Political Clashes Research Articles

Devaluation of Cultural Life: A Study of Reconstruction-Resilience Practices of an Earthquake Displaced Community

This article investigates how earthquake reconstruction was practiced without considering socio-cultural values in the dislocated community after the 2015 earthquake. The process of disaster resilience tended to focus only on technical structures like the number of houses and school buildings as the main indicators of recovery from earthquake. The resilience programs conducted by the government and NGOs did not pay due attention to caste/ethnic tensions, religious division, political clash, and cultural loss among the villagers. In this study I thus wanted to know what were the meanings/ interpretations of reconstruction and community resilience; how reconstruction programs considered socio-cultural resilience; what socio-cultural aspects in practices of reconstruction were missing, and what were the challenges of cultural resilience among the displaced communities. The study was done at Kunchok-Nabalpur of Sidhupalchok. Local people’s perspectives of reconstruction, values, cultural life (ethnographic study) and narratives were collected by using observation, interview, case study and field visit methods. The study found that caste/ethnic, religious and cultural cohesion had not been reinstalled. Socio-cultural diversity and diverse social needs of displaced people were ignored by the resilience programs of the government. This shows how technocratic reconstruction programs were not as effective as expected due to the devaluation of socio-cultural life of the disaster displaced people who otherwise could contribute to the policy and programs of sustainable and inclusive development of the society.

The Neo Ottoman Empire and the restoration of the Egyptian Power A Geo- Political Clash العثمانية الجديدة واستعادة القوة المصرية صدام جيو سياسي

بلغ نهج السياسة الخارجية الترکية ذروته تجاه مصر فى الفترة الممتدة من فبراير 2011 حتى يونيو 2013. في تلک المرحلة، حاولت ترکيا، تحت حکم أردوغان، دعم عملية تمکين جماعة الإخوان المسلمين في مصر، ودعم مساعيها لاحتکار الدولة والمجتمع وفق المشروع الديني الذي تبنته جماعة الإخوان منذ تأسيسها عام 1928. في تلک المرحلة من التاريخ، توافقت طموحات ترکيا في الهيمنة مع مشروع الهندسة الطائفية للشرق الأوسط برعاية إدارة الرئيس الأمريکي السابق باراک أوباما. وبعد سقوط هذه اللحظة الاستثنائية، اتخذ العداء الترکي لمصر عدة جوانب، يمکن تلخيصها فيما يلي: - رعاية حملات النقد السياسي والإعلامي المنظمة والممنهجة ضد مصر ونظامها السياسي، بعضها موجه للمجتمع الداخلي في مصر، وأخرى للرأي العام العالمي. - احتواء العناصر الإرهابية للإخوان المسلمين وتقديم الدعم لها للعمل ضد مصالح مصر وأمنها القومى. - التعاون مع الشبکات الإقليمية لتنظيم داعش الإرهابي الذي يضع مصر ومجالها الحيوي على رأس أهدافها الإقليمية في الشرق الأوسط. - بناء تحالفات إقليمية في عداء شديد لمصر ودورها الإقليمي. - کثرة محاولات التسلل إلى المجال الحيوي لمصر وتهديد مصالحها وأمنها القومي. ومنذ عام 2014، أعلن الرئيس المصري -أکثر من مرة- أن المبادئ السياسية الإقليمية في مصر تقوم على دعم الدولة الوطنية ومؤسساتها وفي مقدمتها الجيوش الوطنية، ورفض کل المشاريع الطائفية، وأي تمکين للميليشيات الدفاع عنها، بالإضافة إلى محاربة الإرهاب الذي يسعى إلى استخدام الخطاب الأصولي والعنصري لتفکيک المجتمعات واستنزاف الدول. ومن هنا اصطدمت السياسة المصرية في ظل النظام المصري القائم بشکل مباشر مع الأطماع الترکية ودينامياتها في المنطقة. تحاول الورقة تحليل المظاهر المختلفة لسياسات العداء الترکية تجاه مصر، وتناقش تداعياتها المحتملة، وأنماط الاستجابة المصرية المحتملة ضد هذه السياسات. Abstract: It has been observed that the Turkish foreign policy approach has reached its peak towards Egypt during the period February 2011 until June 2013. At that stage, Turkey, under Erdogan, had attempted to support the process of empowering the Muslim Brotherhood organization in Egypt and support its efforts to monopolize the state and society according to the theocratic project adopted by the MB since its foundation in 1928. At that point in history, Turkey's hegemony ambitions matched with the project of sectarian engineering for the Middle East sponsored by the administration of the former U.S President Barack Obama. After the fall of this exceptional moment, the Turkish hostility towards Egypt took several aspects, which can be summarized as follows: -Sponsoring organized and systematic political and media criticism campaigns against Egypt and its political system, some of which are directed to Egypt’s internal society, and others to the international public opinion. -Embracing the terrorist elements of the Muslim Brotherhood and give them the support to act against Egypt's interests and security. -Cooperating with regional networks of the terrorist ISIS organization that places Egypt and its vital domain at the top of its regional goals in the Middle East. -Building regional alliances in a severe hostility to Egypt and its regional role. - Frequent attempts to penetrate into the vital field of Egypt, and threaten its interests and national security. Since 2014, the Egyptian President announced more than once that the regional political principles in Egypt are based on supporting the national state and its institutions, at the forefront of which are the national armies, rejecting all sectarian projects, and any empowerment of the militias that defend them, in addition to fighting terrorism, which seeks to use fundamentalist and racist discourse to dismantle societies and drain countries. Hence, Egyptian politics, in light of the existing Egyptian system, collided directly with Turkish ambitions and its dynamics in the region. The paper attempts to analyze the various manifestations of the Turkish hostility policies toward Egypt, and discusses its potential implications, and the potential Egyptian response patterns against such policies.

