Joseon Research Articles

청주분지 내 원삼국~통일 신라시대 지역거점 형성과 변천 과정 연구

In archeology, which studies past lifestyles, the study of the remains of life has received attention early. However, in the archaeological studies in Korea, studies on cities were relatively insufficient. It was confined to a specific time period and a specific topic. Also data were more insufficient for local cities.
 Examining the distribution status and political background of each period, it can be seen that Cheongju area is very valuable as a city research data. The main life area of the Cheongju have been found in the Cheongju Basin since ancient times. In this study, the remains of living that were identified in the basin were researched.
 In the Cheongju Basin, there are both ancient natural growth cities and medieval planned cities. Cheongju was an ancient city which, through its geographical advantage, developed into a growth city through the absorption process of Baekje from Mahan's large settlement. At one time, however, the city declined in the adverse environment of the borders of centralized countries. However, Silla established 'Seowon-Sokyung' around the new center right after reunification. As the planned city of 'Sokyung' entered, Cheongju became the center city of Chungcheong-do.
 On the other hand, the background of the installation of 'Sokyung' was the control and monitoring of the Baekje-based Local people for political purposes and it can be estimated from the medieval urban structure with the 'Bangri system'. In the early Cheongju region of Goryeo, The thaneship which opposed to the central forces become a center.
 This political background suggests that the goals for the overpowered and conquered people have become receded, and this means that the object of check has been turned into thaneship. Nevertheless, the Cheongju area Gyesugwan of the 23rd year of the Goryeo Taejo.
 This compares with the situation at the time of the installation of 'Sokyung' right after Silla's unification. The background seems to have been the reasons for the change of the ruling dynasty (the fact that Cheongju was not a newly expanded territory) and appeasement for Cheongju in early Goryeo. In this period, it is confirmed that the compartments such as fence facilities and road yards are expanded and compared with the case of Northern Song dynasty, it was possible to imagine the change in the structure of the street which lost the control function of Bang-ri system like the phenomenon in Northern Song capital Since then, the medieval city of Cheongju has developed into the present city through the Joseon Dynasty.

경기 안성지역 조선시대 수혈주거지 연구

This paper is an analytical research of semi-subterranean houses in the Joseon period, focusing on the temporal changes in the structure and artifacts. Total 29 dwellings of the Joseon period were unearthed at Hwanggol site of Majeong-ri in Anseong. The floor plans of the houses were rectangular, square, circular, oval, unclear, and 呂-shaped. Along with pits and postholes, there were fireplaces and floor heating systems as internal facilities of the houses. Total 13 fireplaces were classified into A type and B type according to the structure. Type A, being built with protruding the house wall in a reversed U-shape, was larger than type B being built on the house wall. Considering its quite small size and absence of cooking-related facilities and tools, the fireplace seemed to have performed function of lighting or heating rather than that of cooking. The structure of only 3 was recognizable out of the 6 floor heating systems uncovered at Hangul site. The floor heating systems were reported from only unclear and 呂- shaped floor plan houses. The space of the 呂-shaped floor plan house was separated by heating facility centering on the fireplace. In the flue system consisting of a fireplace, a flue system part, and a smoke control part, a line of flue system was connected to the smoke control part by turning in a circular or square way along the house wall. The floor heating system of unclear floor plan house at the west slope of the site consisted of a fireplace and a flue system part, and the 3 lines of flue system extended to the direction of the contour.
 Classification of these houses based on heating and cooking facilities yielded 3 main types and 4 subtypes as following: TypeⅠ with no facilities, TypeⅡ only with a fireplace, TypeⅢ only with a floor heating system; TypeⅡ was again subdivided intoTypeⅡ-1 and Ⅱ-2 to the projection of smoke control part or not; TypeⅢ was also subdivided into TypeⅢ-1 and Ⅲ-2 to the structure of floor heating system.
 Consideration on uncovered artifacts helped to divided houses into two groups. While one group of houses yielded buncheong ware (a grayish-blue-powdered celadon), bamboo - joint foots, and white porcelains with clay support , the other group yielded white porcelains with sand support without buncheong ware. Buncheong ware was popular from the late 15C to 16C, bamboo-joint foot and white porcelain with clay support were popular from the early 15C to the late 16C. Considering the emergence of the sand support technique in the 17C, the date of houses was divided into before and after the 17C. Hwanggol site of Majeong-ri in Anseong, yielding archaeological features including pit houses, sites of buildings, firing features, and drainage facilities can be understood as residential sites occupied from the 15C to 17C and after.

