China-EU Relations Research Articles

The Effect Of “Sovereign Europe” Strategy on The Economic and Trade Relation Between China And EU

China and the EU are powerful international actors that play an essential role in the current international society. Economic and trade cooperation between China and the EU is a significant aspect of China-EU cooperation. However, China-EU relations have been facing several challenges since 2019. The concept of ‘sovereign Europe’ was implemented in 2020, in which the EU aims to gain ‘autonomy’ and ‘independence’. By using secondary data on China’s total trade value between 2019 and 2023, it is found that the total trade value between China and the EU shows an increasing trend before the end of 2021, apart from a decrease in the first half year of 2020, and starts to decrease since 2022. These trends are shown in several European countries, including France, Germany, and Spain. However, European countries such as Sweden and Estonia show a different trend. These trends show that the efforts to establish a ‘sovereign Europe’ did not cause the decline of China-EU economic cooperation until 2022 due to interdependence and the EU’s need to cooperate with China in combating the US’s influences in defense and finance. However, after 2022, the Russia-Ukraine conflict increases the EU’s concerns about geopolitical tension and, thus, views China more as a ‘threat’. As a result, the decline of the China-EU economic relation is likely due to the combined effect of building a ‘sovereign Europe’ and the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЕ И ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЕ ИЗМЕРЕНИЯ КИТАЙСКО-ЕВРОПЕЙСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ НА СОВРЕМЕННОМ ЭТАПЕ: ОСНОВНЫЕ ТЕНДЕНЦИИ И ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ

The relations between China and the EU are one of the defining tracks for the further development of the international order. In the last few years, they are characterized by an increasing tension, since there are confrontational trends in the political interaction, along with the robust trade and economic development. In addition, the third parties have a decisive influence on the China-EU relations. The article attempts to determine the current state of the Sino-European relations, as well as to consequently make a forecast of their further development. The methods of the retrospective and comparative analysis are used to systematically compare and evaluate the Sino-European relations in their development, and also to identify the patterns characterizing them. A discourse analysis of the statements of the European and Chinese political figures is used as an auxiliary mechanism. The author highlights such tendencies as the degradation of the relations, primarily in the political sphere, the strengthening of economic interdependence, the development of the bilateral relations with the EU member states, rather than with the supranational bodies of the integration association. In addition, it is suggested that the influence of the various structural factors leads to a significant increase in the rivalry between China and the European Union. The author concludes that the Sino-European relations will be determined to a greater extent by their relationship with the third parties, and the current trends will continue to develop, increasing the degradation of the political interaction between Beijing and Brussels

How China Perceives European Strategic Autonomy: Asymmetric Expectations and Pragmatic Engagement

Abstract Intensified strategic competition between China and the US and the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict have polarised international attention on the promotion and prospects for European strategic autonomy (ESA). This change in the international and regional environment raises an important question: How does ESA affect China–EU relations? Answering it requires clarification of the main impacts of ESA promotion on China–EU relations. These include: the EU’s reduced dependence on key materials and technologies from certain countries, and the formulation and expression, in line with core EU interests, of an independent stance and policies on China; China’s adjustment of its European Strategy; and persistent external pressure from the United States. Starting from its particular interests, the EU has, to some extent, independently assessed and accordingly refined its relations with China, having pursued cooperation in global public welfare governance and other areas of similarly low ideological significance, and pragmatically explored ways of moderating competition and enhancing cooperation with China. Fields highly sensitive to geopolitical influence, or which involve key technologies and globally important supply chains, are those wherein China is treated as a competitor. Upon analysis, it can be concluded that the EU’s most consistent approach to its goals of strategic autonomy is that of maintaining an alliance with the United States while avoiding full dependence on it, and competing with China in key areas that allow leeway for practical cooperation.

Promoting Sino-European Co-operation in International Change

Bilateral relations between China and the European Union (EU) have suffered many twists and turns, showing new features of change in stability and retreat in progress.The main reason for the new changes in China-EU relations is not the sudden deepening of internal contradictions between China and the EU or the disappearance of common interests; in fact, the Biden administration, after coming to power and needing to cope with China-U.S. competition with the power of the EU, has changed the Trump administrations emphasis on unilateralism and the U.S.-first foreign policy, returned to the position of multilateralism, and took the initiative to repair transatlantic relations, enhancing the strategic attraction to the EU; it is the important driving force for the emergence of a phased adjustment of the EUs policy towards China. Therefore, it is necessary to respond to the new changes in China-EU relations on the basis of the triangular relationship between China, the US and the EU, manage the conflicts between China and the US, make good use of the US-EU analyses, and strengthen the consensus between China and the EU, enhancing the centripetal force of China-EU relations with mutually beneficial co-operation and common interests in development, so as to promote China-EU co-operation in a stable way and bring it to a far-reaching stage.