고려전기 궁궐 구조와 국왕의 정치 공간 - ‘합문(閤門)’의 의미를 중심으로 -

Attempted in this article is to define the space inside the royal palace reserved for the King’s politics and governance. The focus is on the Habmun, which was an integral part of the palace structure.<BR> First, in an attempt to pinpoint the King’s space for politics within the confines of the palace, determined here is the borderline that would have defined the most tightened internal perimeter as well as a wider perimeter which would have surrounded it. Inside the Goryeo Royal palace, two structures named Geondeok-jeon and Hwegyeong-jeon would respectively serve as centers for the Western Complex and Central Complex of the palace, which were both equipped with a Main ‘Jeongjeon’ chamber, the ‘Pyeonjeon’ office hall, and the royal ‘Chimjeon’ quarters, along the North-South axis line. And in the front of these complexes, there were Habmun and Chang’hab-mun gates to separate the inside from the outside.<BR> The letter ‘Hab’ refers to many things. Most usually it refers to the gate of a palace[閤門], but it also referred to a concept of space where the King would meet his vassals and govern the country. On the other hand, the term ‘Bokhab Sangso(伏閤上疏)’ shows us that the letter ‘Hab’ also referred to a place where government officials would forward a political appeal to their King. In that regard, it seems that the letter ‘Hab’ inevitably defines the “King’s space.” The political clash that went on between King Euijong and government officials over the issue of appointing Jeong Ham, an eunuch, to the Gakmun(Habmun) Jihu seat also shows us that Habmun was not only a physical but symbolic concept that would ensure proximity to the king and grant anyone affiliated with it close access to the King’s own exclusive space.<BR> In other words, Habmun was what separated the King’s own space (with the Jeongjeon structure at its center) from the outer world, and signified the separation between the King’s space and the bureaucrats’ space.

Shortage of Construction Materials A Case Study of Lahore, Islamabad and Peshawar, Pakistan

The fundamental focus of this qualitative study is to explore the contributing factors responsible for construction material shortage specifically in major cities of Pakistan's such as Lahore, Peshawar, and Islamabad. Further, the study has concentrated to discover the potential remedies to overcome the barriers resulting in a shortage of construction material availability. Data sampling methods are utilized to apprehend the participant’s opinion. The participant’s opinions were recorded to make them efficiently analyze through inductive thematic investigation. For sound results, the current condition of material shortage, relevant reasons, and deficiency of key items are examined in detail. The research findings proposed that the unavailability of materials is associated with the deficiency of a customary delivery system, fluctuations in demand, complications in the import of materials, significant expense, limited share portion in raw material, constrained suppliers of crude material, political clashes, administrative limitations, and maintenance of realistic prices. The result obtained, the recommended remedies are to extend flexibility and guideline for the manufacturers, the maintenance of realistic prices, and boosts the record control system, improvement in stock control framework, and establishment of a reserve system in the country. This study believes in contributing to the shortage of construction materials: a case study of Lahore, Islamabad, and Peshawar, Pakistan

