Citizen Constitution Research Articles

Mechanic citizenship: Boston Mayor’s Office of New Urban Mechanics and the constitution of digital citizens

Projects to integrate digital technologies into the fabric of city life depend upon specific visions of politics and technology. In the process of their realization, they re-constitute the identities, agencies, and relations of human inhabitants, re-defining what it means to be a citizen. This article draws on the idiom of co-production and framework of constitutionalism from Science and Technology Studies (STS) to analyze the coming into being of a form of citizenship with smartphone technologies in Boston in the 2010s. When the Boston Mayor’s Office of New Urban Mechanics (MONUM) used newly available smartphone apps to reconfigure the connection among city residents and government, they brought into being a specific mode of citizenship. I term this mode of citizenship “mechanic” to draw attention to the qualities of passivity, infrastructure, and connectedness that characterized MONUM’s early digital citizenship projects. I argue that recognizing that the constitution of the human, and specifically of citizens, is at stake in smart city projects entails re-thinking ethical analysis in contexts of smart cities. Instead of seeking to perform ethical assessments of technological consequences (“ethics of” approach), scholars might begin with a situated analysis of how humans as citizens are constituted through smart city projects (“ethics in” approach). By identifying the political affordances and commitments of the emergent digital citizenship models, scholars can make visible alternative forms of living and engaging politically in the city.

Masyarakat Sebagai Pilar Penegakan Hukum: Konstitusi Kritis Warga Negara

This article discusses the role of society as one of the important pillars in law enforcement, particularly in the context of the critical constitution of citizens. This type of research is qualitative research, namely literature study. Data collection is carried out through research literature published through google scholar. Various articles relevant to the focus of research are reviewed and analyzed various findings. In addition, analysis and synthesis are carried out through various relevant book sources. The process of data analysis is carried out qualitatively which consists of data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing. The finding of this study is that people who have a good understanding and awareness of the law can play an active role in supervising and criticizing the implementation of the law by the government and law enforcement officials. Civil society participation is essential to prevent abuse of power and ensure compliance with the constitution. Legal education for the community needs to be improved so that citizens understand their rights and obligations and can participate in the law enforcement process. Community involvement in the legal policy-making process is also needed so that the laws made are in accordance with the needs and sense of justice of the community. Partnerships between governments, law enforcement officials, and civil society are essential to effective and equitable law enforcement

The Potential and Challenges of A Unified Health System

The Covid-19 pandemic has claimed more than 700,000 victims in Brazil since 2020, putting the world’s largest public health system to the test. The Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS) has provided medicines, beds, rapid tests and laboratory surveillance free of charge, playing a significant role in tackling this health crisis. The current Brazilian Constitution, promulgated in 1988 and also known as the Citizen Constitution, for having extended essential rights to society, established a dynamic and complex health system, the Unified Health System (SUS).

Análise retórica do Processo Constituinte Brasileiro de 1987/1988: O relato vencedor da Constituição Cidadã

This article intends to carry out a rhetorical analysis of the construction of the term “Citizen Constitution”. Used as an epithet for the Constitution of Brazil of 1988, the expression was coined with the intention of overcoming the dictatorial regime that it previously watched, consolidating itself in this way as a winning story. The general objective of the work is to understand the formation of this narrative, considering that the most varied groups that participated in the 1987/1988 constituent process exerted pressure on each other and on the constituent legislators, in order to approve the constitutional text that most interested them. The methodology used is rhetoric that, through a tripartite view of material, strategic and analytical, uses the dissoi-logoi, or exposition of contrary arguments, to, in the end, carry out an analysis that is intended to be equidistant. To this end, the rhetorical conception, adopted as the theoretical and methodological basis of this work, is opposed to the problem of traditional legal hermeneutics and its search for the correct answers. As a central problem, this work faces the question: is it possible to extract a single narrative from the Constitution? It is concluded that, although “citizen” is an expression that permeates the imagination of Brazilian constitutionalism, influencing its interpreters, the Constitution has limits regarding the realization of citizenship.

