Central Party Research Articles

How China’s Supreme People’s Court Supports the Development of Foreign-Related Rule of Law

Abstract This article provides a detailed analysis of the evolution of the role of the Supreme People’s Court (spc) in the Xi Jinping era, examining functions little explored in scholarship. It explains how and why the spc supports national strategies, focusing on the development of “foreign-related rule of law” through multiple “active” functions. It explores that work in the context of strengthened Communist Party leadership of the courts and other legal institutions. The article examines the spc’s functions of “policy-making,” “law-making,” case hearing, and coordinating and cooperating with central Party and state institutions and how they are used to support the development of “foreign-related rule of law.” The discussion of those functions also illustrates the impact of strengthened Communist Party leadership. The Politburo’s 2023 collective study session on foreign-related rule of law signals that the spc’s foreign-related judicial expertise as exercised through its multiple functions is crucially important to the Party leadership. The article illustrates one aspect of the unique role of the spc as China’s highest court in its dynamic political-legal system and the way in which it supports evolving national strategies and the implementation of fundamental policies.

Bringing the campaign closer to the voters: Facebook in partisan-managed campaigning in France

Abstract During presidential campaigns, party members often operate Facebook pages or groups concurrently with the official communications of their respective political parties. However, there is limited evidence regarding the true motivations of these partisans, and how their efforts supplement the online strategies of the parties. Our study is based on interviews conducted with party members who ran Facebook pages to support a candidate during the 2022 French presidential campaign. It sheds light on how they managed their Facebook pages, often autonomously, to serve as supplementary tools to their grassroots tactics and ultimately to bring the campaign closer to the voters. This finding highlights the emergence of a hybrid model of online campaign organization, the partisan-managed campaigning model, which challenges both the traditional top-down model, in which the campaign is managed by the central party, and the more recent citizen-initiated campaign model.

ПАРТИЙНОЕ СТРОИТЕЛЬСТВО ЛЕГАЛИСТСКИХ ОРГАНИЗАЦИЙ И ИХ УЧАСТИЕ В ВЫБОРАХ В ГОСУДАРСТВЕННУЮ ДУМУ В 1906–1907 ГГ.

The purpose of the article is to analyze the development of the first right-wing Liberal Parties and their electoral strategies. The conservative liberalism ideology is very close to the ideology of the modern Russian state. Elections in the conditions of limited democracy are relevant for the modern state. The study is an attempt to measure electoral potential of moderate Liberal Parties in Russia. The problem-chronological method is used in the study. The goal of the method is to reveal several chronologically arranged stages of the Legalist Parties development. The author shows the consistent development of the legalistic movement during the election campaigns. But in general, the Conservative Liberal Parties failed in the attempt to occupy a stable position in Parliament. The article presents a study of a wide range of sources. The practices of idealistic politicians promoting ethical and legal concepts of the «correct» State did not succeed. Voters were more radical than the Center parties. Simultaneously with the elections, organizations were engaged in internal party building. They clashed with each other; they were separated and then united. As a result, the legalistic organizations lost the I and II State Duma elections. As a result, the author concludes that the study provides an opportunity to rethink the relevance of conservative ideological concepts among Russian voters. Further research on the legalistic organizations development before 1917 and on changes in their electoral strategies in the III and IV State Duma elections and local governments can be considered promising. Despite S.Yu Witte’s and then P.A Stolypin’s support of the Legalists, their activities were not understood by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The Legalists were considered as dangerous Liberals. The Right-wing organizations and the police aggressively suppressed moderate liberal groups. The Parties failure in 1906-1907 election campaigns was determined by the individualism of the leaders, weak party building, little support, and exaggeration of moral political principles. The author formulates a hypothesis that the existence of the right-wing Liberal Parties depends on the State. The support of such party groups could strengthen the position of the State. But it did not happen at the beginning of the 20th century, and it does not happen now.

