Chechen Conflict Research Articles

Reflections of the EU Normative Agenda toward First and Second Russia-Chechen Conflicts

Over the decades, the normative approach has been considered as the decisive external policy gear of the EU. But, the limitation of the policy divulges its future application to an external country, promoting the question: Is the EU a normative power, or has it failed to implement its normative policy towards an external country? This paper aims to analyze the normative strategy of the EU and its constraints during the first and second Russia-Chechen conflicts. It investigated the EU normative policy regarding the conflicts and revealed the strategic chemistry of the EU-Russia relation, which fluctuated from time to time. It argues the EU normative discourses toward conflicts were sporadic in character and consisted of verbal and, at best, some written criticisms occasionally. Predominantly, The EU largely disregards the application of its normative values to the Chechen case; instead, it prioritizes its economic and bilateral relations with Russia. However, the 9/11 incident in the USA and the post 9/11 Russian hostage crisis developed the EU normative policy as a less important policy for Chechen conflicts.

The image of the Chechen War on the pages of the American daily newspaper The New York Times: headline review

The subject of the research in the article is the image of the First and Second Chechen Wars, created by journalists of The New York Times newspaper in the 1990s and reflecting the views of the American democratic public. The subject of the study is the headlines of articles related to this topic in the American daily newspaper The New York Times. At the end of the 20th century, the periodical press continued to play a significant role in public life, including shaping the news agenda and creating the image of certain events. Often, journalists sought to impose their vision of Russian politics on the reader. Reputable publications, avoiding the techniques of the "yellow press", used more subtle and unobvious manipulative forms. Such manipulations include the newspaper's choice of lexical units with a certain connotation and the frequency of their use. In this study, the author attempts to explicate the hidden information that is embedded in the headlines of The New York Times. To analyze the information identified by the author in the headlines of The New York Times newspaper, the article used methods such as historical, comparative and quantitative content analysis. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the headlines of The New York Times newspaper of this period were first considered as a source of analysis of the transforming view of the American democratic press on the events of the First and Second Chechen Wars. According to the results of the study, the following conclusions were drawn: the image of the Chechen conflict of the 1990s in the American press has undergone significant changes. If the First Chechen War in The New York Times appears as a legitimate struggle of the Russian authorities against the separatist movement in Chechnya, albeit with a number of critical remarks, then the image of the Second Chechen War is radically different from the previous campaign. The newspaper presents the events of the Second Chechen Campaign as a new colonial war, while the emphasis was shifted towards criticizing the Russian leadership for violating human rights and freedoms in the Chechen Republic, as well as a direct impact on destabilization in the North Caucasus region.

Social'no-ekonomicheskoe i politicheskoe razvitie Checheno-Ingushskoj ASSR v gody perestrojki

The article is devoted to the problems that are associated with important changes in the political and socio-economic spheres of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, and occurred during the period of perestroika. In fact, the article examines the prerequisites for the Chechen conflict that broke out in the early 1990s. The reasons for the creation of national public organizations are analyzed, as well as the connection between the economic problems of the republic and the coming to power of radical politicians is presented.

Institutional Solutions for the Post-conflict Development of the Chechen Republic

The article reveals the institutional solutions for the Chechen conflict and post-conflict development of the Republic within the Russian Federation. The author conducts a retrospective, event- and normative analysis of the stages of the Chechen conflict, when political actors (federal center and ethnic elites) tested various institutional decisions, each time adopting new “rules of the game”: 1) the period of institutional uncertainty from the “Chechen revolution” of 1991 to the dissolution of the first Parliament by Dzhokhar Dudayev in mid-1993; 2) the period of "temporary sorting model" - the search for a Chechen leader alternative to Dudayev for negotiations with Moscow, ended with the signing of a Peace Treaty with Aslan Maskhadov and then his attempt to create an Islamic state on the territory of Chechnya; 3) the stake on Akhmad Kadyrov as a consistent opponent of Wahhabism, who made a turn towards loyalty to the federal Center. At present, stability in post-conflict Chechnya is determined by the following institutional decisions: the constitutional model of Russian federalism, the republic's subsidized dependence on the Center, the integration of the republic's executive and legislative into a vertically hierarchized state system. But along with formal institutions in Chechnya, there are social practices that depend on the socio-historical context (clannishness, adherence to traditional Islamic values), supported by the influential Head of the Republic Ramzan Kadyrov. The spread of traditional socio-political practices shows the possibility of the formation the new gaps between secular society and the political system of modern Russia and the Chechen Republic.

