Changes In Political Ideology Research Articles

Changing Ideological Regimes: CEO Succession with A Shift in Political Ideology and New CEO Early Departure

AbstractWe examine the effects of CEO succession coupled with a change in political ideology – when a conservative CEO is replaced by a liberal CEO or vice versa. We argue that in such CEO transitions, the new CEOs must alter their predecessors’ ideological imprints to imbue strategic leadership with their own values, which increases their executive job demands in the critical early years of their tenure and raises the likelihood of their early departure. We also suggest that this relationship is moderated by two strategic leadership interface (SLI) factors that influence the executive job demands these new CEOs face: (a) the retention of the ideologically incongruent predecessor as board chair, and (b) the ideological fit between the new CEO and the incumbent executive team. We first test our framework using data from 2286 CEO successions in S&P 1500 firms. We then conduct an experimental study to ensure causality and confirm executive job demands as a mediating mechanism underlying the relationship. Overall, our study advances the disruption theory of succession by shedding light on the deeply held mechanisms that lead to early failure in CEO transitions.

Corporate governance and firm performance: Evidence from political instability, political ideology, and corporate governance reforms in Pakistan

AbstractWe examine impact of corporate governance on firm performance following the implementation of the changes to the Code of Corporate Governance of Pakistan in 2012. Our sample period from 2008 to 2022 include periods of political instability and shifts in Pakistan's political landscape, providing an opportunity to examine the effectiveness of corporate governance mechanisms in enhancing accounting‐ and market‐based firm performance measures. We find significant improvements attributed to reforms in the regulatory framework surrounding corporate governance practices particularly from expanded scope and composition of boards and audit committees. This led to broader capabilities and effective controls, thus improving firm performance and investor confidence more so during periods of political instability and changes in political ideology.

CEO Political Contribution and Accounting Conservatism

This study investigates whether CEO political contribution, as a measure of CEO political ideology, is associated with a firm’s financial reporting policies in accounting conservatism. Using a sample of federal-level political contributions by CEOs in S&P 500 firms, we find that firms with Republican-leaning CEOs, who tend to have conservative ideology, are associated with a higher degree of accounting conservatism than firms with Democratic-leaning CEOs. We further show that changes in political ideology around CEO turnovers are associated with changes in the firm’s accounting conservatism policies. Our results are robust to a battery of robustness tests. Taken together, our findings are consistent with the assertion of upper echelons theory and suggest that managers with political preference have discretion to translate their personal risk attitude into corporate financial reporting decisions.

Estimating ideology and polarization in European countries using Facebook data

Researchers have studied political ideology and polarization in many different contexts since their effects are usually closely related to aspects and actions of individuals and societies. Hence, being able to estimate and measure the changes in political ideology and polarization is crucial for researchers, stakeholders, and the general public. In this paper, we model the ideology and polarization of 28 countries (the 27 EU member states plus the UK) using Facebook public posts from political parties’ Facebook pages. We collected a three-year dataset from 2019 to 2021 with information from 234 political parties’ Facebook pages and took advantage of the EU parliament elections of May 2019 to create our models. Our methodology works across 28 countries and benefits from being a low-cost running process that measures ideology and polarization at a high-resolution time scale. The results show our models are pretty accurate when validating them against 19 individual countries’ elections as ground truth. Moreover, to make our results available to the research community, stakeholders, and individuals interested in politics, the last contribution of our paper is a website including detailed information about the political parties in our dataset. It also includes the temporal evolution of our ideology and polarization estimations. Therefore, our work delivers a novel tool that uses Facebook public data to create country metrics useful for different purposes. To the best of our knowledge, there is no prior work in the literature offering a solution that measures the ideology and polarization of all EU + UK countries.