7～12세기 경산지역 출토 기와의 전개양상과 그 의미

Roof tiles were mainly used for buildings of authority related to the state or temple. In the case of the Gyeongsan area, the importance of building sites from where roof tiles were excavated has not been researched sufficiently compared to ancient tombs in Imdang-dong, Joyeong-dong, and Bujeok-ri. Under this circumstance, it is necessary to summarize the roof tiles excavated from the Gyeongsan area and understand the area''s spatial specificity and historical meaning over time. First, the 14 sites, where roof tiles were excavated, as reported through excavation and present condition investigations in the Gyeongsan area, were analyzed by dividing them into roof kilns, building sites, and temples. For the analysis, 74 pieces, including antefixes, plain tiles, and inscribed tiles, were selected, and the characteristics of each tile were analyzed. Regarding these characteristics, the properties and associated artifacts that become the basis for the chronological identification of roof tiles and the results of archaeomagnetic dating and radiocarbon dating of roof kilns were applied to chronologically organize the roof tiles excavated from the Gyeongsan area by century from the 7th century in the Three States period to the 12th century in the Goryeo period. As a result, in the history of roof tile research, the antefixes excavated from the Gyeongsan were influenced by the patterns of the royal capital region in the 7th and 8th centuries. However, there were also local tiles with strong originality from later periods. It is presumed that a hidden aspect of “transformation” is attributed to the method or habits preferred by each of the multiple tile-making technology groups. In the case of inscribed tiles, those from the Unified Silla period have not been confirmed. In contrast, it was confirmed that tiles with inscriptions indicating place names from the Goryeo period in the 11th century are starting to be found. Based on the circumstance, the historical significance of the tiles excavated in the Gyeongsan area can be stated in three points. First, the tiles found in many excavated sites revealed cases where tiles were supplied from many production areas to many consumption areas during the Goryeo Dynasty. Second, it was emphasized that the characteristic of the excavated location and the name or location of the temple could be determined based on the location where tiles with inscriptions were excavated in the Gyeongsan area. For example, the building site inside 160-1, Jungsan-dong, in the 11th century, during the Goryeo Dynasty, is highly likely to be a private Buddhist shrine of an influential local person. In addition, Daegoksa Temple was identified as a temple operated in Heungjeon-ri, Namsan-myeon, Gyeongsan-si, from the end of the Unified Silla period to the early Joseon Dynasty based on the inscription on tiles, stone pagoda, and documents. However, the inscribed tiles indicating the name of Sinsusa Temple still need further examination in determining the temple''s location. Third, in the Unified Silla Era, it is highly probable that this area was the center of Jangsan-gun through the excavation of Roof tiles in the areas of Siji-dong, Jungsan-dong, Okgok-dong, and Daepyeong-dong.

18~19세기 龍珠寺의 佛敎香爐

Yongjusa temple located in Hwaseong was founded in 1790 with the support and interest of King Jeongjo. Yongjusa temple founded as a royal family temple was enshrined in Buddhist statues and Buddhist paintings. The incense burner called Wenwangding and Xuandelu for Buddhist rituals was a gift from King Jeongjo, which King Jeongjo collected and appreciated during his time as the prince. Wenwangding and xuandelu show the trend of imitating ancient bronze that was popular in the late 18th century of Joseon dynasty, and the inscriptions of wenwangding had a clear Confucian justification. Wenwangding and xuandelu were found to be brass through X-ray fluorescence analysis. The Buddhist incense burner of Yongjusa temple continued to keep imitating ancient bronze vessels like li-shaped incense burner and gui-shaped incense burner in the 19th century. According to inscriptions, the li-shaped incense burner was made in Shinyu year for the second room. The Shinyu year is supposed to be seen in 1860, and the second room is considered to be for use in the wooden chamber of Hoseongjeon Hall. The gui-shaped incense burner was made with the support of Yiunseo and Yihangseo. What the royal family gave this kind of incense burner to temples was accustomed to use the ritual vessels close to ancient bronze vessels on the basis of ritual books. The royal family used the ritual vessels.

