Classless Research Articles

Forms of the Mother Right: Marxism's Matriarchal Origins from Friedrich Engels to Lu Märten

AbstractThe nineteenth‐century discovery of the matrilineal origins of society shattered assumptions about the necessity of the bourgeois family. For Marxists, ethnographic studies of the mother right provided an aesthetic form to reevaluate the “woman question” from a scientific perspective. Although Marx and Engels had long rejected the idea of the family in favor of “family forms,” Engels's adaptation of Morgan's Ancient Society (1877) in Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigentums und des Staats (1884) was canonized as the authoritative Marxist text on the subject. While the ethnographic form enabled the denaturalization of the family, its racialized and gendered temporality undercut socialist critiques of social forms. This article introduces Lu Märten's queer utopian response to the mother right, Geschichte der Frau vom Mutterrecht bis zur Gegenwart (1947), which dispenses with the evolutionary structure of the ethnographic study to offer a vision of polyamorous and androgynous forms in a classless society.

The Myth of the Classless Society: Henry Carey and the Anti-Labor Origins of U.S. Political Economy (1820s–1830s)

Abstract The essay argues that the idea of the United States as a classless society was never a faithful representation of the U.S. socioeconomic reality, but constituted a myth elaborated since the 1830s by the first generation of U.S. economists to oppose the insubordination of Northern white workers, their mobilization through strikes, their politicization of class, and their critique of wage labor. It was precisely to counter the workers’ discourse, the essay maintains, that the first U.S. economists, most importantly Henry Charles Carey (1793–1879), developed an ideological representation of U.S. society as a classless structure devoid of fixed boundaries, in which industrious individuals could improve their condition through labor and in which social positions reflected a scale of talents and merits. By studying the early writings of Carey, but also of Theodore Sedgwick (1780–1839), Francis Wayland (1796–1865), Henry Vethake (1791–1866), Alonzo Potter (1800–1865), and Francis Lieber (1800–1872), the essay shows how economists used the myth of the classless society to scientifically legitimize the coming of capitalism to the United States, as well as to delegitimize class conflict. This anti-labor reaction, the essay argues, marked the very emergence of political economy in the United States as a science aimed at justifying the order of society through a mystified representation of its power relations, while the myth of the classless society would persist as a fundamental ideological pillar in the legitimation and naturalization of American capitalism.

Political Rituals and Ideological Competition: The Emergence of an “Islamic” May Day in Turkey

ABSTRACT This study focuses on the decoding of some of the many aspects of Islamism—labour relations in Turkey, based on the political rituals that historically operate as self-assertions and self-definitions of the working class. The epicentre of this article is May Day and seeks to analyse the process by which an organic part of the Islamist movement in the country, Hak-İş, dealt with it, through the effort for transformation of the symbolisms, and confrontation for the ideological meaning and social vision of this labour political ritual in Turkey. Through this framework, the study highlights three different stages in the political mobilization of Hak-İş regarding the 1st of May, within the broader framework of a process named ‘loss of proletarity’ and the Confederation’s vision about a classless society. The first stage is that of the absolute denial of the class content and hierarchies in society. The second stage is the process of the ‘reluctant adoption’ of May Day, combined with strategies to transform its material culture. Finally, the third stage is the attempt to ‘nationalise/Islamise’ this political ritual through the organization of separate May Day mobilizations in various cities in Anatolia.

Marxist Feministic Analysis: A Comparative Study of Austen’s Pride and prejudice & Kamal's Unmarriageable

The present study aims to examine the issues of Marxist feminism in the selected novels “The Pride and Prejudice” by Jane Austen and “Unmarriageable” by Soniah Kamal. However, the main purpose of the study is to explore the aspects of patriarchal society and limited choice for women in all matters in the context of two different cultures. The other reason for the study is to educate women about their rights and make them independent economically. The Marxist feministic notion of Fredriech Engel's (1884) has been applied as a theoretical framework. The findings show how the female characters struggle for their survival in a society where only men can give them save economic life. The protagonists of both novels decided to live a single life without the support of a rich man and make money for themselves, but we see that both of them end up marrying a rich man in the town. So that shows that women have to go a long way to make themselves financially independent. They cannot live a satisfactory life by earning money themselves still they need the support of a man. Thus the study concludes with a view that societies presented in the novels are extremely patriarchal where women are forced to accept the roles decided for them and live a dependent life. The basic reason for women exploitation begins with the family, where they are always suppressed in making choices in meals, education, and marriage. There is a need to spread awareness among people. People should be educated to erase this discrimination and find a pure classless society, in which women are respected and honoured without facing prejudice by men