Now a systemic rival? Inklings of complex representations of the EU in public survey data of Chinese urban residents

China–EU relations have become more challenging recently, especially with China being labeled a ‘systemic rival’. We therefore examine Chinese perceptions of the EU, particularly to see if recent developments have led to changing representations of the EU. This article specifically attempts to discern nascent changes in the complex representation of the EU amongst the general Chinese public by analyzing and comparing original data from two surveys of 3000 Chinese citizens in six major cities conducted in 2010 and in 2020. Our study uncovers the Chinese respondents’ perceptions of the EU in a multifaceted way by providing evidence that they are reconstructing the image of the EU and reconsidering its global role. The overall assessment of China–EU relations by the Chinese public remains one of general goodwill. However, there are more discerning and critical opinions of the EU from the respondents as well, suggesting a much more differentiated view toward the EU. In highlighting the continuities and changes, and situating this discussion within the theoretical lens of two specific forms of complex representation, role and image theories, this study provides a timely and topical discussion of the emergence of a complex portrayal of the EU.

Chinese perceptions of the EU: the impact of social media use

With the rise of China and the deepening of China-EU interactions, it is crucial for both China and the EU to know the Chinese public perceptions of the EU and what factors influence the formation of perceptions, to enhance mutual understanding. Given the increasing role of social media in the political process, this study hypothesizes that social media use is a strong predictor for Chinese public perceptions of the EU and China-EU relations. We analyze the effects by utilizing original public opinion survey data collected in China in 2020. Our findings show that social media use as well as socioeconomic factors together predict Chinese public perceptions of the EU and China-EU relations. However, social media use effects vary across different social media platforms.

The Chinese Public’s Perceptions of the European Union: Changes and Stability Revealed by 2010 and 2020 Surveys

ABSTRACT A survey conducted in 2010 showed that Chinese citizens had rather positive impressions of the EU and were optimistic for the future of China—EU relations. Against the background of increasing tensions between China and the EU, this study focuses on the changes in the Chinese public’s perceptions of the EU and of China-EU relations in the last decade. The analysis uses data from the original 2010 survey, as well as from new survey conducted in fall 2020, each including roughly 3000 respondents in six major Chinese cities. Results are that the Chinese public’s overall perception of the EU as well as of China-EU relations remains one of general goodwill, even though critical opinions of the EU have become more widespread.

Internal and external factors affecting China–EU relations

Internal and external factors affecting China–EU relations

China and Japan in CEEC: competition, cooperation and co-existence?

ABSTRACT China’s long-term cooperation with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) has received a great number of academic debates for being part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative and component of China-EU relations. It’s noted China is not the only external “game player” in the CEEC region. After the end of the Cold War, Japan also enhanced its relations in the region through diplomacy and the provision of developmental assistance, which led to a deepening cooperation in the region within the Japan-EU framework of the 2010s. This article aims to form a comparative study of the strategies that China and Japan deploy in the CEEC in the historical review up to the present day, and to evaluate the approaches from institutional perspective as well as the infrastructure aspect when the two Asian countries dealing with the CEEC. It argues that China-launched cooperative scheme with the CEEC also draws the attention from Japan and Japan’s relevant policies in CEEC cast significant implications on the development of China-CEEC cooperation. The comparison also rises some greater political landscape by not only involving the BRI and PQI, but also in QUAD and EU-relevant strategies. In discussing the above approaches and comparisons, the article concludes that China’s various domestic and foreign policies towards CEEC present a “charming attraction” to Japan even in the context of China-US rivalry. Both Japan and CEEC need to be more pragmatic and positive towards cooperative mechanisms with China and embrace more opportunities to mutually support both China’s and Japan’s regional presences and influence for the continued development of the CEEC region.

The Study on China-EU Relations from the Perspective of the French Institute of International Relations

The Study on China-EU Relations from the Perspective of the French Institute of International Relations

The MyToolbox EU-China Partnership-Progress and Future Directions in Mycotoxin Research and Management.