Discourse on nationalism in colonial period of Korea

Nationalism may be described as a frame of mind in which a person perceives that his fellow members owe his or her supreme loyalty to the nation-state. Resilient attachment to own country, indigenous culture, and the conventional local authority can be present in the long history of a nation, but nationalism in modern sense presumes the existence of a nation and a sheer will to modernize itself to protect the sovereignty of a particular nation. The colonial period of Korea lasted from August 1910 to August 1945. During the colonial period, the Korean nationalism became strongly anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism. Its ultimate objective was to oust the Japanese imperialist forces from the Korean peninsula, and its immediate task was to preserve the racial and cultural heritage of the Korean people. The development of nationalist narratives in the subsequent colonial period also resulted in an ideological and political clash among the Korean nationalists. After the March First Movement, the governor-general of Korea allowed some relaxations for cultural activities. The nationalists utilized this opportunity to further develop the nationalist discourses. With the integration of international narratives such as socialism and liberalism, diverse forms of anti-colonial discourses developed in Korea which resulted in “ideological schisms” among the nationalists of Korea during the 1920s. Although, there was a commonality in the objective of ousting the Japanese imperial power from the Korean peninsula. There also developed the contentious relationship between competing groups such as reformists and leftists and rose to its peak in the early 1930s. In this research paper, I shall argue that that Korean nationalism discourse during the colonial period evolved more as anti-colonial in nature despite political and ideological indifference. Also, I shall look into the different phases of the Japanese rule and the Korean response to analyse the Korean nationalism discourse during the colonial period.

THE XINJIANG SINO-ANGLO-RUSSIAN ILI CRISIS OF 1871–1881 RESOLUTION ACCORDING TO SOME RUSSIAN ARCHIVAL SOURCES

Second half of the 19th century was characterized by a complex and contradictory situation within the states related to Central Asia; it was a period of very sharp political clashes between several interested countries on its territory. The Dungan and Uighur uprisings in Dzungaria and East Turkestan (1864–1877) and the subsequent unification of most of Xinjiang under the auspices of the Yettishaar state (1863–1875) could not leave the powers adjacent to the region indifferent observers of events. Xinjiang has become a place of undisguised confrontation between Russia, England (from the borders of British India), China and the Muslim rebels themselves. The interests of China and Russia in Xinjiang intertwined in the 1860s and 1880s into the Gordian knot, which, fortunately, was peacefully untied and not cut in 1881. The Period from the mid-1860s to the early 1880s was crucial for the named countries in their determination of their policy towards each other and towards the states and peoples of Central Asia. The history of China’s traditional foreign policy ties with the states and peoples of the northwestern territories shows that until the Qing period, China did not have long and significant control over this region. The article in an extremely concise form shows the main milestones in the emergence and resolution of the Ili (Ghulja) crisis, based on key evidence from documents from Russian archives.

Left Opposition at Leningrad State University

The history of the left opposition in the CPSU(b) is mainly represented in historiography by works devoted to the internal party struggle in the highest echelons of power (Politburo, Central Committee, etc.). However, a characteristic feature of the political clashes of the 1920s is the involvement of the broad party masses in the conflict, who tried to present their own point of view on the prospects of the development of the socialist revolution. Therefore, one of the most promising directions in the study of the political history of this period is the exploration of the peculiarities of confrontation at the grassroots level, i. e. in certain regions or in spheres of social, cultural and economic life. The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the struggle of the left opposition at Leningrad University, one of the largest scientific centers in the country. The author determines the number of oppositionists, their leaders among university teachers, as well as the main strategies of struggle. Special attention is paid to the further destinies of oppositionists. One of the main observations of the article is that the tactics of suppressing opposition at the university largely coincided with that used in the central apparatus of the country. The author has established that students played an important role in the activities of the opposition. They were responsible for distributing opposition literature, collecting signatures for the political platform, etc. Propaganda activities were revived in the form of prerevolutionary circles organized at the university and at industrial enterprises in order to agitate among students and workers.

