Civil Administration Research Articles

Accounting on the frontline: cost accounting, military efficiency and the South African War

The South African War (1899–1902) exposed significant defects in the administration of the British army which precipitated several parliamentary inquiries. The findings of these inquiries convinced the British Government that army administrators, but especially those responsible for supplying the army, had given insufficient attention to the military benefits which might be obtained from the methods and experience of business. The absence of cost accounting systems throughout the War Office and on the field of battle, resulting in problems for financial management and military efficiency, was given particular prominence by the War Office (Reconstitution) Committee (Esher Committee) and the Royal Commission on War Stores in South Africa. The paper broadens the compass of the debate about the evolution of cost accounting in the latter decades of the 19th and early 20th centuries by demonstrating how the advantages of cost accounting were clearly established and accepted by many senior civilian military administrators and politicians as a result of British experience during the South African War.

Planning Paris before Haussmann

Long before Baron Haussmann remade Paris, several generations of intellectuals, planners, architects, engineers, and politicians envisioned a radical transformation of medieval Paris into a modern city that would be beautiful, rational, sanitary, and responsive to the needs of commerce and industry. Historian Nicholas Papayanis examines the emergence and evolution of modern urban planning in Paris between the end of the eighteenth and the middle of the nineteenth century, focusing on the principles and concerns that informed competing plans for the city. Papayanis examines three major planning traditions in this period: functionalist, Saint-Simonian, and Fourierist. The latter two drew their inspiration from the utopian-socialist philosophers, while the former comprised practical proposals by civil engineers and administrators. Regardless of their perspective, the thinkers within each tradition critiqued the disorder, inefficiency, and social misery of Paris as it was, imagining a new city that balanced commerce, public health and safety, circulation, and social order. Ultimately, Papayanis finds, this vision of the modern industrial and commercial city lent itself to the creation of a hegemonic order that suited the demands of the state, capitalism, and the middle-class urbanite, often at the expense of other interests. Planning Paris before Haussmann uncovers the intellectual ferment about city planning and urban reform that constituted a powerful intellectual and theoretical foundation for Haussmannization and for modern urban planning.

Consecrated Transactions: Of Marketplaces, Passion Plays and other Nahua-Christian Devotions

Consecrated Transactions: Of Marketplaces, Passion Plays and other Nahua-Christian Devotions

State-building in Southern Iraq

The Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in Iraq was a civilian administration conjured up from almost nothing after the initial conflict was already over. It was inevitable that it should have suffered from grave shortcomings in management, organisation, staffing, direction and resources. But some of these were avoidable. While governments and the headquarters in Baghdad focussed on high political and constitutional mafters and the organisation of large-scale contracts, CPA staff on the ground elsewhere faced very different challenges with which they were ill equipped to deal. The prevailing security environment was the key to all other activity, but there was a close relationship between this and progress over reconstruction, the development of local as well as national government, and the perceptions of the Iraqis.

The Right-Radical Ideology in the Hungarian Army, 1921–23

The army’s contribution to the success of the Hungarian counter-revolution of 1919–20 has been well documented. The formation of a new National Army (Nemzeti Hadsereg) in the southern Hungarian town of Szeged in June 1919, its subsequent march across western Hungary and into Budapest, its initial responsibility for the restoration of law and order and the ensuing ‘white terror’ carried out by some of its soldiers have all received considerable attention. From 1921 onwards, the new regime consolidated its position, the ‘white terror’ subsided; the civilian authorities reasserted their authority; and the army was, in the words of Andrew Janos, driven ‘off the streets and out of politics’. In assessing the army’s response to this reduction in its political influence, differences of opinion have emerged among historians. For Marxist historians, the army was always merely a tool of ‘class interests’. As Istvan Pataki puts it, the regime had ‘brutally and efficiently’ consolidated its position; ‘it dressed itself in a more constitutional form’ and the army’s political role was ended. Any tensions between the army and the civilian administration were an unimportant consequence of this ‘changing of the guard’. The official history of Hungary published in 1976 presented an almost identical argument, claiming that the only difference between the pre-1921 and the post-1921 army was a change of ‘methods’: the ‘extremist bureaucratic-military layer [. . .] was merely driven into the background’. Lorand Dombrady presents a more complex assessment. He argues that foreign policy prerogatives (the requirements of the Trianon peace treaty, the desire to break out of diplomatic isolation and the need for a foreign loan) led the government to drastically curtail the army’s political influence. The army’s leaders, however, far from passively accepting this, ‘felt that they had been sidelined’; were dissatisfied because ‘they could not take part, in a manner fitting to their capacity in the running of the country’; had ‘differences of outlook