Making ‘the National Image’ of Korea: From the Shrine of the Joseon Dynasty to the National Memorial of the Republic of Korea

Korea tried to reconstruct its tradition as a modern nation and promote nationalism only in the 1960s, a relatively late period compared to the West. So-called “tradition-making” began by promoting the full-fledged national shrine project to commemorate historical figures in a short period. These national shrines were built in a traditional style and embodied a national image representing Korea. This study analyzed which elements of traditional Korean architecture were selectively adopted for the main hall of Hyeonchungsa, the first national shrine, and discussed how these choices were intertwined with the discourses on Korean architecture at the time by tracing their historical, cultural, and political context. Although the ‘newly invented’ national shrine functionally resembled a Confucian shrine, it favored splendid and magnificent elements on its exterior, a tendency that is well-demonstrated in the shape of its roof, the decoration of the eaves, and the elevation. This style reflects the modern perspective that regarded the roof curve as an essential feature to define the identity of Korean architecture. Additionally, it can be seen as an effort to reevaluate the architectural style of the Joseon Dynasty, which was belittled during the Japanese colonial period. In addition, these national shrines showed an attempt to reproduce the architectural form of the past with modern material–concrete–by actively referring to the drawing data derived from the actual measurement surveys of historical buildings that were carried out vigorously in the early 1960s. Although these buildings have not been valued in academia amid criticism of the political use of traditions, they played a critical role in spreading the “image of Korean tradition”.

New Iconography in Court-Sponsored Buddhist Prints of the Early Joseon Dynasty—Focusing on Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara

Many recent studies show that during the early Joseon dynasty, even kings who externally appeared strongly anti-Buddhist defended or condoned royal relatives who sponsored Buddhist works. Extant sutras produced under court sponsorship attest to this fact. An analysis of the production of court Buddhist prints, focusing on the King Sejo era when a particularly large number of Buddhist projects were completed, yields diverse information such as changes in the style of Buddhist prints and their causes, as well as the intentions of the sponsors. This article examines the creation of new iconography and other aspects of Buddhist prints sponsored by the royal family during the early Joseon period, focusing on the print in the Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara, published during the reign of King Sejo. This new iconography was created at a time that, according to the intentions of the sponsor, clearly attests that the independent creation of iconography did occur in Joseon Buddhist prints, which were mostly considered to be reproductions made by copying the woodblocks of existing prints. Moreover, the projection of the ruler onto Buddhist images as a way to strengthen power shows that Joseon shared perceptions with other countries that sought to use Buddhism as a means of rule.

Ancient Koguryŏ’s heritage around Ji’an: past and current interpretations

ABSTRACT The Kingdom of Koguryŏ was one of the so-called Three Kingdoms of Korea in the 1st millennium AD. According to the Samguk Sagi (Historical Records of the Three States), it was founded on what is now North Korea and northeastern China. Not only are the archaeological remains a cultural asset that should not be underestimated, they are powerful enough to be claimed for political purposes today. Overland connections from the Chinese mainland east to Japan and Korea are long recognised. These empires were extremely rich and powerful at the time of the Tang (617/18–907 AD) – Nara in Japan, as well as Koguryŏ, Silla and Paekche on the Korean Peninsula. This paper considers the impressive remains of the Koguryŏ culture, not least in China’s Jilin Province along the North Korean border and explores the historical and archaeological legacy and power of the Koguryŏ Empire.

The Reading of the Mencius by Korean Confucian Scholars: Rhetorical Exegesis and the Dao

When Joseon Korea scholars were interpreting the Mencius (孟子: K. Maengja or Mengzi), they were focusing on its content and on its rhetorical elements at the same time. For a given commentator, selecting various rhetorical features (such as grammatical and lexical specificities) meant to read the dao 道 (K. do) of the Mencius in a fashion different from the one expounded by other scholars. In this article, I examine the relationship these commentators were establishing between the textual patterns of the Mencius and the encompassing reality, dao, as understood by this latter work. Specifically, I focus upon the works of two Joseon scholars—Yi Hwang 李滉’s Maengja seogui 孟子釋義 and Wi Baekgyu 魏伯珪’s Maengja chaui 孟子箚義. Through their reading, I notably attempt to (a) describe how rhetorically oriented exegeses had been maturing throughout this era; and to (b) elucidate how Korean commentators, through their rhetorical commentaries, put forward interpretations that differed from the ones propounded by the orthodox tradition as exemplified by Zhu Xi.

