Political Regime Change Research Articles

India-Latin America Relations, 2000-22: Their Encounter and Shared Gains

ABSTRACT India’s relations with Latin American countries are of long-standing but they had had low salience for both sides. During the early 21st century, the salience increased for both. What explains this change? The confluence of shifts in the structure of the international system, economic and political regime change, and the rise to office of new governments in India and key Latin American countries, in particular Brazil and Mexico, permitted and fostered an acceleration and intensification of relations between India and such countries. The heightened inter-country partnerships during 2004–14 resulted from statecraft, that is, the deliberate actions of the governments of India and its key Latin American partners in response to new international system opportunities and the subsequent actions of their respective business communities. Prime ministers and presidents acted on the structural opportunity to enact innovative foreign policies. These governments coordinated their policies in multilateral institutions, helped to reshape them, and innovated in creating new multilateral entities. They also opened new avenues for business investment and trade. In time, democratic politics – the transfer of power from incumbent parties and leaders to the opposition – converted one administration’s policy into the foreign policy of the State.

Assessment and Analysis of the Complexities in Sustainability of the Transport Projects Under CPEC: A Grounded Theory Approach

This study proposes a modern research framework for establishing a grounded theory perspective on regional development initiatives along the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Grounded theory is a well-known research approach that uses comparative analysis to generate hypotheses from analyzed data. Thematic event analysis exposes the transitions between domains throughout CPEC project design and execution, including political, economic, social, technical, legal, and environmental elements. The Orange Line Metro Train (OLMT) project’s axial coding highlights contextual variables such as problematic agreements, circumvention of regulations, lack of preparation, public indignation, heritage demolition, tree cutting, and regional tensions. These elements, coupled with China-Pakistan relations, the CPEC framework, infrastructural conditions, and other considerations, impact top-down planning, bureaucratic difficulties, and mismanagement of government plans. Consequently, these techniques cause project delays, unsustainable subsidies, historical damage, and environmental implications, raising questions about accountability and political regime change. This chapter focuses on data collection by using the Grounded Theory Method. These ramifications go beyond the CPEC project, emphasizing the significance of consulting key parties and selecting projects based on scientific and technological criteria. Institutional strengthening, climate change policies, and a focus on sustainable development are all critical. Policy consequences include open and accountable resource allocation, enhanced planning and risk assessment, cost-cutting techniques, cultural heritage preservation, specialized courts, and investment in education and healthcare. It is also critical to strengthen democratic institutions and reduce the environmental dangers.

Social and Information Determinants of Modern Non-Classical Methods of Changing Political Regimes (Strategic Dimensions)

The erosion of strategic geopolitical stability in all parts of the world is definitely having a strong negative impact on the social sustainability of our planet. Lack of clear rules of political and economic behavior and the growth of confrontation in international relations lead to a total disorientation of global modern social system. Dominant in this direction are not only current wars and permanent threats of local and global conflict situations, but also the non-conventional (information) technologies, methods and means of changing the political regimes. Despite the terminological diversity in this field, in the last few years there has been a need to fill the „blank space“ in understanding their nature and metrics. The need for a new meaningful definition of the specific political and economic, technological, social and information solutions and implications appeared mostly in social practice. In the present analysis, our attempt is to give a new interpretation to this specific measuring mechanism of the relations between individual states, which has an extraordinary degree of influence on contemporary social, economic and political relations and processes. In our opinion, the appropriate linguistic construction of this “benchmarkˮ is “Saltation diffusion penetrationˮ (SDP). SDP is a “phenomenonˮ that is becoming a dangerous tool for exerting and realizing socio-political and economic tension. Its real manifestations strike the determinants of a social system, its basic (democratic) state principles, and last but not least are a direct threat to its security.

Romanya’da tarım sektörü ve arazi mülkiyet durumu (1990-2020).

Romanya 13,8 milyon hektar tarım arazisiyle Avrupa Birliği Ülkelerinin toplam tarım alanın % 7,2’sine sahiptir. Ülkede yaşanan siyasi rejim değişikleri ve Avrupa Birliği üyeliği, arazi mülkiyetinde yapısal değişime sebep oldu. 1990 sonrasında büyük çiftlik arazilerinin halka dağıtılması sonucu tarlalar küçük parsellere bölündü. Romanya’nın AB’ye katılım sürecinde ve 2007’de gerçekleşen tam üyelik sonrasında yapılan yasal düzenlemeler, çok uluslu şirketlerin kiralama ve satın almalar yoluyla büyük arazilere sahip olmalarını sağladı. 1990 ile 2020 yılları arasını kapsayan bu çalışmada, Romanya’daki arazi mülkiyetinin devlet, bireysel üretici ve tüzel kişiliğe sahip işletmeler şeklinde yıllara göre değişimi ortaya konulmaktadır. Mısır, buğday ve ayçiçeğinin ekim alanı, üretim miktarı ve verimliliğin yıllara göre değişimi, örnek teşkil etmesi adına tablolar şeklinde gösterilmektedir. AB ülkelerinde kullanılan NUTS sınıflandırması ile Romanya 8 bölgeye ayrılarak incelenmiştir. Kaynak olarak, FAOSTAT ve Romanya Ulusal İstatistik Ajansı esas alınmıştır. Arazi kullanımı verileri CORINE tarafından sağlanmış ve ARCMap ortamında oluşturulmuştur.