Global Stasis as a Party System, or Welcome to World Civil War I

Using the ancient Greek notions of ‘stasis’ and ‘polemos,’ the author shows that these two modes of war can merge and produce not only negative but also positive effects. Limited and controlled violence between “one’s own people” (stasis) proves to be less destructive than violence between “strangers” that is unlimited and uncontrolled (polemos). The author argues that actors involved in stasis can justifiably be identified as political parties. Some known ways to moderate party disputes and gear them towards the common good can be used in a global stasis. The best-known way is to create a relatively stable party system. Stability and predictability are best achieved in isolating systems that fix the qualitatively unequal status of individual parties and isolate them from the processes of coalition-building and political decision-making. The author shows that this strategy is increasingly being applied to Russia as an object of isolation; he sees no realistic scenarios either for ending the “global civil war” or for its participants to renounce the policy of isolation.

Süreklilik ve Değişim Arasında Post-Otoriter Şili Parti Sistemi

This article aims to examine to what extent the post-authoritarian Chilean party system changed in comparison to the period prior to the 1973 coup. Based on an analysis of the period from 1990 until 2010 against the background of the pre-1973 period and the military dictatorship (1973-1990), the main argument of this article is that the post-authoritarian Chilean party system oscillated between continuity and change. Whilst continuity found its roots in the pre-authoritarian period and Chile’s long-running democratic tradition, change was particularly enforced by the anti-democratic practices of the military government. As such, this study has pinpointed three interrelated tensions between continuity and change that characterised the post-authoritarian party system: the centrality of parties vs. the growing public disillusionment with politics; the pro-/anti-authoritarian cleavage vs. the consensus-based relations between parties; and the tripartite party system vs. the bipolar coalition politics. This tension profoundly influenced all the political parties and inter-party coalitions that functioned during this period, not least the ruling Concertación bloc.

Migration debates in the political party arena during the Covid‐19 pandemic in Austria

AbstractThe Covid‐19 pandemic highlighted the economic contribution of migrant workers in maintaining essential services and access to goods. This new perspective on migrants as essential workers raised expectations in migration studies that it could reinvigorate an inclusive setting in terms of migration debates and policies. Building on this potential, we examine migration debates in the political party arena with a focus on centrist parties. The analysis focuses on Austria, a country with a high dependence on migrant labor in key sectors and a long‐standing contestation of migration across the political party spectrum. Drawing on an analysis of parliamentary contributions and press releases by the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) and the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ) during the pandemic, the study finds that the debates did not change fundamentally. Whilst external shocks such as the Covid‐19 pandemic have a limited potential to reverse the focus on unwanted migration in European party politics, crises can lead the political center to reemphasize bifurcation strategies in response to shifts in public discourse, as this study of the Austrian case during the pandemic suggests.

Stan badań nad centralnymi strukturami PZPR nadzorującymi politykę propagandową w Polsce Ludowej: nowe ustalenia i luki badawcze

The state of research on central PZPR structures supervising propaganda policy in People’s Poland: new findings and research gaps The article takes a look at the academic work devoted to the analysis of the activities of the central apparatus of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR), which was in charge of the supervision of propaganda and the mass media in Poland from 1948 to 1989/90. Considerations developed after 1989 are reviewed. Focusing on the research analysis of the political decisions and activities of members of the Political Bureau and Secretariat of the Central Committee Jacek Wojsław 22 of the PZPR and selected departments of the Central Committee of the PZPR responsible for the functioning of propaganda in People’s Poland is a necessary task in order to understand the way power was exercised in a non-democratic state. It was the central apparatus of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) that fully controlled the creation, flow and dissemination of content directed to the mass public using the press, radio and television. The result of the conducted analysis indicates that so far there has been no monograph devoted to this important area of activity of the central authorities of the PZPR in the Polish scholarly output. With the exception of Mieczysław Rakowski’s political biography, the other main coordinators of propaganda policy have not been described to date either. The situation is similar with the approximation of individual central party structures directly responsible for supervisory activities in the area of interest. It must be stressed, however, that there are a number of works on the academic market of a contributory nature relating to both central party structures and the PZPR leaders at their head responsible for overseeing the media and propaganda, in which selected problems have been analysed, usually within a limited period of time.