Positions of the leaders of the Minnats of Russia on the issue of settling the Chechen conflict in 1991-1994

Positions of the leaders of the Minnats of Russia on the issue of settling the Chechen conflict in 1991-1994

Nazy’s Battle to Change the Image of the Pankisi Valley through Tourism

Abstract In creating Nazy’s Guest House, Nazy Dakishvili sought to change the image of the Pankisi Valley – the valley of the Kist’s – a region of Georgia whose reputation was damaged by fall-out from the Chechen conflict just across the border, decades ago. Her goal was to demonstrate to visitors from the outside world the unique culture and traditions of hospitality of her native land. Information Written on the basis of material provided by Nazy Dakishvili of Nazy’s Guest House. © CAB International 2021

Anti-Muslim Fear Narrative and the Ban on Said Nursi's Works as “Extremist Literature” in Russia

This article analyzes the causes and consequences of Islamophobia in the Russian Federation following the story of the Russian ban on the works of a scholar of Islam from Turkey, Bediuzzaman Said Nursi (1878–1960), despite the overall positive reception of his ideas and followers by Russia's Muslims. It positions Russia's existing domestic anti-Muslim prejudices, which evolved in the contexts of the Chechen conflict and the influx of migrant workers from culturally Muslim former Soviet republics to cosmopolitan Russian cities, against the background of the post-9/11 global fear narrative about Muslims. These Islamophobic attitudes in turn informed and justified anti-Muslim policies in Russia, as the Russian state, following broader trends of centralization and illiberalization in the country, abandoned the pluralist policies toward religion of the early post-Soviet years and reverted to the late-Soviet model of regulation and containment in the past two decades.

Socialization, Rationality, and Age: Generational Gaps and the Attitudes toward the Chechen War in Russia

In this article, I focus on the factor of age as a determinant of individual support for the use of force by the government. I argue that socialization theory, as a key conceptual frame, should be supplemented by rational choice explanations for understanding individual preferences more fully. Employing survey data on the Chechen conflict, I investigate generational gaps in Russia regarding the government's use of force, and the form those gaps take. Empirically, I substantiate a theoretical claim that several generations exist in Russia, each with its own attitudes and beliefs, including the so‐called “second edition of the Decembrists,” “the people of the ‘60s,” “the people of the ‘70s,” “the generation of perestroika,” “the disappointed generation,” and a “lost generation/mega‐consumers.” I find strong, albeit surprising, evidence of a generational gap in Russia, with respondents born in different time periods, especially “the ‘60s people” and “mega‐consumers” expressing variable attitudes toward the Chechnya conflict.Related ArticlesBrader, Ted A., and Joshua A. Tucker. 2009. “What's Left Behind When the Party's Over: Survey Experiments on the Effects of Partisan Cues in Putin's Russia.” Politics & Policy 37 (4): 843‐868. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00201.xSmyth, Regina. 2014. “The Putin Factor: Personalism, Protest, and Regime Stability in Russia.” Politics & Policy 42 (4): 567‐592. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12080Stegmaier, Mary A., and Gwyn Erb. 2008. “Gender and Generation Gaps in Russian Economic Values during the Yeltsin Years.” Politics & Policy 33 (3): 416‐443. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2005.tb00802.x

Chechen Demographic Growth as a Reaction to Conflict: The Views of Chechens

This article presents the views of émigré Chechens on the reasons behind the particular patterns of demographic growth of Chechnya. The main driving force, identified by the respondents interviewed in the research, is the fear of national extinction. The traditional obligation for Chechen men to defend the homeland adds another explanation: the Chechen respondents consider demographic growth to be related to preparedness for war. Both explanations are related to the perception of Russia as an imminent threat. A range of other factors was mentioned by smaller numbers of respondents. The article concludes that Chechen demographic growth is related to the unresolved Russo–Chechen conflict.

Особенности воплощения образа врага в игровом кино современной России

The article deals with the analysis of game films and TV series about local conflicts near the borders of Russia during the last 20 years, in the context of the transformation of the image of the enemy. If in the 2000s, due to the release of a large number of films about the situation in Chechnya, along with Chechen militants, the source of the threat were Islamists, leaders of international terrorism, in the last decade in Russian cinema, the tendency to show the action of the United States and NATO as aggressive, using the methods of information warfare. «Internal enemies», embodied in films about the Chechen conflict, in the 2010 are shown on screens less often, which indicates the desire to show the Russian society as a consolidated one. It is emphasized that the actions of the Russian leadership in the 1990s are opposed to the course adopted with the coming to power of the new President.

