Change In International System Research Articles

The scientific system in the Global South in an emerging multipolar world

ABSTRACT The article analyses the changes and trends in the scientific systems of countries and regions in the Global South shifting the focus away from the BRICS countries. The research is underpinned by the critical scholarship on the globalisation, internationalisation and regionalisation of science and higher education. The empirical analysis is positioned within the broader changes in the international system characterised by multipolarity. The article first aims to map and identify trends, processes and discourses characterising science in the Global South. Second, it aims to investigate and analyse challenges, changes and developments in the scientific system of countries and regions in the Global South by focusing on publications and regional/international collaborations. While knowledge-based theories and discourses are informing science development and changes in countries in the Global South in line with global trends, this is not only done to sustain and increase economic competitiveness. Countries are seeking to reposition themselves in a changing international system by increasing their scientific and technological sovereignty through strategic publications and regional collaborations.

Transnational Backlash and the Deinstitutionalization of Liberal Norms: LGBT+ Rights in a Contested World

Integration into the international community is typically used to explain liberal outcomes. However, is it possible that such integration can also explain rising illiberalism? Using the case of LGBT+ rights, I argue that backlash to liberal norms is increasingly organized transnationally and that exposure to global norms via integration explains both liberal and illiberal outcomes. I test this argument through extensive original data collection and by using time-series cross-section, multinomial, and cross-lagged panel models. Robust findings reveal how exposure to global norms spurs policy backlashes—not just expansions—depending on how countries are situated within pro- and anti-LGBT+ transnational networks. This study contributes to our understanding of the changing international system by revealing how illiberal actors use mechanisms built by the liberal international community to transnationally organize and advance illiberal norms—ultimately fueling the deinstitutionalization of once-dominant liberal models.

The Structural change in the International System: From a Modified Version of Neorealism

This paper analyzes how Waltzian neorealism by some modifications can explain and predict the structural change in international system. To answer this question, we extract the main concepts of waltz definition of the system and its critics then draw the theoretical scheme to find limitation and make a synthetized modifications on waltz international system to make it applicable to study structural change in the system. Our results showed waltz theory weaknesses in the first two elements of the structure. Results also show that the international system defined by waltz needs some modifications by adding up the structure of the process to exit from the problem of having no attention to historical and social basis of international outcomes. From a modified version of neorealism, this study emphasizes the need to take into account the impact of the structure of the process to the structural change of the system along with opening the first two element of the structure to change by taking into account the principle of segmentation and separateness to functional specification.

Research on the Characteristics of China's Foreign Energy Discourse

This article focuses on the research of the characteristics of foreign energy discourse from the perspective of "One Belt One Road". Combined with the current international economic background, the international energy cooperation language discourse and activities relevant documents reading are carried out through a horizontal and vertical comparative analysis. It is mainly about the language itself to analyze energy discourse development, existing problems and improvement measures. From the case analysis of scientific knowledge competition and discourse construction in the international energy field, it can be seen that adding the scientific and technological discourse perspective to study energy transition is conducive to a deeper understanding of the future energy strategic pattern and direction. It is also advantageous to the huge driving force contained in energy transition to promote China's development and international system change. It requires us to consider the international background work understanding and the language plan itself. We are supposed to analyze the current political hotspots reasonably such as the situation in Russia, Ukraine and related energy development strategies, and conduct in-depth exploration of energy academic discourse studies socially and contemporarily. Besides, it is significant to highlight the times development theme to promote global energy governance.

Diagnostic Performance of Pancreatic Cytology with the Papanicolaou Society of Cytopathology System: A Systematic Review, before Shifting into the Upcoming WHO International System.

The Papanicolaou Society of Cytopathology (PSC) reporting system classifies pancreatobiliary samples into six categories (I–VI), providing guidance for personalized management. As the World Health Organization (WHO) has been preparing an updated reporting system for pancreatobiliary cytopathology, this systematic review aimed to evaluate the risk of malignancy (ROM) of each PSC category, also the sensitivity and specificity of pancreatic FNA cytology using the current PSC system. Five databases were investigated with a predefined search algorithm. Inclusion and exclusion criteria were applied to select the eligible studies for subsequent data extraction. A study quality assessment was also performed. Eight studies were included in the qualitative analysis. The ROM of the PSC categories I, II, III, IV, V, VI were in the ranges of 8–50%, 0–40%, 28–100%, 0–31%, 82–100%, and 97–100%, respectively. Notably, the ROM IVB (“neoplastic—benign”) subcategory showed a 0% ROM. Four of the included studies reported separately the ROMs for the IVO subcategory (“neoplastic—other”; its overall ROM ranged from 0 to 34%) with low (LGA) and high-grade atypia (HGA). ROM for LGA ranged from 4.3 to 19%, whereas ROM for HGA from 64 to 95.2%. When the subcategory IVO with HGA was considered as cytologically positive, together with the categories V and VI, there was a higher sensitivity of pancreatic cytology, at minimal expense of the specificity. Evidence suggests the proposed WHO international system changes—shifting the IVB entities into the “benign/negative for malignancy” category and establishing two new categories, the “pancreatic neoplasm, low-risk/grade” and “pancreatic neoplasm, high-risk/grade”—could stratify pancreatic neoplasms more effectively than the current PSC system.