Detection of network and genuine network quantum steering

The quantum network correlations play significant roles in long distance quantum communication, quantum cryptography and distributed quantum computing. Generally it is very difficult to characterize the multipartite quantum network correlations such as nonlocality, entanglement and steering. In this paper, we propose the network and the genuine network quantum steering models from the aspect of probabilities in the star network configurations. Linear and nonlinear inequalities are derived to detect the network and genuine network quantum steering when the central party performs one fixed measurement. We show that our criteria can detect more quantum network steering than that from the violation of the n-locality quantum networks. Moreover, it is shown that biseparable assemblages can demonstrate genuine network steering in the star network configurations.

Putting their money where their mouth is: The gendered dynamics of central party financial transfers to local election candidates

Political parties around the world have made widely publicized efforts to improve women’s representation in elected office. While many have investigated these efforts by focusing on gender dynamics during candidate recruitment and selection, party support for women after they are nominated remains somewhat under-analysed. We begin addressing this gap by asking if central party bodies provide women candidates with additional financial support during general election campaigns. Our study leverages population data capturing intraparty financial transfers within three major parties during the 2008 and 2011 Canadian federal elections ( n=1845). The results demonstrate that parties, regardless of ideology, can and do support women candidates with additional campaign funds. However, support from the centre is not always consistent across time or competitive contexts. We conclude that if political parties are sincere in wanting to reduce representational inequities, then consistently providing women candidates with additional financial support is another way of doing so.

Back to the Stone Age: Europe's Mainstream Right and Climate Change

AbstractWhile populist radical right parties’ stances on climate change are well‐researched, accounts of Europe's mainstream right parties’ actions in this policy area are less common. This article provides a survey of the approach of four European centre‐right parties—the Christian Democratic Union in Germany, the Moderate Party in Sweden, the People's Party in Spain and the Austrian People's Party—to climate change in recent years. It examines some of the key strategic challenges that mainstream right parties are facing and their implications for climate policy, finding evidence of common approaches among this party family to climate policy.

A két Kálmán „vezéri dualizmusa”

This study examines a unique formation in the Hungarian political system, the Left Centre party, as well as the interesting relationship of its leaders, Kálmán Tisza and Kálmán Ghyczy. After discussing the party’s origins, foundation, and its position in the political landscape, the inner workings, subfactions, and the various stages of the Left Centre’s political history will be detailed. Following this, the two party leaders are introduced, and not only their respective roles in the party, but their personal character, motivations, and the nature of their cooperation are also discussed. Our aim is to investigate the various aspects and changes in their relationship in light of the historical events of the time, and to present the political, personal and psychological factors that affected the development of this relationship. Another important question is how the relationship of the two leaders and the nature of their cooperation influenced the party and its changing goals, and how it lead to the great party merger of 1875, that was not only the end of the nine year history of the Left Centre that formally started in 1866, but also the beginning of a new chapter in the political life of the Dual Monarchy that started with the Austro-Hungarian Compromise.

Norway: Political Developments and Data in 2022

AbstractFollowing the 2021 parliamentary election, which was a big win for the centre‐left, Norway has a governing coalition of the Centre Party and the Labor Party, led by Prime minister (PM) Støre of the Labor Party. The government faced various challenges in 2022 and fell dramatically in public standing, according to public opinion polls. The main difficulties concerned both the government's policy, for instance on COVID‐19, on inflation and energy policy, and also some political scandals that led to high‐profile resignations. The main opposition Conservative Party, led by former PM Solberg, rose in the polls throughout the year. The leaders of the Green and Socialist Left parties resigned in 2022.