Політико-правові аспекти міжнародних конфліктів крізь призму системності в міжнародних відносинах

The authors attempt to conceptualize approaches to determination of the nature and place of conflicts in international relations, as well as ways to resolve international conflicts in the modern theory of international relations. An international conflict is defined by the authors as an open political clash of two or more states (or other international actors) on the basis of differences or conflicts of interest. The views of leading theorists of realism, liberalism, and Marxism as directions in the theory of international relations were outlined. It was found that the end of the Cold War created further discussion about the prospects of world politics in the new conditions. During this period, the concepts of F. Fukuyama, S. Huntington, I. Wallerstein appeared, J. Galtung, M. Kaplan, K. Waltz, S. Brown and others expressed their views on the prospects of world politics and the nature of conflicts in the XXI century. Theorists of different scientific political science schools point on the persistence of conflicts in international relations, but their views on the nature of conflicts and the possibility of conflict management are different. The views of theorists on the influence of the structure of international relations system on the nature and intensity of international conflicts are systematized. The authors note that in the context of the study of international conflicts, the legal aspects of the regulation of international relations are of particular importance. In view of this, the main function of international law is to regulate international relations, the main subjects of which are states. Sovereignty remains the main feature of the state. It is noted that the mechanisms of formation and operation of international law are interstate, not supranational. It is determined that under modern conditions the attributes of modern international politics are regional crises, hybrid wars, information blockades, which do not contribute to the formation of a stable system of international relations

Does Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative Dissuade the Increasing Electoral Violence in sub-Saharan Africa? Evidence from Nigeria’s Oil Producing Region

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the multinational oil companies’ (MOCs) corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives in Nigeria. Its special focus is to investigate the impact of the global memorandum of understanding (GMoU) on reducing incidents of electoral violence in the oil-producing communities. Design/methodology/approach – This paper adopts a survey technique, aimed at gathering information from a representative sample of the population, as it is essentially cross-sectional, describing and interpreting the current situation. A total of 1200 households were sampled across the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. Findings – The results from the use of a combined propensity score matching and logit model indicate that GMoU model made significant impact in deterring occurrences of electoral violence, when interventions on cluster development boards (CDBs) are designed to mitigate the intricate of political clashes in the region. Practical implication – This implies that CSR interventions of MOCs play a vital role in reducing incidents of electoral violence in Nigeria’s oil producing region. Social implication – Reducing the increasing electoral violence in the oil host communities, will in turn create an enabling environment for more extensive and responsible business of Multinational Corporation in sub-Saharan Africa. Originality/value –This paper extends and contributes to the literature on CSR initiatives of multinational enterprises in developing countries and rationale for demands for social projects by host communities. It concludes that business has an obligation to help in solving problems of public concern.

IN THIS ISSUE

In the first of two Research Articles, diaspora in a sub-regional context is the focus of the micro-study by Saint José Inaka. His analysis of the political clashes between militant and non-militant oriented. Congolese factions in Pretoria draws attention to a hitherto largely unknown phenomenon. The fights between grassroots activists relating to differences in political support in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have since the 2000s expanded into the local arena of the South African capital. Until then mainly a domain of middle classes and elites operating transnationally, the dividing line is less between those for or against the Kabila government than those for or against the use of violence. According to Inaka, Pretoria's leniency towards the militant combattants allows them to limit the activities of those preferring peaceful means in support of change at home. Interestingly, the author submits that being exposed to the South African democracy has the impact of setting an example and reference point for how Congolese would like to be governed in their home country.

The Meaning of Age or Generational Differences in U.S. Political Values and Priorities

Nations globally are facing the fiscal consequences of being aging societies, including the redistribution of wealth resources across sectors that influence generational relations (i.e., healthcare, education, public pensions). Political differences or clashes between youth and older adults is not a new phenomenon. However, questions are being raised about whether current political systems, governing structures, and social trends are eroding generational solidarity which traditionally has a role in promoting equity and protecting vulnerable individuals from rapid social change. Reflecting on the 2020 national election results and political opinion surveys, we explore the meaning of age or generational differences in political attitudes in an increasingly partisan society. We suggest that the use of a generational location or habitus lens, which focuses on the distinct sociohistorical realities (i.e., different reference points, systems of aspiration, sets of anxieties) that shape age groups and their interrelations, may offer insights into current political debates and divides.