Studi Kritis Pemikiran Tokoh Sosiologi Terhadap Pendidikan Islam

The purpose of this discussion is to find out the thoughts of educational sociologists Emile Durkheim, Aguste Comte, Max Weber, Karl Max, and George Simmel regarding Islamic education. This discussion uses the library research method using data sources from journals and books related to the discussion theme. The research results showed that educational sociology figures such as Emile Durkheim, Aguste Comte, Max Weber, Karl Max, and George Simmel were sociological figures from the classical era. Emile Durkheim pioneered the development of sociology through research on societal institutions and social processes as well as his thoughts on Islamic education. Aguste Comte stated that sociology must be based on observation, comparison, experiments and historical methods. Max Weber, he introduced the vestehen (understanding) approach, which consists of exploring the values, beliefs, goals and attitudes that guide people's behavior which gives rise to social behavior. Karl Max stated that sociology can be used as a weapon to liberate society from the capitalist system so that a classless society can be achieved, and according to George Simmel society is a process that is ongoing and continuously developing. So, the thoughts of sociological figures regarding education are that schools cannot be separated from society, cooperation between schools and community figures needs to be formed, the child socialization process needs to be improved so that children are able to grow and develop in society.

Vachana Sahitya: A Revisitation to the Contribution of Sivasaranes (Women Saints ) to the Literary World

It was presumed that writing was the talent of only the male bastion till the recent past. Women were not to be seen or heard in the scenario of literature. To the contrary, the pages of history give some instances of women’s writings, such as hymns from the Rig Veda by Lopmudra, Gargi, Maitreye ; the testimonials of Buddhist nuns from the sixth century BC; body of work by 12th century Vachanakartiyaru (Women Saints) and a number of works by unknown women poets, novelists and so on. When we look at the status of women during various historical ages, we realise that it is not very satisfactory except during the Rig Vedic period. It was the same during the early 12th century. The women were controlled by the old orthodox traditions and rigid practices with no freedom and no voice of their own. The multi-faceted socio-religious movement called Sarana Movement or Vachana Chaluvali brought huge changes in the society. This movement involved all spheres of life such as social, economic, religious and literary reforms. The movement aimed at establishing a casteless, classless society and sowed the seeds of Gender equality. The movement brought women an honourable existence. Women were not only given opportunities to realize their physical and spiritual potential but also enjoyed equality with men. A free atmosphere during the 12th century led more than thirty women writers to express their independent and new thoughts. The vachanas became the medium to express their every day experiences. Since the ‘Saranas’ & ‘Saranes’ used common regional dialect to compose the poems they were able to reach the people. Through this simple medium called ‘vachanas’ they were able to bring in changes in the society. Women writers like Akkamahadevi, Bonta Devi Sattyakka, Lakkamma, Nilambike, Gangambike and others wrote about various concerns, mystic experiences, vows, nature, kindness, blind beliefs & other ill practices in the society. This paper is an attempt to revisit the contribution of women saints to the literary world.

Political Economy of the Carnation Revolution (1974–75)

Following the military coup of April 25th, 1974, Portugal experienced a revolutionary period characterized by unprecedented levels of labor unrest and political radicalization. As the social landscape suffered a profound transformation, key-sectors of the economy were nationalized, many firms went into self-management, and large areas of the south were swept by land occupation. When the country’s democratic Constitution was brought to vote on April 2, 1976, it contained numerous references to “socialism,” “self-management,” “planning,” and “agrarian reform,” bearing witness to a widespread commitment to build a “classless society.” What eventually took shape, however, was a mixed economy under a parliamentary regime, very similar to that of countries like Greece and Spain, both of which experienced far less dramatic democratic transitions. Drawing on the writings of Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, and Boaventura de Sousa Santos, this article analyzes the plans and strategies devised to ensure a socialist transition in the semiperiphery of the capitalist world-system during the 1970s.