Making the “Citizen Constitution”: Popular Participation in the Brazilian Transition to Democracy, 1985–1988

AbstractThis article examines popular participation in the making of Brazil's 1988 post-authoritarian “Citizen Constitution.” In 1987, Brazilians submitted 122 popular amendments (emendas populares) supported by over 12 million signatures to the National Constituent Assembly (1987–88). As this article contends, this extraordinary experiment in popular constitution-making problematizes notions of Brazil's transition from authoritarian to democratic rule as the most conservative of those that swept Latin America at the end of the Cold War. The popular amendments emerged amid a nationwide campaign for popular participation that saw millions of Brazilians participate in letter-writing campaigns, protests, and debates over the constitution that carried over into the halls of the Constituent Assembly itself. I argue that the popular amendments countered the arbitrary authoritarianism of the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964–85) with a constitutionalism in which everyday Brazilians would safeguard democracy through popular participation in government. While only partially consolidated, this vision offered diverse marginalized groups an opportunity to claim full citizenship in Brazil's nascent democracy, especially in ways that more overtly addressed issues of race, ethnicity, gender, and disability. This article thus shows that far from being the exclusive province of political elites, everyday people meaningfully shaped the constitutional restorations in late twentieth-century Latin America.

Transgender identity as a selectivity factor of access to health: an outline of the brazilian social symbolic structure

The emergence of the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS), arising from the 1988 citizen's constitution, constituted a fundamental pillar in the realization of inclusive and universal public health, while it aroused among the sectors of society the reflection there is about the need of thinking about health as something that goes beyond the walls of hospitals and curative policies, but rather as the sum of health actions that have the population as the main protagonists of care. Based on this question, the present literature review will seek subsidies in the context of symbolic social structuring, lending itself to analyze how living in a society guided by patriarchal values and moral principles can interfere in health care. Furthermore, it proposes to discuss how professional performance based on the pillars of heteronormativity and personal beliefs, presents itself as limiting factors for effective health care for the transgender population.

TECNOLOGIAS FINANCEIRAS (FINTECHS) E TECNOLOGIAS SOCIAIS EM PROL DO DIREITO HUMANO AO DESENVOLVIMENTO

The technological revolution and disruptive innovation have hit the financial world hard, shaking the structures of a notoriously conservative system based on a centralized model dominated by a small number of institutions. After thirty years of the promulgation of the Brazilian constitution, so-called as the “citizen constitution”, none of it chapter has changed as much as the chapter responsible for the structure of a national financial system. The change captained by Constitutional Amendment no. 40/2003 is justified so far as it must be understood as indispensable for the construction of a more up-to-date financial system that is in keeping with the rapid changes it has been undergoing. Focused essentially on promoting the balanced development of the country (at the service of the interests of the community), it is a system that is, above all, inclusive, encompassing, besides financial institutions, credit cooperatives (currently referred to as Fintechs ). The aim of this article, based on an deductive and historical methodology, is to look at the importance of credit as an instrument of human development and initiatives that develop beyond official credit systems. In this way, an incursion into the universe of community banks and social currencies, as well as of financial technologies, is sought, to reflect on a scenario that values self-management and independence, to reflect in the treatment it has been receiving in terms of regulation.

Education in Brazil: A Discussion of Current Problems and a Call to Action

ABSTRACT In this text, we try to address several issues that have been long hindering Brazilian Education. Since the promulgation of the so-called Citizen Constitution (BRAZIL, 1988), the Brazilian government hasn’t yet been able to provide free and quality education for all Brazilians, and a big portion of Brazilian citizens are still illiterate, especially those who belong to lower classes and black communities. We will focus on the vicious cycle that is created when, in having education denied, the population is also automatically denied the right to perceive their neglected and violated rights. What consequences may this vicious cycle generate for the Brazilian population? In what ways can we overcome the limits it imposes on us? What Brazil would we have if we could get rid of this cycle? And how does this relate to the daily lives of each of us?

Evolução histórica do Direito brasileiro: uma breve análise do prisma constitucional