Восприятие политических партий и их лидеров на фоне актуального психологического состояния российского общества

The article is devoted to the images of the Russian parties and their leaders against the background of the changes in the psychological state of our society in the modern conditions. The study was based on qualitative and quantitative research conducted in late 2022 — early 2023 in 22 regions. The object of the study were five parties represented in the State Duma (United Russia, The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, The Liberal Democratic Party, A Just Russia — For Truth, New People) and their leaders (A.Turchak, G.Zyuganov, V.Zhirinovsky, L.Slutsky, S.Mironov, and A.Nechaev). The research methodology included a survey, an in-depth interview, a semantic differential, a projective test, and a directed associations method. The study was not representative of the country as a whole, but the sample was balanced in terms of gender, age and education. The study demonstrated that the high level of anxiety and concerns of citizens about military actions did not affect a number of perception parameters, such as the attitude towards parties as a necessary part of the democratic process, the lack of a clear ideological identification of parties, and the personification of party images. At the same time, some parameters have undergone a significant transformation. First, the perception of a position of parties within the framework of the dichotomy “power — opposition” has changed. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, A Just Russia — For Truth and The Liberal Democratic Party have lost a significant part of their image as opposition in the perception of citizens, while support for United Russia, which is clearly associated with the authorities, has increased. Second, the popularity of a flamboyant style has become a thing of the past, and today the image of the centrist party is the most attractive for voters. The new political reality requires that parties work to consolidate the society in the face of an external threat rather than demonstrate their independence and distance themselves from the authorities. Third, if before the beginning of the 2020s the demand for conservatism prevailed in the society, in the current situation social democratic and liberal values are more in demand.

Penerapan E-Government dalam Pelayanan Surat Keterangan Domisili Perusahaan (SKDP) Pada Unit Pelaksana Pelayanan Terpadu Satu Pintu di Kelurahan Lubang Buaya Kecamatan Cipayung Kota Administrasi Jakarta Timur

Implementation of online based governance in order to improve the quality of effective and efficient public services through e-government that aims to support good governance. The purpose of this study is to determine the implementation of e-government implementation through the creation of an online corporate domicile certificate at UP PTSP Kelurahan Lubang Buaya. Besides this research is intended to find out various obstacles or obstacles as well as the efforts made by UP PTSP Kelurahan Lubang Buaya in overcoming these obstacles or obstacles. In this study, researchers used the George Edward III theory of Policy Implementation consisting of 4 (four) variables, namely : Communication, Resourcess, Dispotition or Attitude, Bureaucratic Structure with qualitative method. Data collection techniques carrried out in the from of observation, interviews and documentation. Data analysis using Miles and Huberman (1992:20) consists of Data Collection, Data Reduction, Data Presentation, and Drawing Conclusions. From the results of the study it can be concluded that the implementation of e-government implementation in making the Corporate Domicile Certificate has not gone well. Obstacles or obstacles found include : lack of socialization, the ability of public service officers, lack of public knowledge and frequent site errors, as well as efforts made to overcome these obstacles, with more frequent socialization of online licensing, training for employees and coordination with the central party regarding sites that often have errors. So that people can feel good and statisfying service and move on to online based service system

What does it mean to be pro-European? The case of the European centre-left and centre-right in Austria, Germany and the UK

Europhilism has traditionally been associated with centre-left and centre-right parties, those parties that contributed to the development of the EU. However, centrist parties vary in their support of European integration. Yet, we know comparatively little about the extent to which these parties support European integration. Should they be classified as Eurosceptic, or do they continue to support European integration? A comparative analysis of national and European manifestos of centre-left and centre-right parties in Austria, Germany and the UK between 1990 and 2019 shows that pro-European attitudes can be split into three patterns: enthusiast, equivocal and critical Europhiles. These patterns are combined with Vasilopoulou’s patterns of Euroscepticism to create a continuum from support for to opposition to European integration, thereby recognising that centre-left and centre-right party attitudes can change across time. These findings have implications for research on centre-left and centre-right parties’ EU attitudes by identifying the nuances of the pro-European position.