ФОРМУВАННЯ НАУКОВОЇ ДУМКИ У ФІЗИЧНІЙ КУЛЬТУРІ РАННЬОГО ПЕРІОДУ СЕРЕДНЬОВІЧНОЇ ПАТРИСТИКИ

The educational subject «History of physical culture» according to the periodization existing in modern historical science reveals in sufficient detail the stages and aspects of the formation of pedagogical thought in the physical culture of primitive society, physical education during the times of ancient civilizations and in the ancient world, education in the Middle Ages, the formation of educational thoughts of the new and most recent times. In every historical period of human evolution, the requirements for physical education were justified by the prevailing religion, the level of economic and social development of society, national and cultural traditions and regional features of the life and lifestyle of a nation or group of nations. Some ethnic groups on our planet exist on the terrain of today and some are disappearing from the bosom of our planet, but unfortunately, this is the philosophy of life. And those nations who are now prosperous and have preserved their own identity must be indebted to physical culture, which during stormy centuries gave them the opportunity to resist climate and environmental changes, to withstand numerous wars for independence, to form individual moral principles and so on. Along with the development of physical culture, scientific thought in this field was also formed, which, within the framework of the global process, formed humanistic approaches of universal solidarity, and at the same time, a feeling of national patriotism. Scientific thought in the physical culture of a classless society was formed in the bowels of an anthropomorphic proto-religion with the initiations to check the readiness of the entire adult population for future life trials. Pedagogy of physical culture of ancient civilizations was influenced by polytheistic theosophical aspects. But the key nuance of this pedagogy was the exaltation of human corporeality, which was formed according to the divine likeness. For example, the foundations of the Hellenic kalokagatia. With the establishment of the dominant position of the Christian religion at the beginning of our era, there is also a change in the attitude of the apologists of the religion towards the beauty of the human body as a divine creation. Thus, the material of this article should specify the facts that indicate a deep understanding of the role of physical culture in the early period of medieval patristics. Key words: pedagogy, history of physical culture, physical culture, philosophical anthropology, patristics, Christianity, religion.

Theological Genealogies of Modernity: An Introduction

Theological Genealogies of Modernity: An Introduction

D. H. Lawrence’ın Lady Chatterley’in Sevgilisi Romanında Üst ve Alt Kültür İkilemi

Lawrence, in Lady Chatterley’s Lover (1928), reflects the post-war modern British society which condemns its individuals into a psychological trauma of ongoing conflicts between different classes and cultures. Advocating the exigency of a classless society, Lawrence shatters the hegemonic ideology of the highbrow culture which disdains working class culture as vulgar, coarse and commonplace. Reacting against the cultural displacement of working classes who are considered as masses, Lawrence indulges in revealing the authenticity and earnestness of the working class culture. Lawrence’s depiction of an uncorrupt ethical standing of the working class culture is the negation of the concept of culture, associated with high class manners and ways of life. The prevailing concern of this study, therefore, will be to analyze Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover from the perspective of cultural studies to unravel the clash of high and low cultures in relation to the hierarchical class structure of the post-war England.

Marxist Realism: Kobayashi Takiji and the Politics of Representation

This paper explores the cross-cultural dynamics and contradictions that surface when attempting to apply the universal claims of Marxist literary aesthetics to the particular case of a non-Western national tradition. More specifically, the key work of 1930s proletarian writer, Kobayashi Takiji (“The Factory Ship”) and his mentoring relationship to Marxist critic, Kurahara Korehito, will be analyzed by examining the tensions in trying to remain faithful to the universal, international claims of global Marxism, while also respecting Japanese historical and cultural particulars and conditions. Broadly speaking, the issues that surface in the Kobayashi/Kurahara relationship reflect inherent difficulties in maintaining metanarrative dimension of orthodox Marxism that belies its Western framework regarding world historical movements. The tension between the universal and particular poles of Marxism’s global vs Japanese context also frames parallel tension between the literary/aesthetic realm of art and its political content; remaining true to the former may bracket the assumed-to-be applicable state of the latter. In short, the question of the viability of a particular work of fiction’s realism (namely, its literariness) vs its fidelity to political orthodoxy, often articulated in terms of its form versus content. Finally, this tension between the universal global and particular national culture setting of Marxist literature and Marxist politics also may indicate a tension inherent within the revolutionary ambitions of idealist philosophy, namely Hegelianism. Stated differently, is Marxist philosophy itself a work of art/fiction – the utopic impulse of the classless society and worldwide revolution – at odds with the realities of specific historical and cultural conditions ‘on the ground’?