Changing Regimes: CEO Succession with Change in Political Ideology and New CEO Early Departure

We advance theory on CEO succession by examining the effects of strategic leadership transitions coupled with change in political ideology—i.e., when a conservative CEO is replaced by a liberal, or vice-versa. Drawing on the organizational-disruption theory of succession, we postulate that value-related ideological differences between the new CEO and the predecessor amplify succession-related disruption and increase the likelihood of new CEO early departure. We further conjecture that the effect of shifting CEO ideology on successor’s early departure strengthens when (a) the predecessor remains board chair after succession, (b) the new CEO ideologically misfits the incumbent executive group, and (c) the shift in CEO ideology occurs under conditions of poor pre-succession firm performance and low industry munificence. Survival analyses of 1,699 CEO succession events in S&P 1500 firms support our predictions. Based upon our findings, we offer a mid-range theory on the disruptive nature of shifting CEO ideology in strategic leadership, and highlight a set of parameters that organizations should consider in the CEO succession process.

I’ll be back? The Deconstruction of the 1980s and the 1990s Hard Body Movies

The following essay discusses the cultural factors that inspired the “hard body” movies of the 1980’s and 1990’s, but it also describes the changes that occurred, later on, that contributed to the deconstruction of those movies. The hard body movies were characterized by having a reoccurring set of actors (Schwarzenegger, Stallone, and Van Damme) and themes (facing adversaries in a forceful manner), and some of the factors that influenced this portrayal were the Reagan Revolution and a revaluation of the Vietnam war. However, a change in political ideology, and a reassessment of America’s place in the world, inspired the deconstruction of those movies, and newer movies brought with them a new message, of what could be considered a soft body.

CEO political preference and credit ratings

This study investigates whether a CEO's personal political ideology, as captured by his or her political contributions, is associated with a firm's credit ratings. Republican CEOs, we find, are associated with higher credit ratings, especially when their firms are headquartered in conservative areas. In addition, the link between political ideology and credit rating is more pronounced in firms that exhibit high financial distress or weak corporate governance. Changes in political ideology are associated with changes in credit rating. Our results support the behavior consistency, upper echelon, and social identity theories, as well as the risk acceptance hypothesis, and are robust to a number of alternative specifications as well as when alternate approaches and measures of credit risk are introduced. Using Republican CEOs as a proxy for conservative CEOs, our evidence implies that credit rating agencies justifiably view a CEO's political ideology and conservatism as indicative of corporate policies and, therefore, as an important determinant of the firm's credit ratings.

CEO political ideologies and auditor-client contracting

We investigate whether CEOs’ political ideology, as captured by their political contributions, is related to audit risk and, consequently, to audit pricing. We find that Republican CEOs are associated with lower inherent risk and control risk, which represent the two components of audit risk related to the firm, while their Democratic counterparts are seen to have higher risks. Consequently, Republican (Democratic) CEOs are associated with lower (higher) audit fees. The results are robust to controlling for religiosity, executive incentives and ability, obtaining alternative measures of inherent and control risk, and to using propensity score matching and entropy balancing. We further show that changes in political ideology are associated with changes in audit risk and fees. In sum, the evidence implies that auditors view the political ideology of CEOs as an important determinant of engagement risk, which may have important implications for disclosure policy.

The politics behind environmentalism: How political ideological development in emerging adulthood may play a role

Emerging adulthood is considered an important period in identity formation (Arnett, 2000). In this study, we consider how political ideological development during emerging adulthood may influence environmental beliefs, identity and actions in adulthood. To explore these relationships, we used longitudinal data initially collected in 1999 from over 300 Canadian adolescents (age 19) who were monitored into adulthood (age 32). Political ideology was assessed at ages 19, 23 and 32. Environmental beliefs, identity and behavior were collected at age 32. Using latent growth curve modeling, we found that changes in political ideology from age 19 to 32 negatively predicted the environmental measures: as people became more conservative over emerging adulthood, they were less environmentally-oriented in adulthood. These results are discussed within a larger political discourse focused on environmental actions and concerns about climate change.