RESUMO: No âmbito jurídico, o Constitucionalismo mostrou ter grande relevância mundial devido ao fato de ter passado por constantes mudanças, sendo elas positivas ou negativas e, muitas vezes, independentes da aceitação popular, gerando uma série de fenômenos, que, posteriormente, criariam o contexto Constitucional na contemporaneidade. Diversos teóricos do contrato social, como Jean Jacques Rousseau e John Locke, dedicaram-se a escrever diversos trabalhos sobre o papel do Estado dentro do tecido social, pondo em pauta os princípios norteadores da sociedade e o papel estatal como agente regulador coesivo e harmônico. Por esse motivo, surge a necessidade de se estudar o avanço constitucional da Nação brasileira, o qual, nos dias contemporâneos, ascendeu para a criação de um documento único e universal, a Constituição Cidadã de 1988. Nesse ínterim, estas laudas têm por objetivo descrever, sob o prisma histórico, a evolução das Cartas Magnas do Brasil, em que se leva em consideração, nesta análise, o arcabouço jurídico desde a Constituição Política do Império do Brasil até a promulgação da atual Lei suprema da organização do Estado brasileiro. Para tanto, adotou-se, como metodologia de estudo, o arcabouço explicativo e exploratório, com cunho bibliográfico e documental, obtidos por meio de bases de dados e sítios eletrônicos oficiais da Administração Pública do Brasil, tais como Periódico Capes, SciELO, Google Acadêmico, bem como Portais do Poder Executivo e Legislativo. A partir disso, vê-se que o Estado e o Povo brasileiro perpassaram por significativas mudanças durante os processos transitórios de constitucionalidade, é o que pontuar-se-á nas próximas laudas. 
 PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Direito. Constitucionalismo. Evolução Histórica.

Early childhood: The new government agenda

Institutional care for young children, throughout the history of the world, Latin America and Brazil, presented several conceptions about their function. Most of these institutions were intended to serve only poor children. However, it is very recent the establishment of a national policy for Early Childhood, as a pedagogical, social investment, in maternal and child health, economic and educational, which considers children as subjects of rights and citizens in the process of development. Thus, this article intends to reconstitute the trajectory of the new legislation on Early Childhood, which obliges managers and professionals of education, social assistance, health, psychology, psychiatry throughout the country to adapt their activities to the norms established by law. That said, this study was based on scientific evidence; pedagogical and legal arguments disseminated in Brazil in the last three decades, especially since the Citizen Constitution of 1988, which promoted the evolution of early childhood legislation. In which it was possible to observe that only in 2006, with the creation of FUNDEB, funding for early childhood education was established; in 2016, the Legal Framework of Early Childhood was sanctioned. And in 2020, for the first time in history, childhood was mentioned and included in Annexes of thirteen Laws of the Multiannual Plans of Brazilian federated entities, to take effect from 2021 to 2023.

Public health policy and medical unionism in the context of collapse of Brazilian democracy

Abstract Issue This is a report about an editorial initiative to contribute to the debate on the crisis of trade unionism and public health in Brazil. Description of the Problem The Rio de Janeiro Doctors Union (SinMed-RJ), the first trade union of liberal professionals in Brazil, began its activities in 1927 and has completed nine decades. It kept present in the political life, in the process of drafting labor laws, subjected to the brutal intervention of security agencies during the military dictatorship, and in the street struggle for democratizing access to health in the 1980s. It is yet part of the history of the struggles for the re-democratization of the country and the construction of a universal public health policy. Together with The Brazilian Center for Health Studies (Cebes) it fights for the construction and consolidation of the Unified Health System (SUS) and the achievements of the 1988 Citizen Constitution, actions that had a major impact on the trade union and on public health. Results In 2017, the government that emerged from the 2016 judicial-parliamentary coup, made changes to labor legislation, destroying the legal framework for the defense of work and discontinuing the financial of trade unions. In 2019, we were witnessing the struggle of combative and socially based unions for the survival of their entities. The SinMed-RJ promoted debates on the role of the media in deconstructing democracy and the precariousness of medical work, while actively supporting the struggle of doctors in defense of their rights. Lessons Cebes and SinMed-RJ met against the privatization health, an important agenda of debate and action. From 2019, there had been a growing increase in measures to deconstruct public policies and labor protection, breaking the social legitimacy of state institutions, retracting the democratic space, deepening inequality and unemployment. This agenda is urgent to be widely debated for the whole society of a country in crisis. Key messages The major impact of this work was to include the public health challenges of Brazil in the agenda of the trade union, and to fight to rescue the democracy in Brazil. The major impact was to work with other institution on health studies and publish a special number of a free publication in honor of nine decades of the first union of liberal professional in Brazil.

