses a serious threat to our ability to mobilize the finance required to meet the climate challenge, and could hamstring the new climate agreement countries are seeking. However, an important new trend can help move this discussion forward: the rise of climate finance within and among developing countries. Far from diminishing the need for developed countries to increase their support for mitigation and adaptation in developing countries, so‐called ‘South‐South Climate Finance’ (SSCF) can help unlock much needed additional resources for the climate challenge. This article provides an initial mapping of SSCF and argues that: (1) the emergence of SSCF offers countries an opportunity to mobilize additional climate finance, including through multilateral development banks (MDBs); and (2) parties to the UNFCCC should track and foster the role of SSCF so as to more effectively align it with ‘traditional’ climate finance that flows from developed to developing countries.

Press Briefings in International Climate Change Negotiations

Mass media representatives attend global climate change negotiations in large numbers, and governments reach out to the media through press briefings. In this paper, we analyze which governments use press briefings, and why. We argue that governments may be motivated by a logic of appropriateness, thus holding press conferences as 'the right thing to do'. Alternatively, governments may act under a logic of consequence and initiate press conferences to increase leverage in the negotiations. Based on new data from the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) archives, however, we find limited support for these two logics of action. Neither democracies, which are more likely to follow a logic of appropriateness, nor vulnerable countries, which are more likely to follow a logic of consequence, organize systematically more press conferences. Other factors, such as capacity and a government's function in the negotiation structure, seem to play a more important role.

Press Briefings in International Climate Change Negotiations

Press conferences are an important element of a government's communication strategy at climate change summits. From a theoretical perspective, press conferences should serve two main functions: exerting pressure in negotiations and informing the public. These functions correspond to two logics of action: a logic of consequence where governments use press conferences as negotiation tools and a logic of appropriateness where governments organize press conferences to increase transparency. Based on new data from the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change archives, we find limited support for these two logics of action. Neither democracies, which, we argue, are more likely to follow a logic of appropriateness, nor vulnerable countries, which are more likely to follow a logic of consequence, organize systematically more press conferences. Other factors, such as capacity and a government's function in the negotiation structure, seem to play a more important role.

Engineering Climate Change Negotiations

Science has recently handed us an inconveniently concept to think about climate change: to keep global temperatures from rising to dangerous levels, we may only burn a very limited amount of fossil fuels in the next hundred years. This carbon budget has to be shared fairly among nations. Applying the novel approach of engineering, we propose a simple mathematical model for the climate change negotiations: to agree on a cutting of the carbon cake, parties select fairness principles and decide to which degree they should be applied. We call this negotiation on principles. We investigate some properties of the model and as an application assess the fairness of past and present allocations of the budget.

Status and decomposition analysis on building energy consumption of China in the last decade

As the need for international climate change negotiation and national sustainable development increases, China has announced its energy conservation and emission reduction target, in which building energy consumption is an important part. The energy consumption and total energy consumption of classified buildings in China during 2004–2013 are calculated, taking into consideration the characteristics of China's building sector. The LMDI (Logarithmic Mean Divisia Index) method is adopted to carry out the factor decomposition research and discussion of the four factors influencing the energy consumption (comprising different building types of GFA (gross floor area) per capita, the energy consumption per unit GFA, the urban population proportion, and the total population) of China's building sector. The results show that the continuous increase of GFA per capita is the primary factor influencing the increase in China's building energy consumption and the increase of urbanization ratio is the secondary factor. Meanwhile, controlling building energy consumption per unit GFA is the effective way to decrease the total energy consumption. The core method of controlling the energy consumption demands of China's building sector in the future is to reasonably control the future GFA per capita and to simultaneously take corresponding measures to reduce the building energy consumption per unit GFA.

Climate-Related Standards and Multilateral Finance for Development

This article discusses climate-related standards that development finance institutions establish or apply to projects supported by their investments. It focuses particularly on multilateral development banks given their major role in providing finance to developing countries, where the bulk of the world’s fastest growing emissions are taking place. It looks at proposed and recently adopted standards, as well as different perspectives developed and developing countries have regarding these standards. It also discusses how these standards might be impacted by the evolution of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations and concludes that there will be continuing challenges to implement these standards unless developed countries fulfill their pledge of expected finance.

Establishing a Governmental Duty of Care for Climate Change Mitigation: WillUrgendaTurn the Tide?

