Changes In Political Leadership Research Articles

Торгово-экономические отношения между Арменией и Россией в постсоветский период

The article examines the problems and prospects of post-Soviet integration on the example of trade and economic relations between Armenia and Russia. The reasons for Armenia’s accession to the EAEU and at the same time the signing of the Comprehensive and Expanded Partnership Agreement with the EU, which is considered a simplified version of the Association Agreement are analyzed. The author studies new vectors of development of the Republic of Armenia after the change of political leadership as a result of the “velvet revolution” of 2018 as a manifestation of greater pragmatism in integration cooperation with the EAEU countries and protection of national interests in the conduct of a multi-vector policy.

Leadership turnover, winning coalition size and foreign policy realignment

Why do states realign their foreign policies toward a major power? Conventional wisdom holds that change in political leadership tends to result in less drastic foreign policy realignment in countries with large winning coalitions. The current study capitalizes on this conventional wisdom by invoking a key insight of the selectorate theory, the non-linear welfare function. Since the welfare of coalition members falls before it rises as the size of winning coalition becomes larger, one should expect the stabilizing effects of winning coalitions to be the weakest for low-to-medium sized winning coalitions. Thus, leadership turnover in countries with middle-sized winning coalitions is expected to result in greater foreign policy realignment than in countries with very large or very small coalitions. We test this theoretical proposition by studying the foreign policies of 154 countries towards China from 1972 to 2015. With newly constructed measures of leadership turnover and winning coalitions size, the evidence supports a non-linear relationship between change in leadership and foreign policy realignment along the continuum of winning coalition size.

THE ROLE OF UKRAINE’S CIVILIZATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF ITS EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

The article examines the issue of institutionalization in Ukrainian society with special emphasis on the process of European integration and the role played by civilizational choice and civilizational identity in this matter. The research overviews the peculiarities of the institutionalization process of Ukraine as a post-Soviet country, the challenges it faces in the development of European integration and the general perception of Ukraine as a predictable international player. The author briefly reviews the process of institutionalization of European integration in Ukraine and shows that the European civilizational choice and the factor of Russian aggression play a decisive role in revitalizing this process, based on direct public demand for such institutionalization, which is now less dependent from the changes in political leadership. As an example of institutional changes caused by the civilizational choice of the Ukrainian people, there are changes in the practice of diplomacy, in particular regarding the use of civilizational rhetoric, as well as changes in the very functioning of the state system, which now combines the efforts of domestic and foreign policy departments for the development of Ukraine’s European integration. Ukrainian diplomats turned out to be the environment that was most sensitive to the public demand for a change in the civilizational direction of Ukraine’s development. The article also provides ideas for further development of this topic.

Failed Coup: The Assassination of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon’s Struggle for the Throne, 681–680 B.C.

Abstract Forty-three years after the publication of Simo Parpola’s article “The Murderer of Sennacherib,” the events of his assassination in 681 BC and Esarhaddon’s accession to the throne continue to provoke debate. More than a simple act of murder, the assassination of Sennacherib should be understood as an attempted coup d’ état, a strategically planned attempt to use force to bring about a change in political leadership. Combining a new examination of the many sources associated with this event with fresh theoretical perspectives derived from the study of modern coups d’état, this article refutes recent suggestions that Esarhaddon played a role in the murder of his father. It argues that Sennacherib did in fact disinherit Urad-Mullissu in favor of Esarhaddon, that Urad-Mullissu successfully recruited professional chariot units based in Nineveh to participate in his conspiracy, and that Esarhaddon was likely based in the city of Dur-Katlimmu at the time of his father’s assassination. Esarhaddon avoided assassination and prevailed in the conflict which followed by leveraging his status as the designated heir to create the perception that his candidacy for the throne was endorsed by the gods and therefore his victory was inevitable. Nevertheless, the assassination and the brief civil war that followed cast a pall over Esarhaddon’s reign, shaping his own succession arrangements as well as the atmosphere of paranoia which marked his final years.