China-Iran strategic cooperation agreement in the changing international system

Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the international political and economic system has changed dramatically. The Western powers are in decline, while the non-western Asian and Eurasian powers are rising. The three-century-long Western dominated international system is giving way to a mixed system with Global North and Global South playing predominant roles simultaneously. In face of the changing international system, China and Iran are promoting strategic docking, and their relations have been updated from the comprehensive strategic partnership in 2016 to the 25-Year Strategic Cooperation Agreement in 2021. This development demonstrates the resilience of China’s strategic partnerships in the Middle East, and is conducive to building a more balanced international system and fostering South-South cooperation. The updated Sino-Iranian relations is defensive, and it does not target any third party, nor does it change China’s non-alignment policy in the Middle East. It is conducive to promoting regional reconciliation between Iran and Saudi-led Arab countries.

Turkey’s Strategic Conduct under the Changing International System

This article analyses how Turkey should orient its grand strategy under the changing international order. It claims that the international order has undergone a significant transformation that is pushing Turkey to relocate its international position. First, the article analyses the characteristic features of the changing dynamics of the international system; it then sheds light on the new aspects of Turkey’s changing strategic landscape. By taking into consideration the transformation in Turkish foreign and security policy since the Arab Uprising, the article argues that Turkey needs a basis for determining what is important and what is not, what the primary threats to the nation’s interests are, and how best to serve those interests in a way that is attentive to the costs and risks it is willing to bear. Our aim in this article is to describe how Turkey can deal with the new reality of the international system and pursue and protect its important interests by developing a comprehensive grand strategy.

Reflections of the Reproduced State Identity on Turkish Foreign Policy: Crises With the USA

Factors such as regional-international developments, political, economic, social conditions and security understanding separate the foreign policies of the states from each other and differentiate the expectations of the countries in mutual relations. Turkish-American relations, which have a history of nearly seventy years, have seen a fluctuating course with sometimes cooperation and sometimes crises. Therefore, identifying the root causes of crises that arise from different reasons and damage bilateral relations gains importance in terms of collaboration between the two countries. In this context, this study argues that the reproduction of Turkey’s state identity in the changing international system after the Cold War caused crises in bilateral relations by differentiating foreign policy visions, threat perceptions and international goals with the United States. Based on this, the four crises, in the bilateral relations between Turkey and the United States, starting with the Syrian Civil War and continuing to the present day, will be examined in the dimensions of perception, discourse and politics. Then, possible policies are discussed through risks and opportunities to eliminate the tense atmosphere in Turkey-US relations. In the study, in addition to the literature review, the content and discourse analysis method is used methodologically by making use of the statements of policy makers.

Carl Schmitt and international relations - actuality and theoretical position

Carl Schmitt (1888-1885) is one of the great absentees from the university in Portugal. We can even say that Portugal is one of the most arid landscapes existing in European lands regarding Schmittian studies (although a reference is due, among others, to Professor Alexandre Franco de Sa, the main disseminator and translator of his work in our country). Author of a multifaceted oeuvre, he influenced several disciplines – constitutional and international law, political science, history of ideas, political philosophy, and political theology – as well as international relations and its history, geopolitics and polemology. Breaking paradigms, he left us a “heterodox” work (Odisseos and Petito, 2007: 11), where his intuition about the concept of the political stands out naturally; but he was also a man who lived in a dangerous moment, in an almost permanent state of exception, who suffered temptations and disillusions, who was judged by the authorities and, more severely, by the people. Especially by his peers. Momentary adhesion to the Third Reich was at the basis of his demonization and exclusion from the university (Balakrishnan, 2006: 27), he who was a Catholic conservative and one of the central figures of the “Conservative Revolution” movement (Mohler, 1993: 661) and even, during the Weimar Republic, tried to prevent Hitler from coming to power. In this article we will focus on Carl Schmitt’s contribution to international relations. But why talk about him now? Because we cannot fail to highlight – whether we agree with him or not – his concept of the political; because we believe that some of his theorizations – the case of the partisan or the great space – are important for the understanding of the moment we live in, namely regarding the changing international system, helping us to understand the emergence of the new civilization states and the concept of illiberal democracy; finally, because works such as “The Nomos of the Earth” should be part of the canon of mandatory readings of the discipline of International Relations. His trajectory is well known, especially in its more controversial aspects. By way of introduction, we will make a quick tour through his life, framing his personal evolution in the great trends of the century. Then, we will try to analyze some central aspects of his work, which constitute relevant contributions to the study of international relations. We will analyze the timeliness of his thought, seeking to prove – this is our ambition – that he is a “modern” and important author for understanding current events, and that he should be an obligatory reference in the discipline of international relations.