INTERTEXTUALITY AND THE DEPICTION OF IDEOLOGICAL CONFLICTS. THE CASE OF V FOR VENDETTA

Intertextuality seems to be Alan Moore’s trademark. In his most famous comic books and graphic novels, such as V for Vendetta, Watchmen, Lost Girls or The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen, he often refers to other texts of high and low culture. Therefore, a certain level of cultural competence is required to decode various messages hidden by the British writer. In V for Vendetta intertextuality is employed to convey certain political and ideological messages in a more subtle and indirect way. Through various allusions and quotations, Moore presents his views on the condition of the depicted society as well as on the political clash between a fascist state and its anarchist enemy. Intertextual references are also included in the graphics of the comic book. It is the aim of this paper to discuss if, how and to what extent intertextuality can influence the complexity of the graphic novel’s message and be used to indirectly convey particular political and social ideas.

Cooperation of the Western Balkans States: Opportunity to Overcome Security Challenges

The Western Balkans is dominated by its geographical position, which, after the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, was one of the regions that experienced the most difficult transition because this process was accompanied by bilateral and multilateral conflicts, with local and regional wars, with political and ethnic clashes. As a consequence, it was also politically fragmented on its map. The international community actively intervened in the Balkans with various civilian and military missions, respectively during the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and North Macedonia (former FYROM). These international interventions have yielded concrete results in the process of overall democratic reforms of the countries of the region, with particular emphasis on the security field, as well as the aspect of integration reforms in both NATO and the EU.&#x0D; Fragmentation of the Western Balkans came for many historical, political, economic, military, geopolitical and strategic reasons. This process also had consequences for the integration process of this region. But it is currently fully oriented towards European and Euro-Atlantic structures. No Balkan countries including Kosovo have any other orientations besides these (there are doubts about Serbia). Serbia has stated that it does not want NATO membership, while Russia has tried and is constantly trying to cause chaos in the Western Balkans. How this chaos is caused and how the cooperation of the countries of this region has affected and is influenced is the essence of our work that will draw conclusions about how to act in the future.

A Governança Política no Comitê de Bacia do Rio Paraguaçu

O presente estudo é parte dos resultados da pesquisa, em fase de finalização, Governança Territorial no Brasil: especificidades institucionais, lógicas espaciais e políticas de desenvolvimento, nos estados: Bahia, Minas Gerais e São Paulo. Tem como objetivos principais identificar e analisar os processos políticos, de construção de acordos sócio-políticos hegemônicos e contra hegemônicos, no Comitê da Bacia Hidrográfica do Rio Paraguaçu. Problematizando a existência e as conformações das redes de poder nesse Comitê, tomando como base o pensamento do filósofo italiano Antônio Gramsci. A pesquisa teve como prioridade uma abordagem qualitativa, sem, contudo desconsiderar os dados quantitativos. As principais fontes utilizadas foram: documentos, entrevistas, observações de reuniões do Comitê. Utilizou-se a análise de conteúdo com categorização de expressões e situações que apareceram de forma mais relevante e que respondiam as questões contidas nos objetivos da pesquisa. A estudo teve como objeto o Comitê da Bacia Hidrográfica do Rio Paraguaçu, apontando os seguintes elementos conclusivos: presença de um bloco dominante, composto pelos usuários da água; inexistência de um bloco contra hegemônico, capaz de se contrapor ao bloco dominante; presença de forças isoladas (composta por representantes da sociedade civil) e com uma frágil articulação, conseguindo em alguns momentos, ir para o embate político e disputa de posições, porém com tímidas vitórias. Com os resultados desse estudo, é possível aprofundar o debate acerca dos compromissos econômicos e pactos políticos estabelecidos entre Estado, sociedade civil e usuários que dão o tom a governança no Comitê da Bacia Hidrográfica do Rio Paraguaçu.

Entre o Diário Novo e o Velho: disputas entre guabirus e praieiros em torno da Repartição de Obras Públicas da Província de Pernambuco (1837-1848)

O ano de 1837 em Pernambuco marca a subida de Francisco do Rego Barros (Barão da Boa Vista) ao poder e junto a ele o seu projeto político de modernizar a província via melhoramentos urbanos. Nesse momento a historiografia destaca que diversas obras foram projetadas ou orçadas principalmente na capital e diversos trabalhadores estrangeiros foram contratados. Contudo, a proposta do Barão de reformulação da Repartição de Obras Públicas (ROP) não foi bem aceita por todos, servindo posteriormente de munição para os opositores e impactando de maneira significante nas eleições e movimentos insurrecionais que se sucederam. Nesse sentido, o presente artigo tem por objetivo analisar alguns dos embates políticos entre conservadores, governistas e liberais praieiros em torno da ROP da Província de Pernambuco presentes no Diário de Pernambuco e no Diário Novo.