Cultural Diplomacy as a Key Component of Economic and Political Diplomacy: The Lessons For Nigeria

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of cultural diplomacy as key component of economic and political diplomacy: the lessons for Nigeria using UAE as a benchmark for comparison.
 Methodology: The paper used liberal theory to demonstrate the link between cultural and economic diplomacy. This being qualitative research, the paper was anchored on secondary sources, which included textbooks, journal publications, government and newspaper publications. The secondary data collected was thoroughly subjected to content analysis.
 Findings: The study revealed that cultural diplomacy builds "trust" between countries. This lays the groundwork for political, economic, and military agreements. The goal is to develop durable relationships among the peoples beyond the changes in political leadership, and this is to be done via the trajectory of culture.
 Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: this study's findings have far-reaching implications for diplomatic theory, policy formulation, and practical applications. By recognizing the power of cultural diplomacy in building trust, fostering economic growth, and preserving cultural heritage, nations and international actors can work collaboratively to create a more interconnected and harmonious global community.

The politics of freeports – a place-based analysis of regional economic regeneration in the United Kingdom

Freeports are special economic zones, providing tax and customs benefits aimed at reducing economic friction and encouraging regional development. This place-based policy analysis of UK freeports draws upon qualitative interviews and deliberative workshops with leading industry, government, and civil society stakeholders in the two largest Freeport regions – Teesside and Liverpool. We find first, that purported tax, customs, and planning benefits are deemed less economically important than the agglomeration of innovation industries within a defined geographic boundary. Second, that stronger action on environmental and economic (in)justice is needed – Freeports could be a just transition mechanism if they can avoid capture by a ‘closed shop’ of industry players. Third, Freeports could facilitate cross-sectoral low-carbon economic regeneration, though they are subject to cycles of expectation, hype, and disappointment. We conclude that national policymakers must acknowledge the competing geographic and governance scales emerging within Freeport-hosting communities, as distributive environmental injustices between different locations remain broadly unaddressed. Finally, though cognisant of changes in political leadership on the horizon, we conclude that Freeports will increase the geographic spread of environmental injustice if this model of low-tax and low-regulation economics becomes a political norm within UK regional economic redevelopment strategy.

The shifting political-administrative interface under Westminster: Australia’s prime ministerial views from Fraser to Morrison

Effective administrative-political relationships are vital for the quality of public administration, both within Westminster-style systems and beyond. However, changes in political practice can put pressure on Westminster administrative conventions. More broadly, recent research interest in the changes in accountability relationships between bureaucrats and political principals and associated challenges to the neutrality of the public service have highlighted the need for further work to explore the changing operation of administrative-political relationships. This article analyses 15 key speeches of eight Australian Prime Ministers to explore whether there has been a significant shift in expectations of the public service, and whether these shifts represent a fracturing of Westminster conventions, or are a result of ongoing trends such as higher expectations of public sector responsiveness and the shift to market mechanisms consistent with New Public Management. The article makes two contributions: it analyses the approaches of Prime Ministers in Australia from different political parties over nearly 50 years and it contributes to understanding shifts in the relationship between governments and the public sector. The analysis also has implications for underlying concerns about how public institutions cope with changes in political leadership, and about how democratic institutions manage under increasingly right-wing governments.

Do domestic institutional actors matter in Georgian foreign policy? Unpacking national role conceptions of bureaucracies and political parties in Georgia

ABSTRACT How do national role conceptions (NRCs) of domestic institutional actors change in response to external and internal shocks? Using role theory in foreign policy analysis, this article explores how bureaucratic agencies and political parties in Georgia respond to shocks, such as the 2008 Russo-Georgian War and changes in political leadership. Content analysis of 18 hand-coded documents, including all security, military, and foreign policy strategies as well as ten party manifestos of three ruling parties of Georgia, shows that NRCs are modified in response to shocks. While bureaucracies are more stable, party responses have varied between radicalisation and compensation strategies.