Changing International System And Globalization After Pandemic

Eski Sumer Şehir devletlerinin etkilesimi, ilk tam uluslararasi sistem olarak gorulmektedir. Insanligin evrimiyle birlikte, sosyal ve teknolojik gelismelerle sistemler degismektedir. Bir donem basat olan ve sistemi belirleyen aktor veya devlet yerine sonraki surecte farkli aktor ve sistemler gelmektedir. Uluslararasi iliskiler bu devletlerarasi yapida onemli bir islev gorerek, devletlerarasi iliskileri ve sistemi belirlemektedir. Uluslararasi iliskilerin kapsami kuresellesme, uluslararasi guvenlik, devlet egemenligi ve diplomatik iliskiler gibi bircok alt basligi kapsamaktadir. Kuresellesme gunumuzde yasam kosullarini etkileyen ve uzerinde en cok tartisilan basliklardan bir tanesidir. Cin’in Wuhan eyaletinde bas gosteren Koronavirus baslangicta siradan bir salgin gibi gorunmesine ragmen, oyle olmadigi ilerleyen surecte anlasilmistir. Pandemi surecinin hizli bir sekilde tum dunyaya yayilmasinda, kuresellesmenin de katkilari vardir. Neo-liberal politikalarin destekledigi kuresellesme, Pandemi sureciyle birlikte alinan onlemlerle dinamizmini yitirmektedir. Uluslararasi iliskileri domine eden ve sistemi degistirebilme kapasitesine sahip olan Koronavirus, II. Dunya Savasi’ndan sonra tum dunyayi etkisi altina alan en buyuk olaylardandir. Uluslararasi kurumlarin varliginin ve guvenilirliginin sorgulanmasina neden olan Pandemi, sosyal yasamdan ekonomiye kadar daha bircok alani etkilemektedir. Pandemi sureciyle birlikte degisen sosyal yasam kosullari, ekonomik ve ticari faaliyetlerin durma noktasina gelmesi, uluslararasi iliskileri benzeri gorulmemis bir sekilde etkilemektedir. Guvenligi oncelikli hale getiren ve var olma savasina giren devletler, uluslararasi iliskilerin gerilmesine neden olmaktadir. Gerilen bu sistem “sifir toplamli oyuna” donusmekte ve neo-liberal politikanin belirledigi dogrultudan uzaklasmaktadir. Pandemiyle birlikte, ulus devletlerin daha aktif olarak etkin olmaya baslamasi ve bu nedenle uluslararasi sistemin donusume zorlanmasi calismanin ana odak noktasini olusturmaktadir.

TRANSBOUNDARY RIVERS WITHINECOLOGICAL SECURITYPERSPECTIVE: THE NILE RIVER CASE

Security is one of the most contested concepts of international relations. In the changing international system with the appearance of new threats and challenges, the subject of security has widened in a manner that includes environmental issues, especially water problems. The aim of this article is to examine transboundary rivers through the case of Nile River basin in order to reveal the contribution of ecological security perspective to the transboundary cooperation. Although transboundary rivers are mostly analysed with state-centric approaches or conflict perspective, this article argues that environmental problems in transboundary basins which are considered as an important threat by all riparian countries, could also present an opportunity to develop cooperation. It is also claimed that an ecological security perspective adopted by riparian states and cooperative organization in the basin might contribute to handle environmental problems and to ensure the regional peace as well.

What Determines Utility of International Currencies?