A self-calibrating effective drought index (scEDI): Evaluation against social drought impact records over the Korean Peninsula (1777–2020)

The Effective Drought Index (EDI) is designed to monitor and characterize the drought condition at a daily scale, using the last 30 years of daily precipitation records as a climatic yardstick. A critique of the EDI is that the behavior of the index depends on the reference period, making comparisons of EDI values difficult over a long record period. Here, a self-calibrating EDI (scEDI) is calculated using the 244-year daily precipitation records (1777–2020) in Seoul, the Republic of Korea. The scEDI is evaluated by comparing with drought damage reports from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty (1807–1907) and relevant online search activity volumes from Google Trends and NAVER DataLab data (2013–20). The scEDI automatically calibrates the behavior of the index over time by calculating the normal condition of antecedent precipitation based on a rolling 30-year period. As a result, the scEDI is more temporally comparable than the EDI, that is, droughts with the same intensity have the same frequency throughout the entire record period, regardless of wet and dry decades. Results show that a majority of drought damage records and spikes of public interest in droughts are found when droughts are moderate (-1.4 of scEDI) and severe (-2.0), respectively, implying that social drought impacts/response might occur during different intensities of an emerging drought. This study highlights the importance of temporally self-calibration when it comes to detecting and characterizing “social droughts” with social impact/response data over multi-centuries.

조선시대 <孔雀東南飛>의 번역과 향유

The purpose of this paper is to <Gongjakdonnambi> discuss the influx and enjoyment of the Joseon Dynasty, and the translation characteristics of the famous long-form folk epic of ancient Chinese poetry from the Joseon Dynasty. It only targets materials transcribed in the Joseon Dynasty. Currently, there are 4 Chinese manuscripts and 3 Hangul manuscripts. All of the titles showed the characteristics of being used as “Gongjaksi” and “Gongjakhaeng.” It was named by Joseon itself and was used to reflect the first words appearing in the text of the work and the stylistic nature of the work. The Hangul manuscripts was translated based on a collection of views published in Ming and Qing Dynasties. In addition, there was a use case in which the name “dan” of Taejo Lee Sung-gye was used. The use of subjects was thoroughly observed not only in Hangul manuscripts but also in Chinese manuscripts. In the Joseon Dynasty, the male and female awards required by the feudal social system that emphasized Confucian ethics were divided and evaluated. As for Uranji, who chose to die when she was forced to give a dog at home, she was evaluated as a young woman who lost her husband, and glorified and used it as an ideal female image required by the times.

조선시대 한글 금석문 연구

Among the golden stone gates of the Joseon Dynasty made in Korea, Lee Yun-tak Hangeul Monument in Seoul was produced in 1536, the Hangeul Tombstone in Inheung-gun Cemetery in Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do was produced in 1686, and Joryung 'Wildfire Dawn Sim in Mungyeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do, which is presumed to have been made during the reign of King Jeongjo'. There is a stone monument, the Hangeul Monument of Uigoksa Temple in Jinju, Gyeongnam, which has two theories of production date in 1796 and 1916, and the Geochang Hangeul Iron Monument, which was produced in 1879 and is the backside of the Bulmangbi by Kim Gye-jin of Geochang, Gyeongsangnam-do. These five inscriptions are from the 16th to 19th centuries, and are important cultural heritages that allow you to examine the history, society, culture, and art of the Joseon Dynasty in a situation where historical documents in Hangeul are rare.
 In the Joseon Dynasty, the font style of Hangeul Geumseokmun is similar to the popular font used in the 16th, 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, respectively, when Hangeul inscriptions appeared. In other words, various fonts of Haerye, Eonhae, and Minche can be found in the Hangeul Geumseokmun. Through this, the golden stone inscriptions of Hangeul in the Joseon Dynasty become an important historical material that cannot be missed in the history of Hangeul calligraphy, and at the same time have an important calligraphic value.
 In the Joseon Dynasty, Hangeul gold stone inscriptions have sufficient cultural value as historical materials with rarity and specificity only in their material and quantity. Through the contents of Geumseokmun, it was possible to know the language life of the Joseon Dynasty well, and in particular, it has an important historical value in terms of the Korean language through the vocabulary shown in the Hangeul sentences. Also, through the background and purpose of their construction, it can be seen that these inscriptions become an important medium to connect with the social image of the Joseon Dynasty.