Politics and institution of corporate governance in Vietnamese state-owned enterprises

Purpose The paper aims to examine how the change in political ideology and institutions affects corporate governance (CG) of the state-owned enterprise (SOE) in Vietnam, as well as its consequences. Design/methodology/approach To link macro-level institutional change to micro level of the reform process of the Vietnamese SOE governance, we draw from the “Varieties of Capitalism” (VoC) framework adopt a triangulation approach for data collection. Findings The paper shows the CG of SOEs is a variant of capitalist CG. Changes in the function, state control and structure of governance in the Vietnamese SOEs have been shaped by the political ideology and institution. It also shows that the political and bureaucratic interferences of the state in SOEs are for political interests rather than for firms’ effectiveness. Research limitations/implications The political ideology has existed in major aspects of the governance structure of the SOEs as a part of the party’s effort to maintain its economic legitimacy and a government of “control and domination”. Practical implications The findings of this study can be seen as a reference for the Vietnamese Government and governments of other developing countries in making incremental improvements in existing institutions rather than choosing the “best” model of CG. Originality/value The paper contributes to the literature by applying the VoC framework to analyse the change in SOE governance in a transition country while preserving the communist ideology. It can deepen our understanding of the SOE governance in Vietnam and enrich comparative studies of CG in the transition countries.

Testing the effects of pathogen threat and sexual strategies on political ideology.

Disgust has been consistently associated with greater political conservatism. Two explanations have been proposed for this link. According to a pathogen threat model, disgust serves a pathogen-avoidance function, encouraging more conservative ideology, whereas a sexual strategies model suggests that this link is explained by variability in short-term versus long-term mating goals. In two preregistered studies using a college student and community sample (total N = 1,950), we examined whether experimentally manipulating pathogen threat and mate availability produced differences in political ideology and whether these differences were explained by disgust and sociosexual attitudes. Across both studies, we did not find evidence that manipulating pathogen threat or mate availability resulted in change in political ideology. In Study 1, manipulating mate availability was indirectly associated with greater political conservativism through stronger sociosexual attitudes that favor monogamy. These findings failed to replicate in Study 2. Implications for theory and future research are discussed.

Enacting accountability: The case of the Asili di Carità, 1913–1926

The Asili di Carità was a non-profit educational institution established for very young children by the Catholic Church in 1836 in the City of Milan. This study shows how the First World War, changes in political ideology and economic developments in northern Italy directly impacted upon the, sometimes precarious, financial position of the Asili. Within the context of such change, the Board of the Asili enacted accountability through the maintenance and presentation of accounting records and meetings with stakeholders. This study draws from both public and private archives to examine the decisions made by the Board in response to change. The study focuses on the Asili’s relations with its most economically powerful stakeholders in the period from 1913 to 1926 as it transitioned from a privately funded organisation to one that was funded predominantly by the Municipality of Milan, before reverting to private hands.

Acculturation as a frustration-negotiation cycle: North Korean women defectors in South Korea

Ever since the corrupt leadership of North Korea stopped distributing wages and food, men’s role as breadwinners was upended and the family structure has altered. Wives tended to take on both roles, as breadwinners and homemakers because their husbands became unable to provide financial security for their families. North Korea has had a male-dominated family structure, where a man’s authority over his wife far exceeds what is seen in South Korea, where women are quite independent; marriage begins with a romantic relationship, and divorce is not such a disgrace. It was seen that female defectors have tended to exceed male defectors with respect to financial independence. For the latter, one of the main obstacles in cultural adaption is change in political ideology, which did not bother the former to the same extent. While the men struggled with ideological changes, the women approached their circumstances realistically and were more down to earth. In this study, three female defectors, aged 31, 42, and 53 years, participated and shared their stories. Throughout the interviews, they frequently compared their lives in both North and South Korea. The substantial differences between the two locations resulted in major frustration for them. While the participants experienced frustration with regard to their negotiations—or what is referred to as frustration-negotiation in this study—they developed their own sense of judgment and perspectives and began to modify their identities.

The Inner Class Divide: Assessing the Psychological Factors at Play in Promoting Change in Political Ideology.