TÜRKİYE’DE MÜLKİ İDARE BÖLÜMLERİNİN İDARİ COĞRAFYA ANALİZİ (Administrative Geography Analysis of Civil Administration Divisions in Turkey)

Turkish Abstract: Turkiye’nin mulki idare bolumlerini iller, illerin alt bolumleri durumundaki ilceler ve islevleri sona erdirilmis bucaklar olusturmaktadir. Bu idari bolumlerin temelinde ise koy ve kentlerin idari alanlari ile hazine arazileri yer almaktadir. Turkiye’nin idari yapisi icinde yerel yonetim alanlarina dahil edilen bu idari sahalarin idari cografya bakimindan mulki idare bolumleri icinde de tanimlanmasi gerekmektedir. Turkiye ile ilgili planlama calismalarinda baz alinan “il idari alanlari”nin yapisal ozelliklerinin bilinmesi ve ozellikle yasalarda yer alan yanlis ve eksik tanimlarin guncellestirilerek duzeltilmesi gerekmektedir. Bu makalede idari cografyanin cografi bilimler icindeki yeri ve onemi, yonetim bilimiyle olan iliskisi hakkinda bilgi verilmis, Turkiye’deki mulki idare bolumlerinin idari cografya bakimindan analizi yapilarak konuyla ilgili kavramlar ve terimler Afyonkarahisar, Bursa, Mersin illerinden secilen orneklerle aciklanmistir. English Abstract: Provinces, and districts as the sub divisions of provinces, and sub-districts that their functions ended are constitute the civil administration divisions of Turkey. Administration areas of villages and cities and towns and other fields take place on the ground of these administrative divisions. It is necessary that these administration areas, which were included in the areas of local governments according to the Turkey’s general administration body, should also be defined in civil administration division in terms of administrative geography. Structural characteristics of “administrative areas of provinces” that were taking as the base for planning studies regarding our country to be known and updating of the wrong and missing definitions that were taking place in the laws are especially needed. Information about place and importance of administrative geography in geographical sciences, its relation to administrative science have been given in this contribution, and then concepts and terms regarding the topic have been explained by making the analysis of civil administration divisions in Turkey in terms of administrative geography with the patterns that were chosen from some provinces such as Afyonkarahisar, Bursa, and Mersin.

L'ONU au Cambodge. Les leçons de I'APRONUC (Note)

The UN operation in Cambodia was a major venture provided with extensive resources and entrusted to implement a highly ambitious program contained in the Paris Accords signed on October23, 1991. Today, official rhetoric speaks of a "model" when referring to what a more modest view would treat as an experience - one from which it is indispensable to draw all the lessons. The UN proved unable to carry out much of its mission. It jailed to disarm the rival troops. It jailed to neutralize the Communist party's omnipresent influence over existing administrative structures. It failed to repair or rebuild a minimum of infrastructure in such basic areas as health, education, and communications. It failed to reintegrate into society the 372,000 refugees who had come back from camps in Thailand. It failed to preserve the country's unity and territorial integrity. Yet it did score some successes. It laid the ground work for a pluralistic society. It repatriated the refugees. It organized elections that were free and fair enough to allow new, thoroughly legitimate institutions to come into being. A cautious assessment of this operation leads to a reflection on the conditions for success or failure of such a venture. Lessons are to be learned from each step : starting from the diplomatic moves behind the decision to carry out the operation and the mandate defining its scope ; and ending with the political, economic, and social repercussions due to thousands of soldiers and foreign civilian administrators passing through the country. Each phase of the flow of operations must also be questioned, from recruitment of personnel to assessment of the results obtained.