The Chechen Conflict

The review article analyses several key publications on the Chechen conflict in the light of the portraits of Maskhadov and other prominent figures of the post-1991 Chechen insurgencies, with a view on the inner controversies between secularist and jihadist wings of this anti-Russian separatist movement.

The Ethnic Russian as an Enemy of Islam: Frame Analysis of the Kavkaz Center News Agency (2001–2004)

Typically, when analysing contemporary Russian–Chechen conflicts, the relegation of the nationalist struggle to a secondary role by the religious battle waged by the North Caucasus insurgency is pinpointed as one of the fundamental differences between the First and Second War in Chechnya. This article discusses how it was reflected in one of the most important media of the Chechen Islamist insurgency: the Kavkaz Center. To this end, 2859 English language news items posted on the website during 2001–04 were reviewed using media frame analysis.

The North Caucasus: from mass mobilization to international terrorism

Insurgencies have proven to be highly adaptive movements that exploit their environments and change and mutate in order to survive. States and international actors have long grappled with ways to thwart such adaptations. In this respect, disengagement initiatives that offer insurgents opportunities for alternative livelihood seem to present a viable mechanism for weakening insurgencies. Analyzing the case of the North Caucasus insurgency, this article examines the interrelation between such variables as insurgent crises, government disengagement programs, and foreign attempts to co-opt the insurgency. It is argued that disengagement programs implemented during the second Chechen conflict prevented the insurgent command from pledging allegiance to Al-Qaeda because insurgents had to preserve their local orientation to compete for their bases of support. In 2014, however, the North Caucasus insurgents pledged allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria as no viable disengagement opportunities existed at the time and their only route for survival was to join a global insurgency.

Leadership Style and War and Peace Policies in the Context of Armed Conflict

The purpose of the present article is to establish what links there may be between leadership styles and war and peace policies in the Russia–Chechen conflict. To do so, we analyze the styles of two unrecognized executive leaders, Aslan Maskhadov and Doku Umarov, both of whom were involved in the same conflict with different peace policies. The structure of the paper is as follows. First, we overview the literature on leadership styles in armed conflict situations and construct a theoretical framework. Second, we review the historical and biographical context. Third, we examine the interview content-analysis methodology for the measuring of leadership style. Fourth, we classify Maskhadov and Umarov on the basis of leadership styles, and compare policies implemented by these leaders with those of other leaders in a context of internal armed conflict. Finally, we present conclusions and future prospects.

Paradigmatic Shifts in Jihadism in Cyberspace: The Emerging Role of Unaffiliated Sympathizers in Islamic State’s Social Media Strategy

This paper provides an overview of the evolution of the concept of jihadism as it presently exists in cyberspace. From its roots during the Chechen conflict to the current use of social media by the Islamic State (IS), this paper identifies and examines three highly significant paradigm shifts: (1) the emergence of rudimentary Web 2.0 platforms and jihadist forums; (2) the advent of advanced Web 2.0 and social media platforms as methods of spreading jihadism; and (3) turn towards ‘lone wolf’ terrorism. In this paper, the author argues that IS’ extensive reliance on unaffiliated sympathizers, who either re-tweet or re-post content produced and authorized by the IS leadership can be seen as a groundbreaking paradigm shift in the evolution of jihadism in cyberspace. Furthermore, it is also argued that IS’ strategy of empowering of unaffiliated sympathizers represents a further development in the evolution of jihadism in cyberspace and can best be understood as an attempt to normalize and legitimize IS’ existence through its efforts to dominate the ‘IS narrative’ across social media platforms.

Reflections on the Chechen Conflict: Geopolitics, Timing and Transformations

The Chechen Conflict is the most fatal and protracted conflict in the post-Soviet space. While it is the most discussed conflict there, it is also the least understood. Many contradicting accounts of it exist, and still many questions remain unanswered. One reason is that the nature of this conflict has changed over time. Unlike what many - particularly Western - analysts think, it is not a religious conflict. It began as an ethno-nationalist separatist conflict but only later was it infiltrated by extremist Salafis/Wahhabis. At this moment a war is going on between the local Chechen and the central Russian governments against the Salafi/Wahhabi Emirate of the Caucasus. Chechnya is the only autonomous region in Russia in which a separatist movement had been successful. The possible reasons are the peculiarities of the Caucasus; especially its mosaic type of ethnogeographic configuration and the traumatic past of many of its peoples. Another important factor in the explanation of such a separatist conflict in Chechnya - and nowhere else in the North Caucasus - is the fact that only in Chechnya has a titular minority enjoyed a dominant demographic position. This paper also discusses issues such as the nature of Islam in Chechnya and the Russian geopolitical codes.