From Rise to Crisis: The Qatari Leadership

Qatar, a young and tiny Gulf State, realized a remarkable transformation through immense economic development in 1995-2013 period and emerged as an active and influential actor at international stage, receiving worldwide attention and scholarly interests. However, in the post “Arab-spring” context, the name of Qatar has turned out to be name of the regional crisis as a consequence of the emerging political clash between the GCC States. This paper analyzes Qatar’s distinctive policies in the period of Qatar’s rising (1995-2013) and in the ongoing period of the crisis within the framework of leadership conception. It is argued at this paper that the leadership factor has played the key role in transforming both the auspicious circumstances of the previous term and the challenging circumstances of the recent term into the great advantages to promote Qatar. Through this perspective, it’s aimed to define that why and how Qatar has differed from the other small Gulf States and how it affected Qatar’s emerging as a rising power and then as the main side of the regional conflict

Go get ’em! Elites, depoliticization and resistance in the Catalan independence bid

ABSTRACT Exploring the role of elites in recent liberal democratic crises is emerging as one of the most important themes of our times. In this regard, the Catalan bid or independence in autumn 2017 remains a puzzling example of a foreseeable crisis that produced a dramatic institutional watershed. This article turns to frame the structural elements and specific actions that, contrary to the pluralist view, prevented Spanish elites from supplying a political solution to a fundamentally political problem and, in turn, helped trigger the crisis. By situating the political clash in contentious politics, we observe how elite-led depoliticization unfolded in three manners: damaging institutional legitimacy; politicizing justice and finally framing the conflict in media towards repression. Departing from Scott's description of the interrelationship between power, rule and resistance, some conclusions follow to help shed light onto the current debate around the role of elites in similar ‘democratic failures.’

In Praise of Software Practice

It has been almost a third of a century since the world was caught up in a complex computing and software political clash. The clash was over something originally called the Strategic Defense Intiative (SDI), later somewhat-facetiously called "Star Wars," the notion of an anti-missile system that would shoot down an incoming enemy missile. The time was around the mid- 1980s. The two most vehement sides on the issue were - academic and theoretic computer science types, who thought it couldn't be done. - practitioner engineers and software people, who thought it could.

Establishing a constitutional ‘right of asylum’ in early nineteenth-century Britain

ABSTRACT For several generations before the First World War, the idea that the British constitution contained a ‘right of asylum' for foreign nationals was commonplace. Though this belief had profound consequences for Britain's treatment of political and religious exiles, its relations with foreign states, and the drafting of its extradition and immigration laws, there has been little enquiry into its origins. This article delineates the emergence of the idea of a constitutional ‘right of asylum', locating it in a series of political clashes over the ‘Alien Act' that took place during the decade after the Napoleonic Wars. This legislation, which established controls over foreigners during the French Revolution and the quarter-century of war that followed, was increasingly challenged by the Whig and radical oppositions after Waterloo, both for its specific arbitrary provisions and as a more fundamental violation of the rights of aliens guaranteed by key constitutional documents like Magna Carta and the Habeas Corpus Act. By the mid-1820s these objections cohered into a conviction that asylum itself could be claimed as a right. This conviction and the arguments that spawned it were repeated for many subsequent decades, forming the basis of the widespread Victorian belief in the ‘right of asylum’.

Иоанн Кронштадтский и Лев Толстой

The confrontation between the writer Leo Tolstoy and the priest John of Kronstadt was not just a conflict of two personalities, even if they were outstanding. It was a struggle between two worldviews, two concepts of perception of history and religion, and, finally, the place of historical Russia in the life of all mankind. L.N. Tolstoy was in many respects the ideological leader of the part of intelligentsia that was looking for a way to rebuild society and change personality by way of abandoning old traditions and institutions, in the new understanding of Christianity, in tough opposition to the everything bureaucratic, police, military, in search of an ideal man freed from the usual social order. John of Kronstadt led the way for as if another Russia – one that sought to follow the path already known in Christianity as the way through humility and repentance, and saw a spiritual rebirth of society and nation in following the traditions of Orthodoxy and autocracy. The dispute between an outstanding preacher and a great writer was not purely religious or even religious-philosophical. It was also a political clash: the struggle for the minds, for the souls, for history.