Doris Lessing’s deconstruction of the classless society myth in postwar Britain in “The Fifth Child”

Doris Lessing’s deconstruction of the classless society myth in postwar Britain in “The Fifth Child”

Recovering the Entangled History of Political and Sexual Radicalism

Recovering the Entangled History of Political and Sexual Radicalism Zifeng Liu (bio) Aaron S. Lecklider's Love's Next Meeting: The Forgotten History of Homosexuality and the Left in American Culture, Oakland: University of California Press, 2021 Many historical accounts of the U.S. gay and lesbian liberation struggle date the beginning of radical sexual politics to the late 1960s, when activist groups such as the Gay Liberation Front linked the attainment of sexual freedom to the eradication of racial capitalism, imperialism, and patriarchy. According to such studies, the possibility of an alliance between leftists and sexual dissidents before that decade of worldwide revolutionary fervor was precluded by the former's inability to incorporate sexuality into their analyses and visions of liberatory social transformation, if not their outright homophobia. While not downplaying the Old Left's contradictions and ambivalence in its attitude toward nonnormative sexualities, Aaron S. Lecklider's Love's Next Meeting: The Forgotten History of Homosexuality and the Left in American Culture recounts a pre-1960 history of queer advocacy that reveals the intimate imbrication of anti-capitalist politics and gay visibility, recognition, and liberation. These little-known queer-Left intersections helped shape the contours of later sexual activism. As with other scholars exploring political and sexual formations that fall out of the boundaries of the permissible, Lecklider mitigates the archival lack around the intimacy between leftist politics and queer life—due to long-standing anti-communism and sexual conservatism—through examining the representational, the aesthetic, and the pleasurable as sites where the engagement between political and sexual dissidents was most visible. He focuses particularly on leftist literary and cultural circles that offered space for radical, alternative representations and discussions of nonnormative sexualities. In tracing this underexamined relationship, Lecklider assembles an impressive multiracial cast of writers, artists, and thinkers, some better known than others, who intentionally [End Page 215] and at times unknowingly drew gay men and women into the fold of radical politics and united the movement for sexual diversity with the struggle against the ravages of capitalism and white supremacy. Lecklider convincingly explains the intertwining of political and sexual radicalism. Leftists and gay women and men were united by their shared geographical spaces, similar experiences of marginalization and exclusion from mainstream U.S. society, and comparable commitments to transgressing the confines of the acceptable and the normative. In particular, the entanglement of anti-Blackness, heterosexism, homophobia, xenophobia, and anti-radicalism and the resistance to it blurred the lines between political radicalism and sexual deviance. Organized both chronologically and topically, Love's Next Meeting's exploration of the intersection between the Left and homosexuality unfolds in three sections. The first part, consisting of the first three chapters, shows that political radicals, and in particular those who were sexually dissident, supported sexual liberation as an inseparable part of the fundamental political and economic transformation of the United States. They articulated that position in the pages of leftist literature and the leftist press. In agitating for radical social change, queer leftists in many instances were able to link their desire for same-sex intimacy to their commitment to anti-capitalist activism. These sexual radicals, at times, also struggled to balance the fulfillment of their affective and sexual needs with the waging of struggles against racial capitalism and imperialism. Within leftist networks, whose advocacy work around the issue of sexuality was often constrained by political and cultural rigidity as well as by heterosexism, gay women and men repurposed the language and conventions of leftist and anti-racist politics to explore sexual nonnormativities. For them, the repression of obscenity served the interests of the ruling class, and the embrace of sexual diversity was a hallmark of a classless society. Radical print culture thus abounded with discussions of nonnormative sexualities. Radicals also drew on narratives of Black solidarity with sexual dissidents against state repression, as well as leftist analyses of sexual deviants as members of the proletariat, in order to link the Left's anti-racist campaigns with the struggle for sexual freedom. The second part argues that leftist theorizations of labor, "the woman question," and proletarian fiction laid the groundwork for a radical sexual politics that emphasized the mutual constitution of...