Do Springs of Democracy lead to Falls of Justice? State–Civil Contests for Political Accountability in South Korea

In the “third wave of democratization,” postauthoritarian states have addressed human rights injustices and civil strife through a process of political accountability. These practices in accountability (public trials, reparations, memorials), however, have not achieved their stated goals of social justice and national reconciliation. I argue postauthoritarian administrations privatize state violence and thereby diffuse public mobilizations for social justice while effacing the legacy of human rights struggles by reframing public narratives in mnemonic sites. This paper provides two South Korean case studies of state violence and political accountability: the April 19 Student Revolution of 1960 and the May 18 Kwangju Massacre of 1980. In both cases, the state used its military force to impose public order, resulting in civilian deaths. In postauthoritarian periods (1960–1961, 1994–1995), civilian administrations revisited these injustices to exemplify political accountability and the reconstitution of human rights. However, I argue that without popular mobilization to pressure the new state, postauthoritarian regimes would not have risked destabilizing the conditions of new governance.

Corruption in Civil Administration: Causes and Cures

The issue of corruption in the civil administration has gained importance in recent years; multiple anti‐corruption efforts have been initiated to solve the problem, however, desired success has not yet been achieved. The review of the causes of corruption reveals that two behavioural causes, namely the need for corruption and greed for corruption, are closely linked with other structural variables such as the pay structure, power of the officers, and the accountability mechanism. The research attempts to prove that proper balancing among the pay structure, power, and accountability might offer a sustainable solution to the problem. However, whether the solution is cost effective or not will largely depend on the government's success in developing proper ethics amongst public officials.

Winning the war, but losing the peace? The dilemma of SPLM/A civil administration and the tasks ahead

The debate over peace in Sudan has centred on the ongoing talks in Naivasha, Kenya. This paper argues, however, that sustainable peace is not simply a function of the implementation of an agreement between the SPLA and Khartoum, but that other fracture lines will run through post-conflict Sudan. Here we draw attention to the rupture between the Dinka, dominant within the SPLA, and the Equatorian peoples of the far south, hundreds of thousands of whom were driven from their homes or faced with economic and political oppression under SPLA occupation. As these refugees return, it will be through local government structures that Equatorians will or will not be integrated into the SPLA political project for Southern Sudan. Thus, local government figures prominently in the possibility for sustainable peace. We describe the origins and structure of local government in Southern Sudan, situating it in the history of political tension between Dinka and Equatorians. We then describe the challenge of equitably distributing land and foreign aid to returnees in the context of ethnic politics and a massive NGO presence.

The Nigerian Federation at the Crossroads: The Way Forward

This article reviews the first fifty years of federal experience in Nigeria. It distinguishes three phases: an apprenticeship to “true” federalism phase (1954-1965), a federal dominance phase under military rule (1966-1979 and 1984-1999), and a “muddling-through” phase under civilian rule (1979-1983 and 1999 to date). The first phase was characterized by political devolution and intergovernmental competition, during which regional governments recorded tangible results. During the second phase, successive military regimes imposed centralism and federal dominance that kept Nigeria united but arrested progress toward consolidating federal democracy. Civilian administrations under the third phase have sought to run the federation in a muddling-through fashion, including serious political and social tensions, modest economic performance, and deepening poverty. Currently, therefore, the Nigerian federation is at a crossroads and has two options: devolution or death. Copyright 2005, Oxford University Press.

Functions of the cantred in medieval Ireland

At the beginning of the Anglo-Norman invasion all Ireland is found to be divided into cantreds. This spatial unit was the successor to the earlier trícha cét. This is an attempt to define the role of the cantred in the Anglo-Norman period and after. The cantred was, in many cases, used as a unit of infeudation. Thereafter it played a specific role in all royal counties and in many liberties. In the royal counties a ‘standard system’ of local administration evolved in which it had a clearly defined role. In the liberties its role varied: sometimes like that in the royal counties, sometimes ceasing to have any function. In the royal counties and in many liberties it had a clear role:— (i) a judicial function; (ii) policing; (iii) civil administration; and (iv) taxation. Generally, cantredal boundaries remained static but there were a few exceptions. Its decline is traced as part of the general decline in colonial local administration. Finally, the role of the cantred is examined in the uncolonised parts of Ireland.