AbstractLiability for causing or failing to mitigate climate change has long been proposed as an alternative, or backstop, to lagging international cooperation. Thus far, there has been very limited success in holding governments or individuals responsible for the emission of greenhouse gases (GHGs) that are considered the primary cause of anthropogenic climate change. The recent landmark decision inUrgenda Foundationv.Government of the Netherlands (Ministry of Infrastructure and the Environment)breaks with this tradition. In June 2015, the Dutch District Court (The Hague) held that the current climate policies of the government are not sufficiently ambitious for it to fulfil its duty of care towards Dutch society. The judgment, and the accompanying order for the government to adopt stricter GHG reduction policies, raises important questions about the future of climate change liability litigation, the separation of powers between the judiciary and the legislature, and the effect of litigation on international climate change negotiation and cooperation.

Locating international REDD+ power relations: Debating forests and trees in international climate negotiations

The Reduction of Deforestation and Forest Degradation initiative (REDD+) was initially hailed widely as a smart and cost-effective way to mitigate climate change and has moved quickly compared to other strands of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations. Much of the initiative’s original appeal – and a good deal of subsequent controversy around it – relates to framing the world’s tropical forests as carbon sinks and compensating developing countries that manage to reverse or avoid deforestation. REDD+ negotiations can thus be seen a site where the standard divisions between Annex 1 and non-Annex 1 (‘developed’ and ‘developing’) were being challenged and interrogated by the negotiating parties and the broader network of actors around the climate regime. This article suggests that such complex and changing global governance policy fields need to be analysed as ‘places’ in their own right, populated by actors engaged in field-specific power relations that may not reflect international hierarchies or power relations manifested in other international settings. Based in a unique set of interviews supplemented by primary data analysis, this article unpacks the power relations of REDD+ negotiations by examining how those involved seek to assume competence, designate and recognize leadership, and shape outcomes. In tracing the dynamics of claiming competence, the ‘competition’ between two disciplinary milieus around forests as an international policy object and also delegates’ shifting between reliance on expert knowledge and political ‘know-how’ in the negotiations themselves are identified. To understand the politics of recognition – that is to have a claim to competence or position acknowledged by others – the perceived qualities and resources of recognized leadership are examined and the absence of global superpowers amongst REDD+ leadership is problematized and discussed. Finally, in terms of wielding influence over outcomes, the fate of two quite similar ideas – one that has become incorporated into REDD+ methodology and another that is failing to be – further illustrate how the field is marked by internal power practices and that not all actors are equally well-positioned to achieve desired outcomes.

A Dynamic Mechanism for Transparent and Equitable Distribution of Global Emissions Reductions

With global attention focused on the 21st session of the Conference of Parties (COP21) in December 2015, much action is still needed and many obstacles remain unsolved in the international climate change negotiations: in particular, while the target of limiting global warming to below 2◦C relative to pre-industrial levels is widely cited in draft texts and discussions, little progress has been made in deciding how to align national contributions with such global emissions reduction aims. Building on a broad existing literature on distributing reduction contributions, this article proposes and analyzes an innovative new approach, based on a dynamic formula to determine Party-level targets through time. Addressing key requirements such as equity, transparency, environmental integrity and responsiveness to changing conditions, the resulting mechanism strongly encourages the convergence of per capita emissions trajectories across Parties, while maintaining overall global targets. The strengths of the approach are investigated and analysed through a number of detailed emissions simulations, comparing across growth scenarios and variations of the suggested formula. Concluding discussions describe the potential benefits of the new policy tool in the context of either voluntary pledges or top-down approaches and emissions trading schemes.

Long-term payoffs of near-term low-carbon deployment policies

Recent climate change negotiations indicate that near-term policies to address climate change are likely to vary across countries with countries employing a range of different policy options. One option frequently mooted at the national level is to promote, via policy, the deployment of low-carbon technologies. Promoting the deployment of low-carbon technologies can involve a near-term cost, if such technologies are more expensive overall, or require more upfront capital, than emitting alternatives. However, it lowers future costs of emissions abatement by reducing emissions in the near-term and potentially accelerating rates of improvement in targeted low-carbon technologies. We derive a globally cost-effective, near-term international technology investment strategy to achieve a long-term climate goal and show that it employs a diversified international technology investment portfolio across countries. We also explore the degree to which independent national technology deployment policies align with collaboratively determined regimes. We show that conditions exist under which there are substantial gains to international cooperation in the deployment of diverse low-carbon technologies and also circumstances in which domestic outcomes align with the global outcome.