退溪 李滉 서예미학의 한국서예사적 위상에 관한 고찰

In the history of calligraphy in the Joseon Dynasty, the 16th century is meaningful in that there were various calligraphy styles besides Wang Xizhi’s calligraphy style and Zhaomengfu’s calligraphy style. Before and after Lee Hwang was alive, there were calligraphers such as Kim Gu, Seongsuchim, Hwang Gi-ro, Yang Sa-eon, and Han Ho. Each of them unfolds a variety of calligraphy styles based on their artistry, and from the perspective of calligraphy aesthetics, it is necessary to pay attention to Lee Hwang’s calligraphy aesthetics. This is because Lee Hwang understood calligraphy in the Joseon Dynasty in terms of ‘painting of the heart’ and ‘painting with calligraphy works’ based on the new Confucianism. Lee Hwang is not considered a famous calligrapher when discussing at a technical level. Lee Hwang is not considered a famous calligrapher when discussing at a technical level. The reason why Lee Hwang was established as a calligrapher is that he unfolded a world of calligraphy creation in which his knowledge and character were combined. Lee Hwang’s evaluation of calligraphy was based on ethics rather than art understood at the technical level. This tells us that Lee Hwang’s studies and art are one. The results of Lee Hwang’s calligraphy creation are evaluated as ‘stiff, robust, upright, and solemn’. Applying this to the philosophy raised by Lee Hwang, the idea that ‘when reason works, energy follows’ is a result of art. In addition, it is the result of Lee Hwang’s philosophy of ‘catch respect’. As such, Lee Hwang’s perception of art that all art should be art on which reason worked emphasizes the calligraphy trend developed by Wangxizi and others. In addition, it develops as a reason for criticizing Zhaomengfu and Zhangbi. The key to Lee Hwang’s evaluation of Zhaomengfu and Zhangbi was that they did not understand the reason properly and worked on art creation. Both Zhaomengfu and Zhangbi. belong to the failure to properly operate the calligraphic meaning of ‘the right law of the heart’ and ‘respect’ in New Confucianism. In addition, it belongs to ignoring the right law and the old law and operating it arbitrarily. If the Korean calligraphy history is identified at an aesthetic level, the calligraphy aesthetics raised at the level of ‘catch respect’ and ‘picture of the mind’ presented a typical example of calligraphy aesthetics that Confucian scholars of the Joseon Dynasty later sought. In this regard, there is a historical significance in Korean calligraphy.

조선 후기 학창의 연구

Hakchangui is an article of clothing derived from Taoism and called Hakchang. Based on the relevance to Hakchang in the Ming dynasty, this study examines the public reaction to, function, and form of Hakchangui in the 17th and 18th century Joseon Dynasty and attempts to understand the change of Hakchangui in the 19th century. In the Ming Dynasty, Hakchangui was worn by the Taoists, the scholars who escaped power and lived a life of the world and the people in general. Jikryeong has no closures at the center front and no slits at the sides or back. In the 17th and 18th centuries, Hakchangui of the Joseon Dynasty was worn as a daily attire of the Scholar-officials. It is similar to the Hakchang of the Ming Dynasty in that it has wide sleeves, collars, sleeves, and hemlines. However, it is a combined shape of a cloak and differs in composition, shape, collars, and front closure. In the 19th century, Hakchangui was a with a black line on the Changui and had a back slit in the form of Jikryonggyoim, whose collar is straight and the hem crossed with back slits. Hakchangui was inner under official attire in the early 19th century, and it is estimated that it began to be used at the end of the 18th century when the policy of changing the Changui worn as an inner robe of court uniform to a white unlined garment worn as a base when wearing a uniform was implemented. The sleeveless Queja type of Hakchangui has been worn since the 17th century, and it lasted until the 19th century and was worn as innerwear like the Jikryonggyoim type of Hakchangui. Based on the Hakchang system of the Ming Dynasty in the 17th and 18th centuries, Hakchangui in the late Joseon Dynasty showed a small portion of its composition characteristics. Around the 19th century, it was separated from Hakchang in the Ming Dynasty and developed into a unique style of Joseon.