New uncertainties of Serbia in Kosmet: The post-DOS period

"The new Kosmet dossier" makes the framework of this paper. The chronicle of events showed that nothing significant changed in Kosmet. There remained uncertainties, emigration continued (of the Serbs and other non-Albanians) and the obstruction of the "return" project, all under the auspices of the heads of the civil administration and UNMIK. The second part of the paper is mostly thematic and prognostic. The author first analyzed numerous standpoints expressed in the public debate lasting several months about the future of Kosmet. He developed his predictions on the basis of a "situation-al framework", "satelitization" and the apperance of the new "post-industrial vassalage". These phenomena, that is developmental trends on the waves of globalization and de-sovereignization, are at the periphery of the world, Europe and the Balkans. There lies the knot for "the lasting solution of the Kosovo crisis".

TÜRKİYE’DE MÜLKİ İDARE BÖLÜMLERİNİN İDARİ COĞRAFYA ANALİZİ Administrative Geography Analysis of Civil Administration Divisions in Turkey

Türkiye’nin mülki idare bölümlerini iller, illerin alt bölümleri durumundaki ilçeler ve işlevleri sona erdirilmiş bucaklar oluşturmaktadır. Bu idari bölümlerin temelinde ise köy ve kentlerin idari alanları ile hazine arazileri yer almaktadır. Türkiye’nin idari yapısı içinde yerel yönetim alanlarına dahil edilen bu idari sahaların idari coğrafya bakımından mülki idare bölümleri içinde de tanımlanması gerekmektedir. Türkiye ile ilgili planlama çalışmalarında baz alınan “il idari alanları”nın yapısal özelliklerinin bilinmesi ve özellikle yasalarda yer alan yanlış ve eksik tanımların güncelleştirilerek düzeltilmesi gerekmektedir. Bu makalede idari coğrafyanın coğrafi bilimler içindeki yeri ve önemi, yönetim bilimiyle olan ilişkisi hakkında bilgi verilmiş, Türkiye’deki mülki idare bölümlerinin idari coğrafya bakımından analizi yapılarak konuyla ilgili kavramlar ve terimler Afyonkarahisar, Bursa, Mersin illerinden seçilen örneklerle açıklanmıştır

U.S.‑ Thai Relations after 9/ 11: A New Era in Cooperation?

Three years ago, the United States and Thailand seemed headed for u more strained and distant relationship. U.S. policy-makers viewed Bangkok us increasingly insignificant while Thailand sought to move out of its traditional U.S. orbit and increasingly balance the influence of Washington China, Europe, and the Muslim world. Yet, since 2001, the United States and Thailand have become extremely close. This article examines the U.S.-Thai relationship from the 1980s to the present day, particularly focusing on the post-9/ 11 era in light of the Bush administration's war on terrorism and growing linkages between Thailand and the United States. Ultimately, the article analyses what has accounted for warmer ties, why some strains still remain, and whether U.S.-Thai relations hove in fact returned to their previous 1980s intimacy. Introduction When George W. Bush and Thaksin Shinawatra took office in 2001, U.S.-Thai relations were cordial though jittery. In the post-Cold War world, U.S. policymakers had relegated Thailand to a lesser level of importance. Meanwhile. Thailand had increasingly sought to transform its traditionally pro-U.S. tilt towards a foreign policy more evenly balanced to include China, Europe, and the Muslim world. Yet, since 2001, the United States and Thailand have embarked on an increasingly intimate partnership unseen since the 1980s. This article examines the changing priorities of U.S.-Thai relations from the 1980s, 1990s, through the events of 9/11, to the present day. It particularly focuses on the post-9/11 era in light of the Bush administration's international war on terrorism, and growing security and economic ties between Thailand and the United States. Ultimately, the paper emphasizes how common interests have led to warmer ties while certain strains remain. Until Thailand's brief 1975 to 1976 experiment democracy, U.S.-Thai relations were quite close and might even be described as patron--client. (1) The relationship was built on shared anti-communist security concerns and paralleled the military elites' dominance of Thai society. The U.S. began supplying Thailand military aid in 1950 and both states signed the 1954 Manila Pact of the former Southeast Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO). Despite SEATO's demise in 1977, the Pact remains in force. Meanwhile, the Thanat-Rusk communique of 1962 committed each nation to defend the other if one was attacked. The 1975 to '76 period saw a policy of equidistance whereby Thai policymakers sought alliance not only the United States but also with new friends and former enemies. (2) Thailand in the 1980s followed a policy of omnidirectionality which recognized the importance of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), China, Vietnam, the USSR, as well as the United States. The success of omnidirectionality showcased the evolution of Thailand from being a simple client of the United States to becoming a key regional player in its own right. (3) But omnidirectionality did not distance the close U.S.-Thai security relationship. Indeed, the U.S.-Thai Cobra Gold annual air, land, and sea operations (begun in 1982), took on added importance during the 1980s, given the occupation by Vietnam of Cambodia. By the late 1980s, economic growth, the winding down of Vietnam's Cambodia venture, and the Cold War's end led to a reassessment by the U.S. and Thailand over their alliance's very nature. The civilian administration of Chatchai Chunhaven (1988-91) stressed greater disengagement from the United States. Chatchai's government sought to turn Indochina from a battlefield into a marketplace, and separate economic agreements Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar. Thailand's post-1988 foreign policy toward Myanmar was guided by constructive engagement. This friendly approach toward Myanmar's military sought profits for Thai investors in Myanmar and security for the Thai-Myanmar border. …