Achieving Accountability in Climate Negotiations: Past Practices and Implications for the Post-2020 Agreement

As negotiations for the post-2020 agreement on climate change are underway and expected to be concluded by the end of 2015, the call for ensuring accountability with respect to the implementation of the agreement is attracting increased attention. Hence, one need to have a clear understanding of the meaning of the term “accountability”, particularly as it is used in relation to climate change. Accountability, a term used frequently in politics, is rather new in international law. This paper examines the history of achieving accountability in climate change negotiations, and examines that history under three headings, namely, (1) accountability for historical emissions of developed countries, (2) accountability under the Convention and (3) accountability under the Kyoto Protocol. Through a reflection on past accountability practices, this paper intends to establish that two different modes for achieving accountability have emerged: (1) international legal accountability, and (2) international political accountability. These may well provide useful guides to those involved in crafting the post-2020 agreement. As past practice in climate negotiation has shown, achieving accountability has been fraught with difficulties due to its implications for sanctions or political pressures on a sovereign State. These same concerns would persist in the discussion of the accountability regime for the post-2020 agreement.

Responsibilities in Transition: Emerging Powers in the Climate Change Negotiations

The BASIC countries (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China) play an increasingly prominent role in global climate negotiations. Climate governance spotlights burden-sharing arrangements, asking countries to take on potentially costly actions to resolve a global problem, even as the benefits are generally indivisible public goods. This article examines the BASIC countries' own Joint Statements and their individual and collective submissions to multilateral climate negotiations to identify the rationalist and principled arguments they have made about the climate burden-sharing requirements that developed countries, developing countries, and they themselves should face in global climate governance. It argues that their expectations for their own role are particularly unclear, with greater national action than international commitments to do so.

Heat Is On Climate Talks

High expectations for upcoming climate change talks may drag out the diplomatic process for slashing global greenhouse gas emissions. Set for December in Paris, the talks are aimed at keeping the rise in the world’s temperature below 2 °C. Although negotiators are well aware of the failure of past diplomatic efforts, they are confident about their chances for real progress. Firing their desire to get something done is a growing sense that time may be running out to prevent irreversible climate change. New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio (D) voiced these expectations last month. “Paris may constitute our last, best hope,” he told a meeting of mayors from around the world. De Blasio is among many leaders and activists with a similar outlook. Negotiators and United Nations officials, however, are attempting to manage those expectations, saying that what happens after the talks is what is important. “Paris is not ...

La intratabilidad ideológica en la política internacional del cambio climático

En esta investigación se realiza un análisis de los choques ideológicos y los conflictos políticos que se desarrollan en torno al tema del cambio climático en las negociaciones internacionales y en la política en general, a partir del marco teórico de la intratabilidad. Desde esta perspectiva se identifican aquellos puntos de conflicto intratable para así poder evitar caer en ellos o poder solventar el estancamiento en las negociaciones climáticas internacionales.

Prolonged international environmental negotiations: the roles and strategies of non-state actors in the EU

For scholars of international environmental agreements, the role of non-state actors has been a central focus. There is a considerable literature on the influence of environmental NGOs and business groups on state behaviour and in turn international environmental outcomes. However, much less empirical work has been done to examine the influence of these actors and the strategies they can use in prolonged international environmental negotiations that last for years or decades. This article takes up this task. Drawing on a rich empirical data set on the role of European-based actors in the international climate change negotiations, it considers the influence of non-state actors in prolonged negotiations and identifies four strategies that these actors can use to influence state actors and non-state actors alike.

Air pollution co-benefits of low carbon policies in road transport: a sub-national assessment for India

This letter assesses low carbon scenarios for India at the subnational level in the passenger road transport sector. We estimate the future passenger mobility demand and assess the impact of carbon mitigation policies using the Asia–Pacific Integrated Assessment/Enduse models. This letter focuses on the transitions of energy and emissions of passenger transport in India in alternate scenarios i.e. the business-as-usual scenario and a low carbon scenario that aligns to the 2 °C temperature stabilization target agreed under the global climate change negotiations. The modelling results show that passenger mobility demand will rise in all sub-national regions of India in the coming few decades. However, the volume and modal structure will vary across regions. Modelling assessment results show that aligning global low carbon policies with local policies has potential to deliver significant air quality co-benefits. This analysis provides insights into the comparative dynamics of environmental policymaking at sub-national levels.