Administrative Sciences and their Origin in Ancient Corinth (*)

During Periander’s reign (c. 627–585 BCE), Corinth became the wealthiest city-state in pre-classical Ancient Greece. By relying on reviewing ancient and non-ancient writings about Ancient Corinth, I venture to claim that Periander invented the multi-divisional form of organization. Additionally, I claim that he deserves to be called the Father of Administrative Sciences because, in his attempt to manage the city-state (his organization) efficiently and effectively, he instituted adverse selection and moral hazard minimizing incentive mechanisms. Periander established a classless society and encouraged the creation of new products and services. He promoted competition, efficiency, and fairness. He was against free monopoly and opportunism of any short as well as against waste and luxury. He freed all slaves so that Corinthians focus less on inconsequential endeavors and more on how to sharpen skills and improve know-how to enrich their lives and their city-state. He enabled Corinthians to distribute their products all over the known world by relying on sea trade and trade centers (primary Corinthian colonies) and marketed his city-state products through effective marketing by relying, mainly, on diplomacy. He minted state-sponsored metal coin money which became the most popular medium of exchange in trade dealings across the Mediterranean Basin. Furthermore, he required sellers to issue receipts and pay taxes above a certain level of revenue. Undoubtedly, during Periander’s 40 years of reign, materially, culturally, and aesthetically, Ancient Corinth became the Shining City on a Hill.

Hauntologies of Fiction: Reading Roth at the End of History

Hauntologies of FictionReading Roth at the End of History Andy Connolly (bio) It has been over thirty years since francis fukuyama proclaimed that the Cold War victory of western democratic capitalism over communism culminated in an end to class-based ideological conflict as the motor of "History." Drawing upon an interpretation of Hegel's belief "that the evolution of human societies […] would end when mankind had achieved a form of society that satisfied its deepest and most fundamental longings" (xii), Fukuyama looked to the imminent spread of liberal democracy and free-market capitalism into heretofore closed-off reaches of the globe as a sign that the long Enlightenment project toward human progress had begun to adopt its peak, finalized form. As a major governing assumption of our neoliberal age, the Fukuyamist belief that we have reached the "end of history" looks to free market capitalism's limitless capacity to enhance individual potential and promote human freedom, while at the same time short-circuiting any serious discussions about the limiting structural conditions of class and poverty, not to mention the influences that other powerful factors such as gender and race have in the uneven shaping of capitalist social relations. Over the past number of decades, what has given particular impetus to this myth of a post-historical, classless society has been the capitulation of effective forms of social, political, and cultural dissent to the neoliberal assertion that "there is no alternative" (assigned the acronym TINA by political commentators) to market-based definitions of democracy and the social good. As such, the radical liberalization of the post-Cold War period has been shaped by a monocular stridency, which forecloses not only on the major social struggles of the past but also on the lessons that such history may present for understanding the present and potentially altering the future. In terms of our historical horizons, then, the end of history has locked us into a kind of endless, monotonous present, from which there appears no relief or interruption. It has taken some time to understand the lasting impact of my early life experience as one of Fukuyama's children. Then again, coming of age at the end of history proves deceptive in such ways, diminishing one's sense of historicity since there's apparently no more epic battles of "History" to live by or suffer from. The significance of history [End Page 50] in such an age is subject to all kinds of denial and delay. Like the repressed, history at the end of history often comes in the shape of uncanny and monstrous returns. No longer the meaty source of experience and identity that it once was, or at least appeared to be, it can take a spectral quality, like a haunting trauma whose presence is yet to be made properly known, but which lurks in wait for us, eager to disrupt our naïve sense of having broken from the past. Over the years, Philip Roth's fiction has helped shape my understanding of the peculiar "hauntological" functioning of history at the end of history. This sense of how the seemingly dead past haunts both the present and the future is not only revelatory in terms of events that have shaped my own "dwarf drama" (Anatomy 106), but also in relation to my understanding of what Roth has to tell us about history and memory. Roth's historical imagination, with its various presentiments of the "unforeseen" (Plot 113), proves highly informative when it comes to thinking about the complex issues of memory and futurity that shape our present times. Such considerations of how history functions as a spectral presence in Roth's work continues to shape my scholarship. I My early adulthood in the mid-90s was colored by a number of local phenomena that reflected the larger post-Cold War experience of a liberalized and rapidly integrating world, disencumbered of the previous two centuries of modernity, made replete with class antagonism, revolution, nationalism, colonialism, and international conflicts. During this period, many young Irish people like myself, particularly within the southern Republic of Ireland, began to experience, in ways that seemed quite sudden, a welcome breach from the drab...