Harvest of despair: life and death in Ukraine under Nazi rule

Karel C. Berkhoff. Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine Under Nazi Rule. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004. 463pp.This is a fascinating and much-needed study of people's life in the Reichskommissariat Ukraine, an administrative unit that at its largest included the larger part of German-occupied Ukraine-Volhynia, all of Right-Bank Ukraine, Kyiv and Poltava oblasts on the Left Bank, and Mykolaiv, Kherson, Zaporizhzhia, and Dnipropetrovs'k oblasts in southern Ukraine. Over one hundred pages of notes referring to numerous secondary sources and archival documents from various depositories in Ukraine, Russia, Germany and the United States emphasize how well researched this study is.Earlier classic works, like Alexander Dallin's German Rule in Russia, examined the Nazi occupation of the Soviet Union from a history from above perspective, focusing on the power struggle between Erich Koch and Alfred Rosenberg and the continuous infighting between other German officials and institutions. Harvest of Despair, by contrast, looks at the events through the eyes of those on the receiving end, the civilian population of Ukraine. This Alltagsgeschichte approach is the main merit of the book.The study is structured thematically, covering different aspects of people's life, death and survival in Reichskommissariat Ukraine. Chapter I describes the German advance into Ukraine and the Soviet retreat. Having committed mass atrocities and employed a scorched-earth policy, the retreating Soviet authorities behaved as a native government, but as a conqueror that had to leave. One of the most important reasons explaining the rapid German advance into Ukraine was the massive desertion and unwillingness to fight for the collective farm regime. Initially, the majority of Ukrainians, especially peasants, welcomed the Germans. People thought that it was not possible to live worse than under the Soviets. The next chapter portrays the establishment of the Reichskommissariat Ukraine and the radically racist ethos of the reichskommissar Erich Koch and his entourage, which permeated all levels of Nazi civil administration and set the ground for further brutalization of German policy.Chapters 3 and 4 deal with the genocide of the Jews and the mass murder of Soviet POWs. The vast majority of the local population did interfere to help the Jews. While traditional anti-Semitism partially accounts for such a response, the fear of denunciation and the death penalty played a major role. Those who denounced hiding Jews very often did so to obtain property or reward or to prove their reliability to the authorities rather than because of anti-Jewish sentiments.The starvation of the Soviet POWs was a result of Nazi racist beliefs. The German military command obstructed aid from the local population that could have spared the lives hundreds of thousands of POWs. The mass starvation happened despite the excellent Ukrainian harvest of 1941.Chapter 5 analyzes life in the countryside. Hoping to get their land back, initially the overwhelming majority of peasants were pleased with the arrival of the Germans. Peasants' living standards generally improved during the occupation. But, with the collective system largely left intact and increasing abuse and violence, they began to consider their situation at least as bad as under the Soviet system.The next two chapters deal with the situation in the cities. Conditions of life significantly deteriorated for all city dwellers except the small group of entrepreneurs. Scholars, who were considered useless by the Nazis, were left to starve. …