개경과 한경의 행정체제와 영역 편제의 특징

Goryeo had a multi-centered perception of the world, with Buddhism at its primary core. Its Capital city, Gae’gyeong(開京), can be described as a Buddhist city. Joseon was a dynasty that aspired to become a Confucian state, so Han’gyeong(漢京) can be regarded as a Confucian city. Then again, both cities featured basically similar geographic traits, and positions of major structures and buildings were not that different from each other. This is because Joseon’s Han’gyeong was originally the Nam’gyeong(南京, Southern capital) city of the Goryeo dynasty.BR So, in both these cities the Goryeo order still remained. We can see that from Goryeo’s Gae’gyeong capital and its ‘Gaeseong-bu’ authorities, and Joseon’s Han’gyeong capital and its ‘Hanseong-bu’ authorities, as well as the “Five-Bu” system including the Bang and Ri counties that existed in both Goryeo and Joseon periods. Below are some characteristics.BR First, while Goryeo had sometimes two Capital cities(Yang’gyeong-je, 兩京制), and sometimes even three, in most cases Gae’gyeong and Seo’gyeong were the two primary pillars of such system. The Joseon government also -in its early days- operated both the new capital Han’gyeong and the old capital Gaeseong as official Capitals at the same time, as a convention inherited from the Goryeo period.BR Second, the Gae’gyeong Capital of Goryeo, and the Gyeong’gi region in the Goryeo period, were under stronger supervision of the Central government, than the Han’gyeong capital and the Joseon Gyeong’gi region ever were. This was due to Goryeo’s own needs to suppress and control powerful local regions and the factions living there.BR Third, the relationship between Hanseong-bu and Gaeseong-bu authorities (in the early Joseon period) resembled the relationship that existed between Gaeseong-bu and Seo’gyeong Yusu-gwan during the Goryeo period. But of course there were differences. In the Joseon period, both Hanseong-bu and Gaeseong-bu offices were manned by central governmental officials, and enjoyed virtually the same rank, but Hanseong-bu’s authority was clearly superior to that of Gaeseong-bu.BR Fourth, both Gae’gyeong and Han’gyeong cities had five Bu sectors, and several Bang(坊) counties, 35 in Gae’gyeong, and 52 in Han’gyeong. Han’gyeong was much smaller than Gae’gyeong, but had more Bang counties. Meanwhile, the Ri counties’ role as an administrative unit significantly diminished in Joseon.BR Fifth, there seems to have been a historical relationship between the Four Gyo areas[Sagyo, 四郊] of the Gae’gyeong capital, and the space that existed inside a 10-ri radius of the Han’gyeong capital walls(Seongjeo Shibri, 城底十里). The boundaries formed by the 4 Gyo areas of Goryeo were established initially 10 ri-units away from the Naseong(羅城) Wall, but that line later further regressed to 20 ri-units from the Wall. Buk’gyo(北郊) was at the farthest. This feature seems to have at least partially inspired the formation of Joseon dynasty’s Seongjeo Shibri.BR As we can see, the Goryeo dynasty, which enjoyed plurality in the people’s religious lives, with Buddhism firmly at its center, and the Joseon dynasty, which observed a unitary order based on Neo-Confucianism, tried to instill their own aspirations into the running of their own respective capital spaces. Their aspirations were different from each other, and as a result Gae’gyeong and Han’gyeong capitals came to feature ideological differences.