Некоторые проблемы государственного строительства в 30-е гг. XX в. и объективность оценки их решения

After the capitulation of fascist Germany in 1945, the surviving fascist generals justified their defeat. Not only Russian frosts were to blame, but also an acute shortage of intelligence information about the USSR. What, or rather who, prevented the intelligence of fascist Germany from getting the maximum information about the future enemy? Here, the defeat of the fifth column and the eviction of the unreliable population from the border areas of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, as well as from the Baltic Republics, played an important role. Were such measures necessary to increase the country's defense capability? Yes, they were needed. The condemnation of these repressive measures, starting from the Khrushchev era, does not in the least contribute to the search for historical truth and only makes a split in the public consciousness. Imagine that representatives of the ruling classes and members of counterrevolutionary parties and anti-Soviet nationalist organizations, along with their relatives, remained in the territory subsequently occupied by German troops, what would this lead to? The representatives of the previously ruling class and their families, who were taken deep into the territory of the Soviet Union, although they found themselves in difficult conditions at the place of resettlement, did not experience the horrors of war and occupation, and now they are the foundation on which anti-Russian activities are based. Previously, they fought against Soviet power, and now, when it is no longer there, they continue to fight against modern Russia. What thoughts are prompted by the events that took place on the territory of the USSR in the 1930s? The Revolution and the criminal redistribution of state power and property cannot lead to anything good. The division of society into classes, into the rich and the poor, gives rise to the desire to redistribute both property and power in a certain part of the citizens, and this leads to confrontation and civil war. Therefore, the only way that remains is the building of a classless society in the process of the evolutionary development of the state.

Reflecting the past, envisioning the future: The journey of "democratic socialism"

This article examines the evolution of socialism as a political ideology, from its primitive origins in past societies to its contemporary incarnations. It opens with an overview of the foundational and universal principles of socialism concerning equality and common welfare, which can be established as the historical vertical of socialism from its inception to the present. The focus then shifts to the Industrial Revolution, with special emphasis on the significant contributions of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, who envisioned a classless society as a product of revolutionary engagement. The 20th century, marked by key events such as the Russian Revolution and the Cold War, witnessed the practical implementation of two versions of socialism: a hybrid one existing as ?real-socialism?, a competitive project to Western capitalism, and the other - also hybrid but in a different way - existing within Western capitalism, as part of a concession to dominated classes, in the form of the ?welfare state.? As a result of the global strength and desirability of the socialist project, this period was marked by many social and civilizational achievements, in both the West and the East, but also confronted with challenges of authoritarianism, economic crises, and democratic dysfunctionality. On the other hand, by the end of the 20th century, the socialist project - with the fall of the USSR - experienced a complete delegitimization in the West, while in China it was maintained in a perverted form. At the beginning of the 21st century, growing dissatisfaction with economic inequalities and political disillusionment, especially after the financial crisis of 2007/2008, reignited interest in an alternative socialist model, particularly in something vaguely and theoretically underdeveloped called ?democratic socialism.? The authors in the text argue that this renewed interest should be transformed into a theoretically and strategic-politically fruitful maneuver, constructing a new, radically democratic socialist project as the only project that emerges as a sustainable alternative to today?s socio-economic-ecological challenges.