The Rise of China and Evolving Defense Cooperation between India and Japan

This research paper investigates the evolving defense cooperation between India and Japan in the context of the strategic landscape in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly considering China’s rise. The existing literature recognizes China’s increasing influence as a significant factor in India-Japanese security cooperation, but tends to overlook the dynamics behind India’s shifting stance. The study reveals that India initially hesitated to actively engage in anti-China security cooperation with Japan until the mid-2010s, but later adopted a more proactive partnership. An analysis of policy documents, political speeches, and government records attributes India’s initial reluctance to its commitment to non-alignment and strategic autonomy, its desire to balance relations with both China and Japan, and its domestic political priorities favoring economic development over military expansion or strategic alliances. However, growing concerns over China’s assertiveness, military modernization, a change in political leadership, and the Quad’s development as a regional security platform have prompted India’s attitude shift. The research’s recommendations not only offer a roadmap for India, Japan, and other Indo-Pacific countries with deep economic ties to China, but also help combat China’s military threats to contribute to regional stability and security, address common challenges, and foster a peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific region.

Political Uncertainty and Corporate Investment: Evidence from the Chinese Private Companies

China’s political system has continued to maintain a highly centralized regime despite embracing a decentralized development strategy after the 1979 economic reform. The central government frequently makes changes in political leadership to control regional governments. Such political turnover in the regional governments can generate substantial political uncertainty, which affects the overall management direction and environment of Chinese public enterprises. This study analyzes the impact of replacing city-level party secretaries (CPS) on corporate investment in 228 municipal cities in China. Political appointees can replace city-level party secretaries from within and outside the city or from higher levels of the government. Our empirical results show that these kinds of replacements more significantly dampened investment activities in listed private companies than in companies in which the city-level party secretaries have retained their positions. Corporate investment activities decreased more when a city-level party secretary was replaced with a person outside the city or parachuted from central government than when replaced within the city. Moreover, replacement effects were more negative for privatized state-owned enterprises (SOEs) than for the original privately owned companies.

The main directions of Turkey’s policy in Central Asia

Central Asia is strategically important for the security and stability of the EuroAtlantic region. The region’s energy resources are vital to global energy security and it is a major hub for oil and gas pipelines and trade corridors. This article provides an overview of Turkey’s bilateral and multilateral relations with the states of Central Asia since independence. The relevance of the article is due to the major political changes that are taking place in the states of Central Asia, and in the two largest of them, there is a change in political leadership. Despite the fact that the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in Central Asia over the past thirty years has had its ups and downs, it is considered indisputable that the country has managed to become one of the significant geopolitical players in the region through the strengthening of bilateral relations, as well as in the framework of multilateral cooperation. As the largest Turkic-speaking state, Turkey is considering the new “Turkic” states of the CAR from the point of view of creating a Turkic union under the auspices of Turkey – the “Great Turan” project. The idea of a Turkic union is one of the main priorities of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, which would allow it to strengthen its position in the international arena. Historical, cultural, linguistic, and religious identity with the countries of the Central Asian region, as well as in the context of R. Erdogan’s new foreign policy and a more active role in international relations, Turkey is becoming a new participant in the “Great Game”. In this sense, when analyzing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in Central Asia in this article, this issue is studied both in bilateral and regional formats.

Understanding the Dangers of Mind Changes in Political Leadership (and How to Avoid Them)

Political leaders may change their mind about a policy, or even a significant moral issue. While genuinely changing one’s mind is not hypocritical, there are reasons to think that leaders who claim such a change are merely hypocritically pandering for political advantage. Indeed, some social science studies allegedly confirm that constituents will judge political leaders who change positions as hypocritical. Yet these studies are missing crucial details that we normally use to distinguish genuine mind changers from hollow hypocrites. These details suggest ways in which political leaders can communicate that their mind change is genuine without necessarily being judged hypocritical.