In previous studies, we estimated a time series of coefficients on five international currencies (the US dollar, the euro, the Japanese yen, the British pound, and the Swiss franc) in a utility function. We call the coefficients utilities of international currencies. The time series show that the utility of the US dollar as an international currency has remained in the first position in the changing international monetary system despite of the fact that the euro was created as a single common currency for European countries. On one hand, the utility of the Japanese yen has been declining as an international currency. In this paper, we investigate what determines the utility of international currencies. We use a dynamic panel data model to analyze the issue with Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). Specifically, liquidity shortage in terms of an international currency means that it is inconvenient for economic agents to use the relevant currency for international economic transactions. In other words, liquidity shortages might reduce the utility of an international currency. In this analysis we focus on liquidity premium which represents a liquidity shortage in terms of an international currency. Our empirical results showed not only inertia in terms of change but also the impact of a liquidity shortage in an international currency on the utility of the relevant international currency.

Authoritarian Norms in a Changing International System

The normative structure of the international system is changing, driven by the logics of effectiveness and appropriateness. Whereas the balance between democracy and autocracy had clearly favored the former, this appears to no longer be the case. Not only are authoritarian methods spreading because they have been found to be successful, but democracy’s very legitimacy has been eroded from self-doubt and as a consequence of rising and increasingly confident authoritarian great powers. This commentary provides an overview of these trends.

Declining Japanese Yen in the Changing International Monetary System

The US dollar has kept as a position of key currency in the global economy in the changing international monetary system where the euro was introduced to some states of the EU in 1999. It is an evidence of inertia of the US dollar as a key currency. Our previous study (Ogawa and Muto, 2017b) conducted empirical analysis to investigate effects of several events on inertia of the US dollar. One of our findings was that the introduction of the euro increased utility of euro while utility of US dollar was kept unchanged. This paper examines the effects of the global financial crisis and the euro zone crisis as well as the introduction of the euro on the utility of the Japanese yen. The introduction of the euro significantly decreased the utility of the Japanese yen. It indicates that the introduction of the euro increased the utility of the euro while reducing the utility of the Japanese yen rather than the utility of the US dollar. The utility of the Japanese yen has significantly decreased while the global financial crisis and the euro zone crisis occurred. The Japanese yen has a declining trend in terms of its utility over time in the changing international monetary system.

The Russia-India-China Trio in the Changing International System

Shifting power balances on the Eurasian continent present both challenges and opportunities for further trilateral cooperation among Russia, India, and China (RIC). The call for a new Asia-Pacific security architecture underscores the strategic importance of a closer trilateral relationship. From a macro perspective, the current international system and regional structure offer favorable conditions for building a strategic RIC trio, yet at the micro level, major barriers will largely remain with regard to the domestic politics, public perceptions and policy implementation of the three countries. Only by strengthening strategic planning and operational cooperation while drawing lessons from the development of other multilateral cooperation mechanisms, can the three countries advance their strategic ties to a new level.

The Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP): An Obstacle to Turkish Accession to the European Union?

26 Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Vol. XL, No.1, Fall 2016 The Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP): An Obstacle to Turkish Accession to the European Union? Cemal Ozkahraman* Michael M. Gunter** Michael M. Gunter, Jr *** Introduction During the Cold War, the world was divided into two predominant orders: capitalism (US/Western Europe) and communism (Soviet Union/Eastern Europe), and world politics revolved entirely around these two blocs. However, when the Cold War ended, in particular when Soviet leaders declared their readiness to withdraw their troops from the rest of Eastern Europe in 1995,1 the old international order rapidly crumbled and a “new world order” began, which supposedly required that political power should not be handled by nation-states, but instead by actors in democratic global governance such as international institutions including the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU) and other non-governmental organizations which were intended to support democracy by forcing states to uphold its principles and allow the citizens of the globe to enjoy *Cemal Ozkahraman earned his PhD in 2016 from Exeter University in the UK and is currently an independent scholar. **Michael M. Gunter is a professor of political science at Tennessee Technological University. His most recent book is The Kurds: A Modern History, 2nd ed. (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2017). *** Michael M. Gunter, Jr. is a Cornell Distinguished Professor and chair of political science at Rollins College where he directs the international affairs program for their Holt School. He is author of the forthcoming Tales of an Ecotourist: What Travel to Wild Places Teaches Us about Climate Change with SUNY press. 1 Anderson, W.E., Gutmainis, I., and D.L. Anderson, Economic Power in a Changing International System (London: Cassell, 2000). 27 2 Held, D., Democracy and the Global Order (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995). 3 Müftüler-Baç, M., “The Never-Ending Story: Turkey and the European Union,” in Sylvia Kedourie, ed., Turkey Before and After Ataturk: Internal and External Affairs (London: Frank Cass, 1999). 4 For background, see Gunter, M., “Turkey’s Floundering EU Candidacy and Its Kurdish Problem,” Middle East Policy 14 (Spring 2007), pp. 117-23. fundamental human rights as well as promote the functioning of a democratic market economy.2 In this context, the EU required that countries wanting to join would have to redesign their internal and external politics in the framework of its own criteria based on democratic principles. For instance, Central/Eastern European nations emerging from the Cold War period have had to follow the new world order and accept such criteria in order to gain accession. Turkey, which since its creation has been attempting to become part of “European civilization,” and has consequently been knocking on the EU door in order to take its place in the club, was asked to ensure: (i) stable institutions governing democracy; (ii) the rule of law, respect for human rights and protection of minorities; the existence of a functioning market economy and the capacity to cope with competitive pressure; and (iii) the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the principles of political, economic and monetary union.3 In order to take its place in the EU, Turkey has undergone significant domestic political transformations.4 Alongside adoption of a fully neo-liberal development model, for the first time in its history it has begun to recognize the existence of its Kurdish minority, having earlier refused to accept its existence in Turkey. More importantly, Turkey has established a major water project on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP), which it aimed to use for the social development of the most underdeveloped part of Turkey, the south-east, which is also the Kurdish region, and aimed to diminish the socio-economic gap between the southeast /Kurds and the rest of Turkey, something which it had ignored since the creation of the republic. The $32 billion (US) project was initiated mainly for the purpose of hydroelectric power production and irrigation in the 1950s, led by the Turkish General Directorate of State Hydraulic Works (Devlet Su Isleri (DSI)), but by the late 1980s the GAP infrastructure incorporated a “social development” programme through...