O relevanciji ustavnog naslijeđa SPQR-a i njegovom značaju za suvremeni konstitucionalizam

The text emphasizes the need to study the historical Roman constitution, as an integral part of the comprehensive analysis of the sources of the ideological apparatus of the contemporary constitutional democratic state. The authors remind us of the methodological instruction from T. Mommsen’s Staatsrecht that the said studies are not only a unique direction towards understanding SPQR constitutionalism and its legate, but also constitute an approach that enables conclusions regarding results that are not temporally and substantively limited, nor are they – “so much as narrowly legalistic as it is often thought”. Thanks to the choice of an open and broad approach of modern constitutional legal analysis, which is guided by the thought: the constitution is culture (P. Haberle), the continuity and vitality of new knowledge about the old topics of government and freedom, property and owner, wealth and poverty, class and classless society is strengthened as unchanging constants of the constitutional system of the contemporary state and society.

“STATÜ TOPLUMU”: GÖBEKLİ TEPE VE KARAHAN TEPE’Yİ TOPLUMSAL TABAKALAŞMA BAĞLAMINDA SOSYOLOJİK DÜŞÜNMEK

Göbekli Tepe and the Neolithic sites around Urfa, which were identified by surveys, provide rich data for the transition of human beings from hunter-gatherer groups to settled and semi-settled agricultural societies. It is possible to trace most of the institutional foundations of today's societies to this transition period. Social theory, which was heavily influenced by the "Neolithic revolution" paradigm, ignored this transitional period. Sociological thought categorizes societies as hunter-gatherer and agricultural societies starting from the back and moves from the axiom that hunter-gatherer societies are egalitarian and agricultural societies are hierarchical. On the other hand, archaeological studies, while addressing the hierarchical "nature" of Neolithic societies, do not sufficiently benefit from the relatively rich theoretical background of sociology. As a result, it becomes important that the two disciplines work in cooperation. This study will emphasize that egalitarian hunter-gatherer groups lived in a relatively long transition period before class-based stratification originating from the economy, and that they went through a hierarchical social order based on social prestige rather than economic inequality during this transition period. For this, Weber's concept of status, which emphasizes different inequalities, rather than Marx's conceptualization of class division based on the ownership of the means of production, will be taken into consideration. Göbekli Tepe society was a classless society, but a hierarchical society based on status. It is possible to define societies that share Göbekli Tepe culture as "status society" in which individuals and groups have prestigious status on an ideological basis. In this scenario, some people had a more prestigious position than others because they monopolized the mythological narrative that made the world meaningful, causing social differentiation. Unlike the main claim of social conflict analysis, the article will argue that the symbolic world, which expresses the social hierarchy in Göbekli Tepe culture, has important functions that enable the Neolithic lifestyle, besides providing a meaningful explanation of the social world rather than causing an exploitation mechanism against a part of the Neolithic society.

MANIFESTATIONS OF LEFTISM IN LATVIA DURING THE NAZI OCCUPATION: 1941–1945

During the Nazi occupation (1941–1945), Latvia was subject to nazification. In the course of this process, the left wing elements of the Nazi ideology were actively introduced into Latvia. The process manifested itself in two ways: firstly, in the propaganda of the postulates of the Nazi ideology and, secondly, in a series of practical political activities. The main themes of the Nazi left wing propaganda were as follows: propaganda of the so-called German socialism and its achievements; criticism of the soviet socialism and the political system of the USSR; propaganda of the formation of classless society; propaganda of eradicating social injustice; singing praise to the prevalence of the workers in the social organism and introducing the left wing Nazi traditions into the occupied Latvia. However, the propaganda of the Nazi ideology in Latvia was introduced un- evenly and ambiguously. Several phases of its implementation can be singled out: the Hot Phase (1941), the Transitional Phase (1941–1942), the Pragmatic Phase (1943–1944) and the Disintegration Phase (1944–1945). The general trend was from propagating the ideas which maximally complied with the Nazi ideology towards gradual mitigation of the propaganda in order to achieve support from the local population for the occupation power and their involvement in the war. In practice, the Nazi occupation power, according to the common position of the left wing Nazi ideology, carried out the nationalisation of all the sectors of the economy of Latvia. This policy reached its peak in the autumn of 1941, when the German state took control of the great part of the Latvian enterprises. In 1942–1944, as the war developed unfavourably for Germany, re-privatisation of the property was permitted in order to achieve the support of the population and their active involvement in the war.