Southern Europe is witnessing a strong resurgence of the political Left. It is not yet clear though if this represents sweeping, long-term change political change or whether it is simply a short-term backlash against austerity and corruption. To consider whether new ideologies are taking hold it is important to consider these changes from a psychological standpoint and to analyse whether capitalism’s hold over the psyche can be loosened by socially driven change. An ‘inner class divide’ exists between our innate 'social brain' and the aspect of the psyche which is conditioned by capitalism and consumption. If the current political changes in many countries are to be sustainable then confronting the psychological and ideological issues surrounding the existing political and economic structures will be paramount.

International Comparison of the Influence of Educational Reform on Superintendent Leadership

During recent decades, the rise of the global economy launched a wide array of social, economic, and political changes in nations throughout the world. Heightened concern about the quality of schools launched what is arguably the most pervasive, intense, and protracted attempts at educational reform in recent history. Examinations of the fundamental assumptions about how schools are organized, governed, and led contributed to shifts in educational policies in Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark, and the United States. Findings from national superintendent studies provide insights into changes in political ideology, devolution of responsibility for education, and the changing nature of superintendents’ leadership.

Romanian accounting profession: erudition and perspectives

Accounting, the accounting system and the accounting profession are all dimensions, which are deeply influenced by economic, social and political evolutions of the Romanian existence from the first considered paper within Romanian accounting literature (1792) until today. We therefore set out our attempt at following how changes in political ideology and other related influential factors induce significant changes in all this above-mentioned dimensions. Historical realities lead us from the Romanian provinces, to monarchy, communism and today’s savage capitalism. Historical realities prove to be a significant force for maintaining national accounting values and culture, regardless of their amplitude at a certain time in their evolution. Beyond accounting profession’s evolution, development and positioning within the field of accounting, our study provides a critical analysis on the accounting profession’s capacity of contributing to the evolving of the so-called global accounting standards, undertaken by IASB. We therefore suggest the utilisation of a system for quantifying the capacity of the national accounting profession to participate at developing the global accounting environment.

Party Politics of the AKP (2002–2007) and the Predicaments of Women at the Intersection of the Westernist, Islamist and Feminist Discourses in Turkey1

Celebrating the World Women's Day and initiating a conference for promoting Turkey's integration to Europe on the one hand, and discussing the discrimination against women on the ground of human rights and even harbouring the radical protest from left-wing as well as the Islamist women on the other, the women auxiliaries of AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and Development Party) seemingly position themselves at the very intersection of various political discourses including Westernism, feminism, liberalism and Islamism. Articulating these disparate discourses, however, requires a meticulous selectivity and a specific political strategy. Is this discursive selectivity inevitable for an overtly religious party in a modern nation-state where secularism and integration into the European civilisation have dominated the state ideology since its foundation? What are the reactions of outsiders, especially of European countries? More specifically, what are the repercussions of this strategic mentality in terms of the women's question? Does it attract various women's groups and thus create solidarity among different voices? Or on the contrary does it not truncate or even silence the demands of women? This paper discusses the women politicians in the AKP as well as its policies on gender equality and relations. It aims to analyze the party on three angles: women's representations and visibility, changes in political ideology and rhetoric, and the adaptation of party organization to the demands of women.

Reversing exclusion: The Africanisation of accountancy in Kenya, 1963–1970

Accountancy in colonial Kenya was the domain of expatriate British accountants to the virtual exclusion of African Kenyans and marginalisation of Asians. When political independence from the British was achieved in 1963, the new Government initiated programmes of affirmative action and social reform aimed at engendering improved opportunities for the previously disenfranchised indigenous African Kenyans. This study sets out to examine how changes in political ideology at the national level can induce critical change in the organisation and constitution of the accountancy profession. It investigates the pivotal role of the Government in reversing exclusionary closure in the accountancy profession and facilitating the entry of Africans through the introduction of new accountancy education and training programmes. Such affirmative action programmes were instituted as restitution for the injustices suffered by Africans under colonialism and in anticipation of the labour shortages in the wake of departing expatriates post-independence. The evidence presented draws attention to the consequences of such affirmative action programmes and demonstrates that although the growing participation of Africans in the profession between 1963 and 1970 indicates success in reversing exclusion, their acceptance and integration remained more distant objectives.