Wake up, Europe!

We live in a world of rapid transition. Yet while, in the United States, it is hard to escape discussions of the changing international system and its implications, such debates are largely absent in Europe. This is all the more serious in that Europe is both more vulnerable than the USA to the myriad new threats on the horizon and less well equipped to confront them. We outline the nature of the challenges confronting Europe, and suggest that the solution lies, first and foremost, in national capitals. Virtually all EU member states attach unwarranted importance to “sovereignty”, while fully aware that, alone, they count for nothing as foreign policy and security actors. It is only if the EU member states understand the nature of the threats they face and consent to tackle them collaboratively that Europe will be in a position to defend its interests effectively.

La "doctrina Obana", la teoría de "Guerra Limitada" y la nueva política exterior de EEUU; ¿hacia una nueva política neo-nixoniana?

La Administración Obama, al igual que la Administración Nixon y las subsiguientes administraciones norteamericanas se tuvieron que enfrentar con un cambio profundo en la estructura del sistema internacional y al síndrome Vietnam, creando la política de Detente y aplicando la Doctrina Nixon, la Administración Obama se enfrenta también a un sistema internacional cambiante y al síndrome Irak, que puede ayudar o paralizar a EEUU en situaciones de crisis a la hora del uso de la fuerza. Consistente con su visión del sistema internacional y de su política exterior, ha diseñado una doctrina para el uso de la fuerza militar por parte de EEUU. El problema es que esta etapa de Détente acabó llevando a la Doctrina Carter y una re-edición de la Guerra Fría.

Internasionalisasi Yuan: Transisi China Menuju Kekuatan Hegemon

The purpose of this research is to discover the reason why China internationalizes its currency yuan. In the realm of neorealist, state will seek ways to improve its power vis-a-vis other countries, in which this action contributes toward change in international system. One essential way is having an international currency. England and the U.S. proved the importance of pound sterling and dollar's role to underpin their hegemonic status at their time. An international status of yuan now is China's priority along with its increasing ambition to be the next hegemon, whilst the U.S. suffers its declining power particularly in economic field.

The Rising Tides of Africa and China

Since the mid 1980s, Chinese security analysts have debated China's role in the changing international system. Sharp increases in Chinese military spending indicate that China plans to reshape the international economic and military balance of power. Much of China's economic growth is the product of its investment in Africa. Some are concerned that Beijing's more recent relations with Africa are part of its strategy to become the new global hegemony. A primary question is: Which choice will China make? We analyze three perspectives on Beijing's role in African Affairs. The first view holds that China is fulfilling a long-term strategic commitment to Africa that is driven by Chinese economic interests, a commitment to transmit and transfer its own development assistance, and a desire to build effective cooperative partnerships among developing nation-states. The second view is that Chinese policy is to quickly exploit Africa's natural resources, without, like their Western economic counterparts, paying much consideration to local developmental, environmental concerns or human rights issues. The third view emphasizes China's African policy as part of a long-term strategy to displace the Western orientation of the continent by forging partnerships with African elites under the rubric of solidarity.