The View of Lithuanian Statehood Held by the Polish Underground During 1939–1944

This article investigates the Polish underground’s view of Lithuanian statehood, territorial integrity, and Lithuanian-Polish relations during the Second World War. The concept ‘Polish underground’ is applicable not only to the military organisation, which came to be called the Armia Krajowa (AK) in 1942, but also the secret civil administration, called the Delegation of the Government to the Country. The article investiga tes not only the view of Lithuania held by the Polish underground operating in Lithuania (primarily the Vilnius area) but also the Polish underground’s central leadership in Warsaw as well as the view held by the Polish government-in-exile. The author used Lithuanian and Polish archive documents and works by historians from both countries.

The Legitimising Strategies of the Nazi Administration in Northern Italy: Propaganda in the Adriatisches Küstenland

The Nazi occupation of northern Italy led to the creation of the Adriatisches Küstenland operations zone, a Nazi civil administration led by Gauleiter Friedrich Rainer. Although this was supposedly a temporary measure, the article argues that the intention was to separate the zone from the Italian state and incorporate it into an economic and political sphere directly controlled by the Reich. The article explores the legitimising strategies exploited by the Nazi civil administration and its organs of propaganda, which focused on the political, social and economical failures of the Italian Fascist government. Rainer strove hard to find ways of encouraging each of the zone's diverse ethnic and social groups to look to the Reich – and hence to the local Nazi administration – as the promoter of its national destiny, the guarantor of its socio-political security and the harbinger of its economic prosperity, safeguarding this against the social revolution advocated by the strong local communist Resistance. Rainer's administration, in trying to eradicate the region's Italian roots, established a new ethnic hierarchy, which favoured Slovenes over Italian nationals.

The Occupation of Iraq

This paper addresses an aspect of the 2003-2004 Iraq war that was central to American foreign policy but, to date, has been almost wholly ignored as a legal question. This is the program of reform and reconstruction undertaken by the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), the US civil administration in Iraq. The CPA changed virtually every aspect of Iraqi public law, abolishing many institutions, creating new ones and introducing areas of regulation (such as anti-corruption) previously unknown in the Iraqi legal system. The reforms were the very antithesis of what is usually understood as a central obligation of occupying powers: to preserve existing laws and institutions to the extent possible. Sweeping legislative action of the kind undertaken by the CPA is generally reserved for the indigenous government that returns to power at the end of the occupation. An occupier is a de facto but not a de jure sovereign. To hold otherwise, most writers say, would border on allowing an occupier to annex the territory and assume all the law-making powers of a legitimate government. The paper asks whether an accommodation is possible between these two compelling imperatives: to reform a society in which many laws and institutions lag far behind international standards, but also to preserve the ability of Iraqis to make fundamental decisions about their political and economic institutions for themselves. It examines a series of justifications for the reforms, some of which seek an accommodation with occupation law and some that challenge its central premises. The article concludes that only the core of human rights-related reforms can be justified.

Rebuilding urban Japan after 1945

Rebuilding Japanese Cities after 1945 C.Hein Japanese Cities and Planning in the Reconstruction Period, 1945-55 Y.Ishida Reconstructing Tokyo: the Attempt to transform a Metropolis I.Hiroo The Rebuilding of Osaka and Central Themes of the Japanese Reconstruction H.Junichi Reconstructing Hiroshima and Preserving the Reconstructed City I.Norioki The Reconstruction of Nagaoka and its Influence on Urban Forms M.Shoji War Damage Reconstruction, City Planning and U.S. Civil Administration in Okinawa I.Takayuki Learning from Dairen, Learning from Shinkyo: Japanese Colonial City Planning and Postwar Reconstruction D.Tucker Japanese Architectural Culture in the 1950s C.Wendelken War and Reconstruction in Japan J.M.Diefendorf Change and Continuities in Postwar Urban Japan C.Hein