Nigeria’s 2023 Election: A Change in Political Leadership

At the beginning of 2023, the second (and last) term of Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency came to an end. On February 25, there took place a general election, as a result of which Bola Tinubu, the candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress, was elected as the new head of state. The election was held against the backdrop of a marked polarization of the country along ethnic and religious lines, exacerbated by the divisive rhetoric of certain presidential conten-ders. The new leader will face a host of challenges ranging from a security crisis to a mismanaged economy. Political instability persists in many parts of the country: terrorists of Boko Haram and its splinter group, the Islamic State West Africa Province, operate in the northeast; the conflict between pastoralists and farmers is escalating in the northwest and central regions; in the south, in the Niger Delta, anti-government groups engage in oil theft and vandalism; there is an upsurge of pro-Biafra separatist sentiment in the southeast, etc. At the same time, the coming to power in Nigeria of B.Tinubu, who actively participated in the political life of the country during the terms of M.Buhari and supported the former president in many undertakings, is unlikely to lead to fundamental changes in domestic, economic and foreign policymaking, including Abuja’s relations with Moscow.

Malaysia’s path to the Strategic Trade Act

ABSTRACT In 2010, six years after news broke that the A. Q. Khan nuclear smuggling ring was making components for Libya’s nuclear program a short distance from Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia adopted comprehensive export controls. Because Malaysia, like many developing and middle-income countries, had little to gain in security terms from such controls and potentially much to lose economically, its decision to introduce them seems puzzling. Drawing on a series of interviews with Malaysian officials and civil society, this article contributes to a growing literature on states’ nonproliferation policies by exploring that puzzle. The article considers the existing literature that purports to explain why states impose export controls and identifies three plausible factors behind Malaysia’s decision to do so: international norms, side payments, and political leadership. The article then details Kuala Lumpur’s development of export controls and assesses the role of each factor. Consistent with recent studies of the international nonproliferation order, the article concludes that Malaysia’s decision to introduce export controls was driven mainly by the promise of political and economic side payments from external actors, especially the United States, and by domestic changes in political leadership.

A Community-Led Central Kitchen Model for School Feeding Programs in the Philippines: Learnings for Multisectoral Action for Health.

In devolved governments like the Philippines, local government units (LGUs) must be engaged to develop and coordinate responses to tackle the multisectoral problem of childhood undernutrition. However, current Philippine nutrition interventions, such as decentralized school feeding programs (SFPs), generally rely on the national government, public school teachers, or the private sector for implementation, with mixed results. The central kitchen model for SFPs was developed by 2 Philippine nongovernmental organizations and facilitated large-scale in-school feeding through community multisectoral action. This case study documented coordination processes in February 2018 for 1 urban city and 1 rural province-the model's earliest large-scale implementation sites-that contributed to its institutionalization and sustainability. Data from 24-hour dietary recalls with 308 rural and 310 urban public school students and household surveys with their caregivers showed undernutrition was an urgent problem. Enabling factors and innovative local solutions were explored in focus group discussions with 160 multisector participants and implementers in health care, education, and government, as well as volunteers, parents, and central kitchen staff. The locally led and operated central kitchens promoted community ownership by embedding volunteer pools in social networks and spurring demand for related social services from their LGU. With the LGU as the face of implementation, operations were sustained despite political leadership changes, fostering local government stewardship over nutrition. Leveraging national legislation and funding for SFPs and guided by the Department of Education's standards for SFP eligibility, LGUs had room to adapt the model to local needs. Central kitchens afforded opportunities for scale-up and flexibility that were utilized during natural disasters and the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. The case demonstrated empowering civil society can hold volunteers, local implementers, and local governments accountable for multisectoral action in decentralized settings. The model may serve as a template for how other social services can be scaled and implemented in devolved settings.