Building partial 3D models of cultural monuments

"Contemporary society does not value the cultural heritage of its ancestors", is often heard. But this is not always due to people's reluctance and indifference. There are also objective reasons. Many cultural monuments cannot be maintained because of property rights and other intentions of the owners, sometimes because of lack of funds or because of political reasons - after the change of political regime there is no longer a strong motivation to protect and maintain the cultural monuments of the past regime. These monuments are slowly disappearing and are inevitably being gnawed by the ravages of time. This situation has not been helped by the COVID 19 pandemic, and it is not helped by the current post-pandemic era. The modern age and the modern technologies it has brought with it, even in the area of heritage protection, can be of great help to us. Everyday devices such as mobile phones, tablets and other ICT devices, which can be used to create 3D models without the need for professional equipment, are a good tool for preserving cultural heritage in digital form for an almost indefinite period of time. Therefore, this possibility is becoming accessible to the general public, even to individuals. We are already witnessing a rapid expansion of computer science and it can therefore be assumed (as our own experience has already taught us) that what we cannot currently complete or process perfectly, we may be able to do in the future. It therefore makes sense to address this issue. It is not always necessary to create a perfect model of a large building, but sometimes it is enough to preserve, for example, one wall, a fresco or a part of a real monument. And this is the area we will focus on in our paper.

Water for All: Community, Property, and Revolution in Modern Bolivia

Water for All: Community, Property, and Revolution in Modern Bolivia

The representation of the 1989 regime change in contemporary Hungarian prose texts

AbstractA fundamental segment of contemporary Hungarian prose literature has attempted to represent and textually portray the change in political regimes which took place in 1989. The dictatorship, the totalitarian system and the subsequent transition period proved to be excellent raw material; resulting in a very different kind of prose which, when compared to previous representations of Transylvania, elicits attention on the one hand by being distinctly separate from the assumption of an ideological role, and on the other hand by creating the given linguistic and fictional space through continuous transition(s), (inter-ethnic) in-betweenness and the relevance of otherness.

Культурная политика и ценностные ориентиры молодежи Северной Осетии в 1990-х г.: на материалах периодической печати

The study of conditions and mechanisms of adaptation, socialization and creative self-realization of young people in the conditions of transformation processes seems relevant in recent decades both in Russia and in the modern world as a whole. Researchers note that values, ideals, meanings, civic initiatives, creative and professional aspirations of young people in a particular period form the basis of the socio-cultural image of the state and influence its future. For our society and statehood, the 1990s were a difficult and transformational time, marked by decay in all spheres of life. The change of political regime and transition to market relations was spontaneous: the Soviet values were losing their relevance, and new ideals had not yet taken shape. Young people, who were at the stage of personal development, had to experience this period in a special way. The transformation of the sociopolitical and economic system was twofold: on the one hand, the opportunities for professional, creative selfrealization became wider, and on the other hand, young people were unprepared for such dramatic changes. In the present article, the author has attempted to study the example of periodicals, namely youth issues of “Darial”, the factors of value orientations, mechanisms to creative and professional self-realization in the socio-political and economic crisis in the country. Analysis of the involved materials shows that most of the young generation in the study period, despite the difficult socio-political and economic situation, in the valuepriority aspirations of life were focused on self-development, self-realization and creativity.

Проблема дефініції «перехідного правосуддя» у сучасному філософсько-правовому дискурсі

The article carries out a philosophical and legal analysis of existing approaches to the definition of "transitional justice" and forms the author's position regarding its understanding. Two features of the emergence of the model of transitional justice are singled out: 1) the studied model is built on practical experience, and later became the basis of theoretical studies on transitional justice; 2) this model arises at the initiative of the international community as a reaction to repeated violations of human rights. It was determined that despite the general nature of the definition of transitional justice defined by the UN, many researchers criticize it for the following reasons: firstly, its content does not cover the occasions of changes in political regimes during which human rights were violated; secondly, it does not indicate the admissibility or inadmissibility of using the concept of transitional justice during an armed conflict, or the possibility of its application only after the end of the conflict; thirdly, the definition defined by the UN does not reflect the relationship between transitional justice and international law. The author's definition of transitional justice is proposed, it is a set of tools, processes and mechanisms aimed at overcoming the consequences of human rights abuses in the context of armed conflicts and/or changes in political regimes, which consist, first of all, in bringing to justice those guilty of committed offenses, compensation for damage (as moral and material), establishing the truth about the circumstances in which human rights were violated, achieving reconciliation and establishing justice.