조선전기 왕세자 원유관복의 제정과 시행(始行)

Won-yu-gwan (遠遊冠) was worn by the king, his crown prince, and his grandchildren of the Joseon Dynasty as a Jobok (朝服) when there was an auspicious event in the country. This study examines the establishment and implementation of the Wonyugwan-bok of the crown prince in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has not been studied in detail so far. The changes of the crown prince

개경과 한양의 사찰 - 도성사찰의 역할과 의미

Compared in this article are the Buddhist Monasteries in the Gae’gyeong area during the Goryeo period and those in the Han’yang area during the Joseon period. Attempted here is to deter mine how and why Buddhist monasteries were founded in these two regions, how they changed and what their respective statuses were, by engaging in a series of comparative examinations, meant to ascertain the historical meaning of Buddhist monasteries’ construction in Han’yang, the Capital of the newborn Joseon dynasty, in its early days.BR The Buddhist monasteries in Gae’gyeong began to be built when Gae’gyeong was first established as the Goryeo dynasty’s capital in the year 919. They served as religious central spots, and were deemed as public places on par with the level of the Main Palace and important governmental offices. They contributed to the magnificent scenery that was the Royal Capital Gae’gyeong, and also became the backbone of the Goryeo culture and thought. Most of all, they were crucial places in the people’s very lives, as reflected in those places were the Goryeo people’s belief (and expectation) that Buddhism was (and would be) important in country governance as well as the royal family’s honor.BR Then, after the year 1394, when the decision was made to designate Han’yang as the new capital for the newborn dynasty Joseon (founded in 1392), any trace of founding or even planning to found a Buddhist monastery inside the Han’yang capital city-alongside palace, fortress, and the Royal Ancestral Shrine-is nowhere to be seen. It was an expected omission, as Han’yang was to be the capital of the new dynasty which was founded in the midst of anti-Buddhist arguments rampantly prevailing.BR But when founder king Taejo Yi Seong-gye founded the Heungcheon-sa(興天寺) temple as the Guardian monastery for the Royal Mausoleum Jeong’reung(貞陵) in 1396, it marked the first ever occasion in which a Buddhist monastery was constructed inside the confines of the Han’yang capital city. Heungcheonsa was of course not part of the original capital city plan, and only came to existence in accordance with the Royal mausoleum institution from the late Goryeo period, and was merely established as an affiliated facility for the Jeong’reung mausoleum. However, this construction became somewhat of a turning point for Buddhist monasteries, as the following kings who reigned in the Joseon dynasty’s early half continued to patronage Buddhist monasteries in the Capital city as well. In retrospect, it was more of an interim practice, and an old convention from the past temporarily resurrected.

조선시대 감사 도임행차 재현을 위한 구성 고찰 : 18세기 후반 평안감사를 중심으로

조선시대 감사 도임행차 재현을 위한 연구의 일환으로 18세기 후반 평안감사를 중심으로 감사 도임행차시 구성에 대하여 고찰하였다. 감사의 행차는 한양에서 교 귀처까지의 행차, 오리정에서 감영까지의 행차, 그리고 순력행차로 구분할 수 있다. 감사는 도임행차를 통해 왕으로부터 부여받은 통치권을 과시하고 도내 수령과 백 성들에게는 신임 감사로서의 권위를 보여주고자 하였으며, 순력행차를 통해서는 도내 각읍의 민고를 살피고 백성들의 고충을 해결하는 한편, 수령들의 업무 능력 등을 파악하고자 하였다. 평양감영에서 펴낸 󰡔평안도내각읍민고정례절목󰡕(1788)에는 감사의 순력행 절목 과 절도사의 도임행 절목은 기록되어 있었으나, 감사의 도임행 절목은 기록되어 있 지 않았다. 하지만 평안감사는 병마절도사를 겸하였으므로 18세기 후반 평안감사 의 도임행차 구성은 감사의 순력행 절목과 절도사 도임행 절목을 근거로 하여 추정 할 수 있었다. 감사의 순력행차에는 절과 월, 교서와 유서, 일산 등의 의장물과 사명기, 청도기, 금고기, 순시영기 등의 기치류, 그리고 전배비장, 감영소속의 통인과 군뢰, 취타수, 문 서색 등이 배치되었다. 도임행차에는 순력행차의 구성 이외에 둑기와 형명기, 관이영 전과 철추, 월도, 장검, 창검, 숙정패가 배치되었다. 또한 병영, 평양부 소속의 통인과 군뢰, 신영이방, 병방, 공방, 영리 등이 도임행차에 추가되었다. 감사의 도임행차는 오 리정에서부터 시작되지만 일산은 지계에서부터 사용되는 것으로 확인되었다. 오리정에서 시작된 감사의 도임행차는 일부를 제외하고는 기마행렬로 이루어진 다는 것을 확인하였다. 기마행렬로 이루어진 감사의 도임행차에는 한양에서부터의 수행인원, 감사를 맞이하러 나온 감영 소속의 아전과 관기들이 더해져 성대하고 화 려하게 이루어졌을 것으로 추정된다.