Partisan Fertility and Presidential Elections

Changes in political leadership drive sharp changes in public policy and partisan beliefs about the future. We exploit the surprise 2016 election of Trump to identify the effects of a shift in political power on one of the most consequential household decisions: whether to have a child. Republican-leaning counties experience a sharp and persistent increase in fertility relative to Democratic counties, a shift amounting to 1.2–2.2 percent of the national fertility rate. In addition, Hispanics see fertility fall relative to non-Hispanics, especially compared to rural or evangelical Whites. (JEL D72, J13)

Соціально-економічні та соціокультурні трансформації в подільському селі в 1950–1960-х рр. (на матеріалах села Мельниківець)

Метою статті є, на прикладі конкретного мікроісторичного дослідження, обгрунтувати соціально-економічні та соціокультурні трансформації в подільському селі у 1950 – 1960-х рр. Методологія дослідження включає як спеціально-історичні, так і міждисциплінарні методи. Серед спеціальних методів слід вказати передусім на метод історіографічного аналізу, завдяки якому розкрито стан наукового вивчення проблеми. Проблемно-хронологічний метод дозволив поділити досліджувану тему на вузькі проблеми та розглянути їх в хронологічному порядку. Порівняльні спекти трансформацій в подільському селі в повоєнний період виконані в контексті порівняльно-історичного методу. Наукова новизна визначається тим, що означена тема не була предметом спеціального наукового дослідження, а також спробою автора розкрити проблему на матеріалах конкретного мікроісторичного дослідження. Висновки. Смерть вождя та зміна політичного керівництва поклали край сталінській аграрній політиці, що базувалася на адміністративному позаекономічному примусі, ігноруванні основних економічних законів та цілеспрямованому постійному викачуванні матеріальних ресурсів із сільського господарства. Реформи аграрного сектору першої половини 1950-х рр., які були покликані зменшити командно-адміністративний вплив на керівництво колгоспів та збільшити ініціативи останніх щодо масштабів планування та вирощення продукції, в цілому сприяли піднесенню сільського господарства та деякому покращенню становища колгоспного селянства на Поділлі. Зростання врожайності зернових дало змогу не лише активізувати розвиток тваринницької галузі та придбати необхідну сільськогосподарську техніку, але й акумулювати певну частку грошей на виплату зарплат колгоспникам. В той же час, політика укрупнення колгоспів не тільки не призвела до корінних змін в організації та технології виробництва, але й мала довгострокові руйнівні наслідки. Об’єднані господарства ставали малокерованими, колгоспники – більш відчуженими один від одного. Спостерігалося звуження елементів колгоспної демократії та відчуження селянства від землі. Певні успіхи колгоспного будівництва та деяке покращення матеріального добробуту селян не позначилися на поліпшенні культурно-освітньої сфери подільського села. Сільські школи та клуби, що розглядалися як центри впровадження в селянське середовище комуністичної ідеології і моралі та були покликані змінити світогляд і вплинути на духовне життя селянства, тривалий час перебували у непридатних приміщеннях, які не відповідали санітарно-гігієнічним нормам. Будівництво нових освітніх та культурних установ держава пропонувала здійснювати за кошти колгоспів або ж самих селян. Нерідко селяни скаржились на недостатній рівень медичного обслуговування. Фельдшерсько-акушерські пункти знаходились у непристосованих приміщеннях, бракувало досвідчених фахівців, виділених коштів не вистачало на закупівлю медикаментів. В другій половині 1960-х рр. було активізовано роботу із розбудови інфраструктури та благоустрою подільського села. Однак, через відсутність державних дотацій, успіхи були незначними. Переважна частина населених пунктів не мали доріг із твердим покриттям. Будинки сільських мешканців тривалий час залишалися неелектрифікованими. Забезпечення селян продовольчими та промисловими товарами здійснювалось за залишковим принципом. Спроби ж селян покинути село і виїхати до міста не мали успіху, оскільки колгосп не був зацікавлений у втраті робочої сили.