Democracy and Firm Productivity: Evidence from Indonesia

Abstract While recent work suggests democracy does cause growth, the channels through which this effect occurs remain unclear. Exploiting quasi-random variation in the timing of district-level political regime changes induced by the collapse of President Suharto's government, we study the microlevel drivers of the democracy-growth relationship. Using Indonesian firm-level data, we find that democratization leads to an increase in firm productivity, a critical determinant of economic growth. Furthermore we find evidence of an improvement in the quality of local business regulations and the business environment for firms.

Cuisine in transition? Organic residue analysis of domestic containers from 9th-14th century Sicily.

From the 9th to 14th centuries AD, Sicily experienced a series of rapid and quite radical changes in political regime, but the impact of these regime changes on the lives of the people that experienced them remains largely elusive within the historical narrative. We use a multi-faceted lipid residue approach to give direct chemical evidence of the use of 248 everyday domestic ceramic containers from Islamic and post-Islamic contexts in western Sicily to aid our understanding of daily habits throughout this period of political change. A range of commodities was successfully identified, including animal fats, vegetable products, fruit products (potentially including wine) and plant resins. The study highlights the complexity of residues in early medieval Mediterranean society as, in many cases, mixtures of commodities were observed reflecting sequential cooking events and/or the complex mixtures reflective of medieval recipes. However, overall, there were no clear changes in the composition of the residues following the imposition of Norman control over the island and through subsequent periods, despite some differences between urban centres and rural sites. Thus, lending to the idea that post-Islamic populations largely flourished and benefited from the agricultural systems, resources and recipes left by their predecessors.

Researching the impact of corruption and organized crime on FDI in Europe: a literature review

Eastern European societies and their economies have experienced specific and/or asymmetrical developments over the last 70 years. The political regime changes at the end of the 80s led these countries on the path of market economy and opened the doors for foreign investors’ presence, as privatizations of previously state-owned companies were considered beneficial for economic progress. Starting in the mid-90s and more so after the association of countries in the region to the European Union and NATO, foreign investors found interesting opportunities as greenfield projects or partnerships with local entities. However, the presence of foreign direct investments (FDI) in Eastern Europe was uneven across countries and regions, which may be due to a certain extent to corruption and organized crime groups. This paper aims to conduct a systematic review of the literature that has focused on analyzing the influence of corruption and organized crime in attracting foreign direct investment using quantitative methods, focusing on empirical studies conducted in Europe since 2000. Our main purpose is to summarize the different research approaches, to offer a discussion and suggestions for future research, and to provide some relevant and justified answers to the following question: To what extent are corruption, organized crime, and FDI analyzed in European countries?
 Keywords: foreign direct investments, organized crime, corruption, GDP, quantitative methods

Informational feedback between voting and speculative trading

This paper develops a model to investigate the interaction between collective decision making in voting and financial speculation. Protesting voters demand policy reforms by voting against the incumbent, but too many opposing votes result in an unfavorable outcome: a political regime change. Traders speculate on the change of the political regime. The size of the speculation informs voters about the electorate's composition, thereby influencing the outcome of the election. We find that, in equilibrium, the strategic substitutability of protest voting makes speculations strategic substitutes via informational feedback, thereby incentivizing speculators to trade less on the correlated public signal. This strengthens the role of financial markets in providing information and amplifies the impact of the financial market's information on ex post political outcomes. We relate our theory to the Brexit referendum, and further discuss the robustness and limitations of our findings by considering more general information environments and voter preferences.

The effect of political and bureaucratic regime changes on Australia's real interest rate

We attempt to find out if changes in political and bureaucratic regimes lead to significant mean shifts in the Australian short-term real interest rate, using quarterly data for the period 1970:3 to 2019:1. Utilising a sophisticated structural break test, three distinct structural breaks are found in Australia's real interest rate. The empirical results show that a model estimated to consider the shifts in the political regime explains more of the variation in the real interest rate compared to a model that incorporates shifts in the bureaucratic regime. Results from several non-nested model selection tests also confirm this finding.