Trapped in the prisoner scenario: the first Chechen war and Sergei Bodrov’s Prisoner of the Mountains

Russia’s centuries-long history of imperial war and domination in the Caucasus had produced a canonized body of literary responses that, during the first post-Soviet decade, served as the foundation for reassessing the role and position of ethnic Russians vis-à-vis Russia’s ethnic minorities. The newly independent Russian media used the nineteenth-century Prisoner-of-the-Caucasus mythology less reflectively in their political critique of the Russian state’s aggressive policies in Chechnya that afflicted Russians and Chechens alike. During the same time, Russian filmmakers utilized this imperial-era scenario to offer more profound thoughts on the Russian national identity in the multi-ethnic state than those proffered by the national media. Among them, Sergei Bodrov’s Prisoner of the Mountains (Kavkazskii plennik, 1996) dissects and re-imagines the comfortably familiar prisoner formula in its efforts to critically examine Russian imperial attitudes. While the archetypal Prisoner-of-the-Caucasus plot provided a common basis for the national dialogue about the Chechen conflict, both the independent media discourse and the critical response to Bodrov’s film paint the picture of a society trapped in the imperial biases of a rigidly interpreted cultural mythology.

‘Faced with death, even a mouse bites’: Social and religious motivations behind terrorism in Chechnya

This article analyzes the motivations behind individuals who chose to adopt terrorist methods in the Chechen conflicts of the late 1990s and early 2000s. While the seemingly obvious motivation in joining in a ‘religious’ war of jihad would be a strong belief in that religion, the reality is more complicated. The motivations behind these individuals were not only religious, but cultural, social, and political. This indicates that while the methods and ideological rhetoric adopted by Chechen terrorists prove similar to methods adopted by terrorists across the world, the fundamental causes and drive behind these terrorists are actually quite distinct and unique from others.

Protecting Human Rights Defenders in the North Caucasus: Reflections on Developments from 2009 to the Present

Since the end of the second Chechen conflict, 1 Russian authorities have struggled to contain the spread of Islamic extremism across Russia's entire North Caucasus region, especially in Chechnya, Ingushetia, Dagestan and Kabardino − Balkaria. Grave human rights violations in the course of counter-terrorism operations in these regions have been widely documented during the second Chechen conflict and its aftermath. 2 While international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and intergovernmental bodies have long been concerned about the level of impunity for human rights violations in the North Caucasus, the murder of a well-known Chechen human rights activist in July 2009 prompted an equally strong focus on the security of human rights defenders (HRDs) working in this region. This paper first discusses several issues related to the protection of HRDs, specifically: the provision of security trainings; the application of the term ‘HRD’; the adoption of ‘tracking’ technology; the need for an integrated understanding of ‘security’; the importance of recognizing threats by non-state actors; the specific needs of women HRDs; and the effectiveness of evacuation. Finally, this paper presents questions on the sustainability of the one security model implemented thus far in a situation in which human rights work is simply too risky for local defenders to undertake.

Rebels with a Cause: A Survey of Terrorism in Chechnya and Important Lessons the Chechen Crisis Presents for the United States

Chechnya, a republic of the Russian Federation located in the volatile North Caucus, has a history of committing acts of terrorism in its attempt to secede from Russia and become an independent and sovereign nation. Russia has responded to the situation militarily and currently has control over Chechnya, but the country has committed a series of acts violating international humanitarian law in doing so. This paper begins by examining the history of Chechnya, including how it came to be a republic of Russia, and discussing the First and Second Chechen Wars. This paper next addresses why the situation in Chechnya is pertinent to the United States. This paper then explains how terrorism is defined under United States laws, which terrorist groups are active in Chechnya, and then moves on to the acts of terrorism these groups have committed in Russia. This paper finally discusses what the United States can learn from the Chechen crisis, focusing on the similarities and differences between terrorism in the United States and in Russia, suggesting what Russia did well in handling the Chechen conflict, and ways Russia dealt with the situation that are potentially problematic. Although there are many different areas of law that apply to the Chechen situation, this paper suggests what the United States can take away from the conflict and thus analyzes the Chechen conflict under United States and international humanitarian law, while noting several instances in which Russia violated its own Constitution. This paper thus examines Russia’s response to terrorism in Chechnya, analyzing Russia’s reactions under international and United States law, and suggests what the United States can learn from how the Russians handled the situation in Chechnya.