조선 후기의 세제 개혁 방안에 관한 연구

Studying Korean detergent history should not become an antique taste. In fact, by attempting “a dialogue between the past and the present” with a keen awareness of the present and future of the tax system, the present tax system can only be found vividly under the light of the past tax system. can be found Military service in the early days of the Joseon dynasty, from the restraint of high-ranking bureaucrats to the general public, without any loss of social status, from 16 to 60 years of age unless there is a special reason for immunity, Jang Jeong-eun, who reached all conscription ages, divided into provinces and camps to serve in national defense. It was a national open-air system that was stipulated to work hard. However, before and after the Imjin War, the national open military system was practically abolished, and military service was filled only with the military service of ordinary people excluding the ruling class.
 At that time, Gunpo collected 2 Pills of Pill per year for one Jangjeong, which was equivalent to 12 heads of rice at the average market price at the time. However, since the fact that 2 pills per person per year was not based on productivity and was imposed only according to the number of books without any production mediation, there was an irrationality that was no different than a kind of head tax. there was.
 As such, there was an imbalance in the tax burden, with the landlords paying less and the poor and powerless peasants paying relatively more. Thus, taxation and washing in the late Joseon Dynasty faced a crisis based on this structure.
 This study intends to conduct a study on the background of the introduction of the Gyunyeok method in the late Joseon Dynasty and the negative effects of the gyeokgyeok method, focusing on historical literature and previous studies.

제주도 전통 수의 중 검은 호상에 대한 실증적 고찰

The motivation of this study is to preserve and increase awareness that the principle and production method of the traditional shroud of Jeju Island has a characteristic form different from that of other regions. The results of reviews of the black hosang, a cloth covering the face of the body, among the traditional shroud of Jeju Island are as follows. First, according to literature and excavation reports on male and female head-coverings among the Joseon Dynasty

정조대 연사례(燕射禮)의 설행(設行)과 그 의미

In the early days of founding the Gyujanggak(奎章閣) Archives, King Jeongjo established the Bul’un-jeong(拂雲亭) pavilion, which served as a place for archery and a space in which governmental personnel could be trained in both literary and martial arts. Jeongjo ordered the manufacturing of target boards, modeled after the Guhu-beob(九帿法) methods that had earlier been suggested by the Chinese Song(宋) dynasty’s Sīmǎ Guāng(司馬光), and enjoyed archery himself with his close associates. Also, inspired by the Chinese Ju(周) dynasty and its institutions, he renamed these archery sessions to Yeonsa-rye(燕射禮), which referred to archery sessions performed at the Yeonchim(燕寢) chamber, the king’s most private space, and made it a ritualistic occasion.BR In 1779, 3SUPrd/SUP year of King Jeongjo’s reign, the Yeonsa-rye ritual was performed at Bul’un-jeong for the very first time. And later in 1783, Jeongjo’s 7SUPth/SUP year, a practice session(習儀) for Yeonsa-rye was held at the Chundang-dae(春塘臺) tower. At this occasion, Jeongjo added the protocol of ‘Yeon’eum(燕飮, drinking at Yeonchim)’ to the Yeonsa-rye protocols(儀註), upgrading it to “Yeonchim Eumsa-rye Euiju(燕寢飮射禮儀註).” This modification was due to Jeongjo’s will to consolidate his own relationship with closest aids, including the Gyujanggak officials[閣臣].BR As we can see, the Joseon dynasty’s Yeonsa-rye ritual was formalized by King Jeongjo’s determination to establish an amicable atmosphere between the king and the vassals, and a steadfast environment in which the king could encourage everyone to train themselves in both literary and martial capabilities, through regular archery sessions conducted in the king’s most private place. What should be noted is his idea to elevate the act of archery with his close associates to the level of rituals and protocols(禮), and his efforts to modify the old protocols(古禮) to match the time and his own intentions. It shows us that Jeongjo tried to put official protocols to a good use to the best of his abilities, and create an institution