Analyzing the critical factors for innovation sustainability in the public sector: evidence from Indonesia

PurposeThis study examines the critical factors contributing to the different conditions of innovation sustainability after a change in local political leadership.Design/methodology/approachThis study used a multiple case study approach and applied the critical incident technique (CIT) to collect and analyze data from four innovation cases in the two local governments of Indonesia.FindingsThe results highlight that the sustainability condition of each innovation after the political regime change is determined by multiple critical factors.Research limitations/implicationsFirst, the data collected through interviews may contain a memory bias. Second, this study was limited to local governments and did not consider innovation taxonomies.Practical implicationsThe study implies that in order to sustain innovation, public leaders must support innovation legitimacy as a new organizational structure; thus, it can be more durable in the long term. In addition, public leaders need to minimize innovation politicization by authorizing bureaucrats to autonomously manage innovation operationalization.Social implicationsPublic leaders need to pay careful attention to their innovation sustainability because a non-sustained policy can disappoint the individuals working for it, losing their trust and enthusiasm. This dissatisfaction could become a barrier to mobilizing support for the following policies.Originality/valueInnovation sustainability is a new theme that is overlooked in the public sector innovation literature. Therefore, investigations using different methods and contexts are required, as this study offers. This study also demonstrated the value of CIT in identifying critical factors affecting innovation sustainability in the context of political leadership change.

Job Satisfaction and Extension Modalities Employed by the Extension Professionals in the Occidental Mindoro State College’s Extension Delivery Service

The study was conducted to determine the extension modalities employed by the extension professionals, problems encountered in conducting extension service, and their job satisfaction in the extension delivery service.
 The study employed descriptive research design. The Minnesota Satisfaction Questionnaire (MSQ) collection instrument was used. The respondents were purposively selected from the list of faculty and staff actively involved in extension service. Descriptive statistics were used to analyse the gathered data.
 Result shows the extension modalities were “sometimes” employed by the extension professionals during the conduct of extension activities.
 Further, the “highly’ serious problem encountered were lack of extension worker's competencies, change in political leadership , lack of trainings in extension methods and communication skills, and too much academic work in addition to field work. However, they were “highly satisfied” with their extension work.
 As the fulfilment of extension professionals in the academe, there is a need to revisit their job satisfaction that could also lead to an improved and effective delivery of extension.
 The paper presents a model on job satisfaction that draws on experiences of extension professions that could be applied to early career and continuing professional development in the academe.

Towards Housing First and harm reduction: addressing opioid dependence and homelessness in Tshwane during the COVID-19 pandemic

Pandemics can increase mortality and drug-related harms among people experiencing homelessness. The Housing First approach prioritises housing and service access. Harm reduction, a principle of Housing First, minimises the consequences of drug use. This chapter presents lessons learnt from the application of Housing First and harm reduction principles with homeless people in Tshwane, South Africa, between April 2020 and March 2021. Quantitative service delivery data were retrospectively reviewed and analysed using descriptive statistics. Accounts by authors who participated in the COVID-19 response were collectively discussed in relation to the Housing First and harm reduction actors and process. Issues were synthesised in relation to two six-month periods. A task team was established to co-ordinate Tshwane’s response. In the first six months, 1 440 temporary bed-spaces were created at 25 shelters, and 2 066 people at shelters received food, social support and on-site healthcare services. Across shelters, 1 076 residents were started on methadone to manage opioid withdrawal. By the second six-month period, many gains were lost. Changes in political leadership stalled plans to reintegrate people housed in temporary shelters, and reduced funding led to shelter closures. By April 2021, more shelters operated than in pre- COVID-19 times, harm reduction capacitation for shelter staff continued, and local government committed to establish a street homelessness unit. Through a combination of funding and collaboration, progress was made towards Housing First and harm reduction for homeless people in Tshwane. A national policy on homelessness should be developed, funded and implemented. This should be informed by additional research, developed in partnership with affected populations, and built on a common understanding of Housing First and harm reduction.