Affordable and practical tools for farmers and food processors along the chain are required to efficiently reduce the risk of mycotoxin contamination of crops, feeds and foods. Developing new tools and enhancing existing ones was the mission of MyToolBox—a four-year EU-project that included important Chinese partners and joint research efforts. To identify future directions in mycotoxin research and management in China and their role in China–EU relations, a unique stakeholder workshop including group discussions was organized in Beijing. Six related topics: biocontrol, forecasting, sampling and analysis, silo management, detoxification, and the development of safe use options for contaminated materials were covered. The discussions clearly identified a critical need for smart, integrated strategies to address mycotoxin issues to attain safer food and feed, and to minimize losses and export rejections. Managing data on when, where and the size of mycotoxin contamination events and identifying the institution(s) to manage them are complex issues in China. Studies of microbes and novel, genetically-altered enzymes to limit pre-harvest contamination and to manage post-harvest product detoxification and alternate uses of contaminated materials are in the early stages in China. Further efforts are needed to increase the visibility of mycotoxin problems beyond the scientific and research communities.

In this together: China-EU relations in the COVID-19 era.

In this together: China-EU relations in the COVID-19 era.

After Brexit: The Certainty and Uncertainty of China-EU Relations in Academic Discourse

This article examines the Chinese scholars’ perceptions of China-European Union (EU) relations in the context of Brexit, with a focus on the future of European integration, the economic and political challenges of post-Brexit China-EU relations at both unit and global levels and China’s policy choices towards the EU. In line with the views of their Western peers, this article finds that Chinese scholars hold an optimistic attitude towards a post-Brexit EU and China-EU relations in general, though they believe that Chinese policymakers must consider Chinese foreign policy dealing with a more conservative EU after Brexit. Based on the analysis, it can be concluded that China calls for a multipolar world with its close cooperation with a post- Brexit EU. Certainty and uncertainty, China-EU relations, Brexit, Academic Discourse

The China-Italy Comprehensive Strategic Partnership: Overview and Pathways to Progress

2020, the year that the world was engulfed by the Covid-19 pandemic, was also the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between China and Italy. The China-Italy comprehensive strategic partnership plays an important role in deepening China-EU cooperation, advancing the Belt and Road Initiative, and building a community with a shared future for humanity. China-Italy relations should be studied within the analytical framework of strategic partnership which has gained traction in China’s foreign policy narrative. Beijing’s pursuit of strategic partnerships aims at forging stable and enduring relations that are driven by common interests in a world of proliferating challenges and geopolitical uncertainties. While making steady progress, the partnership is also facing multi-dimensional challenges. China and Italy should strengthen strategic dialogue to build mutual trust and constantly improve their institutionalized cooperation. Economically, they should work out broader areas for collaboration and better manage their competition to achieve win-win results. At the level of people-to-people exchange, mutual understanding and trust should be enhanced to eliminate misconception and prejudice. At the regional level, the China-EU-Italy trilateral relationship should be consolidated to shield bilateral cooperation from the volatility of China-EU relations. In the global arena, China and Italy should also step up efforts to catalyze international financial reforms and address global challenges such as climate change, economic governance, and global public health emergencies by improving policy coordination and aligning global strategies.

Prospect and Limits of China-EU Relations in Higher Education: A Danish Case Study

Along with China’s economic growth, the notable rise of its universities and innovation system has inspired growing interest in how the higher education institutions (HEIs) of the European Union (EU) cooperate with Chinese HEIs. Beginning with a review of China-EU higher education relations, this paper presents a case study of a Sino-Danish collaborative programme in which cooperation and programme quality were limited by both partners’ different aims over time, and their alternate quality assurance systems. We suggest a proper collaborative level and discipline should be developed before the establishment of cooperation by taking relevant policies, merits and disadvantages of both partners, into consideration. This paper also points out that limits in collaboration can be alleviated, if a number of elements can be used effectively, such as China’s significant EU knowledge diaspora. Given this and other listed factors, including favorable policies introduced by the Chinese government, there are substantial prospects for extending China-EU collaborative relations and exchanges.

China’s market economy dilemma and its interplay with EU anti-dumping law

ABSTRACTOn 10 July 2017, a World Trade Organization (WTO) panel was composed to hear the dispute between China and the European Union (EU) regarding some of the EU’s regulations on the calculation of dumping margin against Chinese imports. Although the United States (US) has also been at the forefront of invoking particular market situation (PMS) in relation to dumping investigation against imports from China, this article focuses on China-EU relations vis-à-vis WTO anti-dumping law. It argues that although Paragraph 15(d) of the Accession Protocol expired in December 2016, the substantive content of the concept of Non-Market Economy (NME) in the calculation of dumping margin in the EU has not disappeared. This article further examines Paragraph 15 of the Accession Protocol of China, as well as certain WTO jurisprudence in relevant cases, in order to shed some light on how the issue of China’s market economy status may be resolved going forward. The article argues that due to the expiry of Paragraph 15(a)(ii), the application of third country prices in the calculation of dumping margin does not seem to have legal support from the text of the Accession Protocol or the negotiating history of China’s Accession Protocol. Moreover, the article examines the notion of legislation as such as opposed to mandatory legislation and concludes that the jurisprudential progressivism of the WTO Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) reveals that both types of legislation can be subject to WTO complaint. The article concludes with some remarks on how going forward this contestation can be settled.