CIÊNCIA POLICIAL E A SÍNDROME DA RAINHA VERMELHA

O artigo se propõe a analisar a possibilidade do exercício pleno das atribuições correlatas às polícias militares por força da Constituição Cidadã de 1988, em especial no que pertine o poder de polícia administrativa como tratamento profilático à denominada “Síndrome da Rainha Vermelha”, expressão cunhada pelo sociólogo brasileiro Marcos Rolim como signo distintivo de ineficiência da atuação policial – em uma dicotomia entre o excesso de energia estatal gasto na repressão aos ilícitos penais e a inexistência de resultados práticos a demonstrar a diminuição de índices criminais. O trabalho foi desenvolvido através de pesquisa exploratória de abordagem qualitativa lastreado em pesquisas bibliográficas e documentais. O estudo demonstrou que atualmente existe um espectro de atuação das polícias militares pouco explorado no que tange ao poder de polícia administrativa (poder de polícia ostensiva) e que o preenchimento qualificado do referido vácuo de atuação estatal pode contribuir no âmbito da prevenção criminal, atuando como um bálsamo no tratamento da “Síndrome da Rainha Vermelha”.

Risking identity: a case study of Jamaica’s short-lived national ID system

Purpose This paper aims to expose the challenges facing the attempt by Jamaica to introduce a new digital ID system without adequate regard to public consultation and the rights of citizens. Design/methodology/approach The method used is critical text analysis and policy analysis, providing background and relevant factors leading up to the legislative changes under review. Extensive literature sources were consulted and the relevant sections of the Jamaican constitution referenced and analysed. Findings The case study may have national peculiarities not applicable in other jurisdictions. Its introduction acknowledges that the Jamaican Government may amend and re-submit the legislation, absent the flawed clauses. The paper however will remain valid given its detailed analysis and exposure of risks associated with biometric data collection, face recognition technology and data storage flaws. Practical implications It will be a practical example of the risks associated with flawed biometric data collection and the role of Courts in reviewing such legislation. Referrals to the Courts can be used as a remedy, as occurred not only in Jamaica but also in many other jurisdictions, including India and Kenya. Social implications The paper foregrounds the rights of citizens to be consulted on the collection and storage of their sensitive biometric data. The social implications and risks of violating the constitutional rights of citizens were made evident, and can be an example to other jurisdictions. Originality/value The paper is the first of its kind to provide detailed data and analysis on an outright rejection by the Courts of a country's ID legislation on grounds that it violated the constitution and rights of citizens. It shows the ethical and social challenges in proposing and implementing legislation without adequate public consultation on such sensitive matters as biometric data. It also exposes some of the challenges of artificial intelligence and face recognition technologies in ID data collection, including flaws related to race, gender and coding.

A SUPREMA CORTE E A MUDANÇA JURISPRUDENCIAL ACERCA DO DIREITO À NOMEAÇÃO EM CONCURSO PÚBLICO: ENTRE A SOCIOLOGIA POLÍTICA E A VERTENTE NEOINSTITUCIONALISTA

A mudança de entendimento acerca do direito é constante no espaço judiciário. Se de um lado, a segurança jurídica tem sido objeto das investigações feitas pelo campo jurídico, nas ciências sociais a preocupação tem sido em verificar o motivo de tal mudança. Neste texto, fruto de uma pesquisa qualitativa, em que se colacionou dados decisórios – acórdãos - junto ao próprio site do STF, a intenção fora a de verificar a possibilidade de explicações causais concernente à mudança jurisprudencial do Supremo quando do assunto da nomeação em concurso público, se se trata de direito subjetivo ou de mera expectativa de direito. Em nenhum momento ao longo do texto, há menção a discussão e explicação normativa da temática. As pretensas explicações giraram em torno de três análises: mudança das regras (antes e depois da Constituição Federal de 1988), o comportamento decisório dos ministros e a própria composição do STF.