Crisis, state of emergency and state terrorism: particularities of the dictatorship in Argentina (1976−1983)

In Argentina, the 1976 coup d’état was a change of political regime and not just a change of government, from one of democratic origin turned authoritarian to another with fascistic tendencies, since the constant amplification of the State of exception will constitute a structure of state power of fascist projection, whose central characteristics were the expansion of the repressive apparatus and the institutionalization of new branches of the State: the Detention and Extermination Centers and the Task Forces. The character of the regime, however, had a dense sedimentation that combined a complex axiology. The notion of exceptionality allows us to elaborate the problem from a stage prior to State terrorism and to observe how legal and political statutes, for example the exception, secrecy, and military intelligence in a framework of severe capitalist crisis, derived in authoritarian forms of democratic regime and were generating the conditions for the coup d’état. Once the last dictatorship occurred, the concept of exception gave us access to correlate the repressive model with the characteristics of the political regime.

Economic Notes on the Concept of Political Power

ABSTRACT These notes offer an unusual perspective on democracy by interpreting key categories of political science through the lens of economics, specifically drawing from the ‘theory of the firm’ literature. Due to incomplete contracts, political power is conceptualized as a variable quantum that balances power resources with constitutional and electoral constraints. Accordingly, the proposed model is used to explain how the amount of power can vary over time, what its determinants are, and what mechanisms can lead to political regime change in an era of world polarized by democracies and autocracies.

Myslet revoluci: Koncept, periodizace, historiografie

This study examines the concept of revolution, the ways in which it has been treated in historiography and the current trends in historical analysis. First, domestic historiography is reviewed in relation to the use of the concept of revolution in different contexts of the past (political, industrial, demographic or Neolithic revolution). Subsequently, the text is divided into three parts. The first, “conceptualization”, part confronts Martin Edward Malia’s concept of the great (civilizing or modernizing) revolution with the more usual understanding of revolution as a change of political regime in a particular country. The second, “periodization”, part reflects on the importance of determining the start and the completion of the revolutionary process, including the question of dividing the revolutionary process into standardized stages. The third, “historiography”, part summarizes the development of historiography, dividing it into four stages.

Концепт політичної довіри та реалії посттоталітаризму (методологічний аспект)

The article considers the interrelation between the mechanisms of total control implementation and political trust formation in a totalitarian state with an emphasis on the goals and methods of shaping social awareness, which determines the features of the further transformation of the political regime. In particular, the expediency of interpreting the features of posttotalitarian consciousness as a factor in the formation of institutional trust in the process of democratization is argued. The relevance of the research question is determined by the fact that political trust is traditionally analyzed to explain public support for politicians or political institutions in a democratic or transitional regime. However, sometimes scholars ignore or even deny its role in supporting certain types of undemocratic authority. In this context, considering the general interpretation of totalitarianism as mass terror, as well as its broader understanding with the recognition of the monistic essence, the article proposes to shift the focus of attention to the controlling function of the state, realized through mass repressions, mass propaganda activities and the process of resocialization. Arguing that a totalitarian state requires a specific subjectivity from citizens in establishing such political control, the author proposes to consider the combination of violent coercion (external control) with political self-censorship (internal control) as a condition for its totality. Therefore, from a methodological point of view, the expediency of determing external control as a factor of the formation of political trust, and political self-censorship as a consequence of trust in totalitarian authority is argued. The article also substantiates that the government-supported inversion relationship between political and interpersonal trust is important for explaining the specifics of trust after the change of political regime in the state. Consequently, author proves that the so-called artificial formation of trust within the dictatorship plays a significant role in explaining post-totalitarian transformations. In particular, it determines the support of formal and informal political institutions in the context of democratization.

Impact of change in political regimes on the stock market volatility: evidence from India

Impact of change in political regimes on the stock market volatility: evidence from India

ВО ИМЯ STATUS QUO: США И ПРОБЛЕМА ОБЪЕДИНЕНИЯ КОРЕИ В 1955–1966 ГОДЫ

The article examines the U.S. approaches to the Korean question in the decade between the failure of the 1954 Geneva Conference, the entry into force of the U.S.–South Korea mutual defense treaty and the establishment of a new status quo in the region, and the beginning of the conflict in the Korean DMZ of 1966–1969. During this period, the Americans insisted that only the Republic of Korea, established in 1948 with the direct UN involvement, was the only legitimate regime on the peninsula. They allowed Korean unification only in the format of North Korea's accession to the Republic of Korea. The evolution of American policy in the region in the context of the change of political regimes in the south of the country and the transformation of North Korean tactics to restore the territorial unity of Korea are discussed. In general, during the period under review, the Americans quite effectively resisted the DPRK's attempts to put the issue of restoring Korean unity on the international agenda in a constructive way. The UN acted as a tool for legitimizing the U.S. military presence in the region, while the Korean Unification and Restoration Commission in fact merely broadcasted South Korea’s official point of view on events. On the other hand, the contradictions between real U.S. policy and Washington's articulated support for Korean unity discredited the American position in the eyes of the southerners. The Communists did not doze off, systematically working to strengthen their position in the UN. Under these circumstances, by the second half of the 1960s, the U.S. position on the Korean issue at the UN was in dire need of modernization.