Chinese College Students’ Perceptions of the EU and Its Relations with China

According to previous research on the Chinese perception of the European Union (EU),(H. Zhou & L. Dong, The Investigation and Preliminary Analysis of the Chinese Public Perceptions of the EU and China-EU Relations, 2 Eur. Stud. (2008); H. Tang, Under the Adjustment of EU-China Relations the Chinese People’s Concept of the EU, 4 Foreign Aff. Rev. (2012).) Chinese primarily acquire their knowledge of the EU from the media, which renders it difficult for them to comprehensively understand its operational mechanisms or take a sanguine view of the EU. However, their perception of the EU recently has undergone a noticeable transformation due to the ‘perception imbalance’ and ‘perception deficit’ which can sometimes lead to negative impressions, especially during the period of trading disputes. Impressions that Europeans are arrogant and discriminate against China lead to a diminution in Chinese public’s confidence and enthusiasm in the EU. This article analyses findings of two surveys conducted in 2013 and 2016 among university students from five main universities in Chengdu of their perception of the EU. It comes to the conclusion that, although holding optimistic views on the EU-China relations at large, respondents concurrently express a concern for the in-depth strategic partnership between the EU and China, for the EU’s competence to tackle its internal challenges, and for the EU’s legitimacy to persuade other international agents into following its model of regional integration.

China's People-to-people Diplomacy and Its Importance to China-EU Relations: A Historical Institutionalism Perspective

People-to-people exchange has become a heated topic of the Chinese foreign policy. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, China has established people-to-people dialogues with the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, France and Russia. In 2012, China and the EU established a high-level dialogue for people-to-people exchange, making people-to-people exchange the third pillar of China-EU relations. However, China is not a newcomer to people-to-people exchanges with Europe. Why does China launch the people-to-people diplomacy? Is it a plus or a must for China as well as for China-EU relations? The author reviews the history and current situation of China's people-to-people exchange and investigates China’s motivations behind the policy. Using the historical institutionalism as an approach, this paper argues that people-to-people diplomacy is a key component of the contemporary Chinese foreign policy towards Europe. China has long been an unequal counterpart to Europe since the 1840s. After the development of bilateral political and economic cooperation in the past four decades, people-to-people diplomacy is the last part that China needs to finish in order to regain equal status with Europe. In addition, it is also a step towards realising the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Framing It Right: China–EU Relations and Patterns of Interaction on Climate Change

In the field of Climate Change China has been an increasingly important member of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process and since the mid-2000s, a key target of European engagement policies in the broader framework of the "EU–China strategic partnership". But how do Chinese decision-makers perceive these efforts? The way or "frame" they use to look at climate change also determines their mutual perceptions of each other's efforts on climate change. In order to better understand and evaluate how Chinese climate elites see the EU, the article first details the nascent theoretical debate on diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing and critically assesses the Chinese discourse on climate change. As an empirical, qualitative study, the article draws on interviews carried out in Beijing, Bonn, and Warsaw in 2012 and 2013. The article's main argument is that the Chinese frame toward the issue of climate change has been converging toward the European frame in the 2000s. During these years increasing energy intensity and environmental pollution raised awareness of climate change effects and vulnerability within the population. The Chinese ascent to the status of the second biggest world economy and increasing engagement in multilateral cooperation has a further effect on its framing of climate change. Located in the discourse post-Copenhagen, it attempts to capture the new global dynamics that have been integral to the subsequent rounds of negotiation and epitomized by the Chinese position during the 2011 COP17 Summit in Durban.

Chinese Perceptions of the European Union

This article uses survey data collected in 2010 and conducts a systematic comparative analysis of the perceptions of the EU by the Chinese general public and the elite. Most ordinary Chinese citizens do not understand the EU very well, but their impressions of the EU are very positive and they also hold good expectations for the future of China–EU relations. The Chinese elites and ordinary citizens differ significantly in terms of ‘favoring the EU’ or ‘favoring Russia’. The multivariate model indicates that EU travel experience, annual income level and Internet dependence have significant positive effects on ‘favoring-EU’ feelings. Those who have EU travel experience, higher levels of annual income and greater opportunities to obtain information via the Internet are more likely to be ‘favoring-EU’.