Citizen forces

ABSTRACTIn the last 15 years the Turkish National Police have invested heavily in “community policing,” espousing the belief that a strong police‐public relationship will curtail authoritarian policing and police violence. Yet this reform has intensified popular desires for more policing and fostered a new type of citizen‐police subject, what I call citizen forces. The purportedly liberal tool of community policing turned the previously despised figure of the police informer into a respected practitioner of engaged, responsible, and vigilant citizenship. When functioning as ancillary police forces, citizen forces can help consolidate state power and aggravate state repression, especially against suspect Others. Emerging mostly at the neighborhood level, such forms of policing and politicization demonstrate the increasing complicity and mutual constitution of police and citizens, as well as the formation of state‐sponsored vigilantism. [police, policing, vigilantism, informing, reform, citizenship, Turkey]

Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage in Brazil in accordance with the UNESCO Convention

Brazil is a complex federation formed by 26 States, the Federal District and 5570 municipalities, all autonomous and sharing powers and duties in many legislative and administrative matters, such as culture and cultural heritage. On October 5th, 1988, the country adopted its first effectively democratic and pluralist Constitution, known as the “Citizen Constitution”. It devotes special attention to the aforementioned topics based on the understanding that cultural heritage encompasses elements of a tangible and intangible nature that make reference to the identity, the action and the memory of the different groups that form Brazilian society, including textual mention of popular, indigenous and Afro-Brazilian cultures. In legal terms, however, it has been observed that since 1937 the country has had a national law for the protection of tangible cultural heritage, but only since 2000 has it issued a Decree on the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage. In any case, this Decree precedes the UNESCO Convention on this subject, dated 2003 and incorporated into Brazilian law in 2006. At this time, the international regulation acquired a status of supranational to deal with matters pertaining to human rights. The content of the Convention did not result in any abrogation of the pre-existing rules in Brazil, however, it showed that the rules need to be complemented in two aspects. The first one, in a legal sense, to make explicit the humanitarian and environmental protection values that are indispensable in the policy of recognizing cultural manifestations and their elements. The second one, in a political sense given the characteristic of cooperative federalism, involves the necessity for the central government to stimulate the universalization of this policy in other entities of the Brazilian federation, which currently does not occur.

European Paradoxes of Humanness: Discussing Etienne Balibar's Work on Europe

European Paradoxes of HumannessDiscussing Etienne Balibar's Work on Europe Michalis Bartsidis (bio) This essay's purpose is to explore Etienne Balibar's four books on Europe as a whole.1 Such a retrospective overview enhances the possibility for a historical appraisal of the philosopher's positions, their particular kind of unity, and the formations of his views, as well as, although not in any teleological sense, an account that may vindicate his political ingenuity as well as the efficiency of his analyses. Balibar himself describes his propositions as moving "between realism and utopia," implying a relation between the state of things and inventive imagination. What emerges as we follow his thought in this overall examination is the figure of a radical heir of Euro-communism, one who surpasses this tradition to offer particularly fruitful ideas, delving deeply into the notion of Europe as an ethical-political program of our times. The curve of his ideological and emotional commitment to the European project reaches a climax during the period of discussions about the European Constitution, to gradually deescalate by 2015, although none of his initial interest in this project is lost in the process. We will be examining in outline Balibar's four books on Europe as a paradigm, as a historical and theoretical experiment2 regarding the composition of a unity-civitas and, simultaneously, of its subjects: a double process referring to the "constitution of citizenship," city and citizens at the same time. In other words, the term "constitution" here designates the notion of consolidation or configuration of a historical phenomenon; only in the case of the European Constitution of 2005 will it be used to designate the notion of a set of rules governing citizenship. Balibar's work propounds the hypothesis that this constitution raises the issue of a new ethics: can Europe, despite being historically accustomed to divisions and wars, become a regulatory ideal, instituting [End Page 155] an ethics of resolving its social strife and cultural divisions? In other words, can we render a new model of inclusion feasible in Europe, taking into account the complex political and ethical issues raised by this configuration? Can we think of a way to eradicate the multiple exclusions, the inequalities, and, ultimately, the anthropological differences that allocate and prioritize in humankind the strata of the human and the unhuman, of citizens and noncitizens? Can Europe constitute an ethical but not moral ideal, a universal that, even when it is not perceived as convincing enough, despite all opposition, figures out means and possibilities (spaces, institutions, movements) of establishing political integration? There is a great abundance of evidence in favor of reclaiming such a confrontational universal in the European tradition, that of contradictory modernization processes and of a conflictual democracy. Can this ideal function as a compass for historically orienting both individuals and the masses through its contribution to a new representation and a new rationality of history? This argument demonstrates the depth of Balibar's philosophical problematic on Europe and on the demand for a new political ethics. In essence, what is under examination here is whether the experiment and the idea of Europe jointly suggest a locus for the invention of a new politics at the service of an "integral" humanity. As we will show, the concept of "humanity"/humanness in Balibar's thought refers not to the simple signification provided by theoretical humanism but to a complex, composite notion according to which humanity is and has always been divided; most important, the recognition of the "human" quality has been—and still is—the stake and outcome of conflicts and struggles, that is, a political result. And yet, the demand for human integration or for a unification of divided humanity is still, for Balibar, on the agenda. Methodologically, the French philosopher deconstructs the concept and at the same time contributes to its reconstruction with a relational content, always and only consolidated for a given period. The name we give this philosophic strategy here, applying it to the European issue, is "Europe as method."3 europe as an ethical and political question In the context of a generalized discussion on Europe as a process and a problem of political...