The power of presidency in UN climate change negotiations: comparison between Denmark and Mexico

In December 2010, the 16th Conference of Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change ended with adopting Cancun Agreements as official decisions under the UN process. The international community determined the meeting a success. This was a substantial change compared to the previous year’s Copenhagen climate conference, which failed to reach consensus at the official level and thus having come under severe criticism as “diplomatic failure.” This article aims to explain the stark contrast between the two consecutive COP meetings and argues that the leadership style of the president of the conference is one important factor propelling negotiations forward. While the current literature scarcely addresses the role of the president, this article explores multiple variables that condition the president’s effectiveness in moving negotiations forward. This article concludes that the Mexican government successfully chaired the negotiations with excellent agenda management and process management capability, which the Danish government lacked. In particular, its transparent and embracing manner in handling subgroup meetings and the production of a single negotiation text facilitated trust among negotiators, which in turn made the parties tend to cooperate better. More importantly, the case study reveals that the Mexican government had a significant influence on given conditions of the negotiation process, such as the international environment surrounding the negotiation and the decision-making rules.

Renewable Energy Development in Small Island Developing States of the Pacific

Small Island Developing States (SIDS) of the Pacific over the last decade have established some of the most ambitious renewable energy targets in the world. The promotion of renewable energy has been motivated by a desire to lessen dependence on fossil fuels, given the adverse economic impacts of high oil prices on these countries. Efforts to attract development assistance and to strengthen the position of Pacific SIDS in climate change negotiations have likely also played a role. This paper explores the development of renewable energy resources in the Pacific through a public policy lens. The ambitious renewable energy targets established by Pacific SIDS are argued to be appropriate in some cases, but in other cases are criticised on economic grounds. A potential trade-off is identified between the risk mitigation benefits and poverty alleviation benefits of different renewable technology investments, with questions raised about whether support for the former rather than the latter by development partners is appropriate. A number of institutional and financial challenges to the development of renewable energy resources in Pacific SIDS are also discussed.

Coordination and cross-sectoral integration in REDD+: experiences from seven countries

Ever since a global mitigation mechanism that aims to reduce emissions by avoiding deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+) was introduced in climate change negotiations, governance challenges in implementing this concept in tropical forest countries have received considerable attention. In particular, multilevel governance has been identified as a key challenge, as REDD+ aims to tackle local deforestation activities through a global results-based financial scheme. This paper will present an analysis from seven REDD+ countries (Brazil, Cameroon, Indonesia, Nepal, Papua New Guinea, Tanzania and Vietnam) where 293 qualitative interviews were conducted with national-level REDD+ actors. We examined what kind of multilevel coordination problems emerge, particularly in relation to horizontal, cross-sectoral coordination, and analysed these problems through the concepts of functional alignment, institutional complexity and accountability. We argue that there are problems with coordination that have emerged due to failures in recognizing the key multilevel issues. REDD+ is not adequately integrated into existing policies, and there is a gap between REDD+ and sectoral and national development policies. This leads to overlapping regulations and unequal resource allocation among sectors. Our analysis suggests that effective coordination mechanisms for REDD+ should be built on existing mechanisms and experience, include all the stakeholders, ensure the flow of information across the levels and harness the potential of REDD+ itself to overcome multi-sectoral problems. At the national level, there is great awareness of the issues that hinder coordination and effective REDD+ implementation, but this awareness does not seem to be matched by the actions taken to date.

Australia and Climate Change Negotiations: At the Table, or on the Menu?

Howard Bamsey and Kath Rowley argue that any failure to pay proper, high-level attention to the current international climate change negotiations raises several risks to the national interest. Strong, constructive engagement in those negotiations by Australia would serve climate change, economic and other national goals. Key findings The UN climate negotiations are of real consequence, and should be in the very top category of the government’s international priorities. Australia’s distinctive national circumstances mean it has to work harder than others to advance its interests. Ministerial leadership, a strong negotiating team, and active support for preparations for the Paris conference in December would return much-needed momentum to Australia’s negotiating effort.