Reprint of Correction: Does State Political Ideology Change over Time?

PAUL BRACE, RICE UNIVERSITY KEVIN ARCENEAUX, TEMPLE UNIVERSITY MARTIN JOHNSON, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, RIVERSIDE STACY G. ULBIG, MISSOURI STATE UNIVERSITY We recently became aware of a computation error in correlations appearing in footnote 9 on page 536 in our recent article in this journal.1 In searching for the cause of these errors, we became aware that Berry, Ringquist, Fording, and Hanson have produced a series of corrections of their ideology measure, which we use for these correlations and other analysis. The corrected versions of their measures are archived at http://webapp. icpsr.umich.edu/cocoon/ICPSR-STUDY/01208.xml. The primary source of the correlation errors we discovered was a file merging error on our part restricted to the dataset designed to produce the correlations between the Berry et al. measure (1998) and the other ideology measures reported in footnote 9. We recomputed the correlation using their revised measure and correcting our merge procedure with the other measures of ideology to produce the following Spearman's correlations: The Berry et al. (1998) measure is more highly correlated with the Erikson, Wright, and Mclver (Wright 2001) measure and our out-of-sample GSS/ANES state ideology timeseries than we originally reported in our footnote 9. We gratefully acknowledge Evan Ringquist for correspondence that led us to reconsider the correlations in this footnote and the corrected Berry et al. data. Concerned that the corrected Berry et al. measure could produce fundamentally different results concerning intrastate ideological change (one of our primary interests in the paper), we re-analyzed these data to reconsider hypotheses concerning linear, curvilinear, or cyclic patterns of changes in political ideology at the state level. In revisiting our analysis of Berry, et al, data, we discovered an estimation error which affected coefficients on the original table, but not the inferences we drew from it. We replace Table 3 using the updated BRFH data and correcting our estimation. Reanalysis of the recently updated Berry et al. measure does not change our fundamental points: There is more cross-sectional than longitudinal variation in the three measures of state ideology and researchers should be cautious not to confuse the effects of cross-sectional differences with longitudinal changes. Replicating the ANOVA estimation we discuss in the original paper using the corrected Berry et al. data, we similarly find that 5.76 percent of the variation in their new data is attributable to longitudinal differences while 77.3 percent of the measures variance is attributable to differences among states. A small number of states (California and West Virginia) have seen systematic changes in state-level political ideology identified using all three measures of political ideology. We regret error in our original article but appreciate the opportunity to reconsider our conclusions in light of corrections Berry et al. have made to their measure. The fundamental point of our paper does not change. Updated versions of other tables from the article are available at http:// CORRECTION URL. REFERENCES Berry, William D., Evan J. Ringquist, Richard C. Fording, and Russell L. Hanson. 1998. Measuring Citizen and Government Ideology in the American States, 1960-93. American Journal of Political Science 42: 327-48. Wright, Gerald C. 2001. Zip File of the CBS/New York Times National Polls, Ideology Party Identification, 1977-1998. pbrace@rice.edu DUMMY TEXT A Comment on Correction: Does State Political Ideology Change Over Time? WILLIAM D. BERRY, FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY EVAN J. RINGQUIST, INDIANA UNIVERSITY BLOOMINGTON RICHARD C. FORDING, UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY RUSSELL L. HANSON, INDIANA UNIVERSITY BLOOMINGTON Brace et al. (2004: 537) assert that mass political ideology in the American states is overwhelming[ly] stable, based on their analysis of three longitudinal measures of citizen ideology: Berry et al. …

Double jeopardy: the challenge of providing mental health services to older persons.

The provision of mental health care to older Americans poses a unique set of challenges to service providers. Barriers to the provision of care exist at both system and individual levels. Changes in political ideology from the Reagan through the Clinton administrations brought spending cuts and increasing uncertainty about the future of social welfare programs. Faced with frequent funding changes at the federal level, state and local governments must plan services in a framework of uncertainty. This uncertain political atmosphere puts the provision of mental health care to older persons in jeopardy. Medicare reimbursement rates for mental health care are low—about one half the usual and