O assédio neoliberal ao SUS

This year, the “Citizen Constitution”, as it is widely known, turned 30. Enacted in October 5, 1988, it was in Brazil the pivot point of a very specific scenario, that condensed numerous popular - and from the private sector - claims, and expressed the correlation of forces of a recently “re-democratized” Brazil. It covered the catalogue of social rights, like health, which with the cration of the United Health Sistem (SUS, in portuguese abreviation), started to appear as an universal right. Those rights, for 30 years, suffered various attacks - even with the constant warning of social movements - overall in the last few years, following the 2016 coup that resulted in the impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff. Thus, the current scenario imposes the political and theoretical duty of bringing to debate the attack of the capital on the social rights in Brazil. The Constitutional Amendment #95, promulgated by the coupist government, constitutes a new tax system and requires a spending limit for the next 20 years, and is the breaking point of the pact established in 1988.

Política da crise educacional: causa ou efeito da racionalidade autoritária e plutocrática mundial?

O presente artigo tem como objetivo promover o debate em torno das estratégias plutocráticas de mercantilização de um dos bens públicos fundamentais para a constituição autônoma de cidadãos e de culturas, povos e países, a educação. Mas, a lógica de precarização da educação, senão da mercantilização da educação, características de governos despóticos, autoritários a serviço da plutocracia financeirizada global implica na estratégia de aniquilação da potência do pensamento constitutiva de singularidades comprometidas com os direitos humanos, com a dignidade da vida em sua totalidade e, sobretudo com a defesa do espaço público, do bem comum, condições primordiais na conformação de sociedades e, de um mundo suficientemente humano e responsável com as futuras gerações. O artigo sugere que é condição intransferível num contexto de acumulação do capital financeiro, controlado pela plutocracia nacional e global, promotor da crise como técnica determinante das formas de governo, sob a prerrogativa de um estado de direito, operacionalizado pelo permanente estado de exceção, manter atuante a potência do pensamento que historicamente encontrou acolhida e se desenvolveu no seio das universidades. Sobretudo nas circunstâncias da sociedade brasileira constituída sob o ethos da escravidão, as universidades públicas constituem-se como lócus par excellence de constituição de reflexões, análises e questionamentos que viabilizem nos tomarmos como objeto, compreendendo os limites, mas sobretudo as potencialidades civilizatórias a nossa disposição.

Estatutos jurídicos e processos de nacionalização de línguas no Brasil

A Constituição Brasileira de 1988 inaugura uma nova cena nas políticas linguísticas da história constitucional do país, ao registrar, pela primeira vez, a existência de uma língua oficial para servir de instrumento de suporte da organização estatal e reforçar a sua condição de nação soberana perante a comunidade internacional. A decisão política de elevar a língua portuguesa à condição de idioma oficial não foi seguida de um processo de planejamento legislativo e do desenvolvimento de uma teoria política dos direitos linguísticos com a finalidade de definir os lugares jurídicos das demais línguas constitutivas da realidade multilíngue nacional. Assim, além de termos no país a existência de línguas sem estatuto jurídico algum, ou seja, línguas sem nenhuma proteção jurídica por parte do Estado, encontramos também, no conjunto daqueles idiomas que lograram êxito em conseguir o amparo estatal, um cenário bastante confuso e, por vezes, inibidor do desenvolvimento de políticas mais robustas de nacionalização das nossas línguas. Objetivamos elucidar as circunstâncias que levaram a esse panorama de extrema fragilidade nas diretrizes de classificação dos estatutos jurídicos dos idiomas e, em seguida, apresentaremos alguns dos principais processos de nacionalização de línguas adotados pelo Brasil após a promulgação da “Constituição Cidadã”.