Incentivized choice in large-scale voting experiments

AbstractSurvey experiments that investigate how voting procedures affect voting behavior and election outcomes use hypothetical questions and non-representative samples. We present here the results of a novel survey experiment that addresses both concerns. First, the winning party in our experiment receives a donation to its campaign funds inducing real consequences for voting. Second, we run an online experiment with a Dutch national representative sample (N = 1240). Our results validate previous findings using a representative sample, in particular that approval voting leads to a higher concentration in votes for smaller parties and strengthens centrist parties in comparison to plurality voting. Importantly, our results suggest that voting behavior is not affected by voting incentives and can be equally reliably elicited with hypothetical questions.

Od archiwum do archiwum. Uwagi na temat ewolucji funkcjonalno-organizacyjnej komórek archiwalnych w komitetach wojewódzkich PPR/PZPR

The subject matter of the activities of the PPR and PZPR archives is certainly not a research tabula rasa, but many facts relating to it are quite poorly known. In particular, this applies to the organizational and functional evolution of the provincial segment in the archival division taking place between the fifth and seventh decade of the 20th century. This article aims to bring to light a lot of unknown or inaccurate information on this subject. This applies to e.g., to knowledge about the nature of the KW PPR archives – historical archives par excellence, collecting only documents recognized as valuable historical sources and intended to store them perpetually. A problem as significant as it is elusive in scientific circulation is the functioning of the voivodeship current records repositories of PZPR in the years 1949–1953, about which there is usually false information that they were created only in 1953, along with information about their different and lower grade than the archives of the KW PPR. the rank of current (transitional) archives, obliged to successively transfer the collected archives to the „central party archive” (Department, and later the Establishment of Party History of the Central Committee of PZPR). One of the most interesting, and at the same time completely unknown, facts about this matter is the failure to implement in 1956 the resolution of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the PZPR on the transformation of the current records repositories of the Voivodeship Committees of the Polish United Workers' Party into archives – contrary to the information disseminated on this subject, it did not take place until 1962. In this context, it should be clearly noted that in this case it was not only about a cosmetic change of names, but also about transforming them into administrative and historical archives, entitled to a professional elaboration of their resource, which was to be their resource stored perpetually, more widely than previously made available to historians, primarily party historians. This article, which presents many new facts, including, among others, the internal party context of delays in transforming the KW PZPR current records repositories into their archives, was primarily aimed at showing the process of the organizational and functional transformation of the „party archive service” lasting several years.

Emotional expressions in the Swedish discourse on crime.

Crime and punishment are often described as emotionally-charged fields. The present article aims to concretise this account by addressing how different political actors make use of emotions in distinct ways in order to advance their criminal policy in Sweden. Drawing on sociological research on emotions, I illustrate how the Moderate Party and the Social Democratic Party both make use of worry and (dis)trust in their electoral campaigning. However, the article also shows that the two political parties differ in the ways they encourage the Swedish public to engage emotionally in criminal policy matters which may entail different political effects.

Estonia: Political Developments and Data in 2022

AbstractThe Russian‐Ukrainian war, which started in February 2022, changed Estonian domestic politics considerably. The Reform Party, which had failed to manage domestic crises at the end of 2021, was able to prove itself in foreign politics, and its support skyrocketed. Its coalition partner at the start of the war, the Centre Party, however, lost support, which eventually led to the break‐up of the government coalition in the middle of the year. A new government was formed by the Reform Party, Fatherland and the Social Democratic Party, which was limited in its ambitions and cautious of its political choices as elections were approaching in March 2023.

Historical roots of political extremism: The effects of Nazi occupation of Italy

We study the impact of the Italian Civil War and Nazi occupation of Italy in 1943–45 on postwar political outcomes. The Communist Party, which was more active in the resistance movement, gained votes in areas where the Nazi occupation was both longer and harsher, mainly at the expense of centrist parties. This effect persists until the late 1980s. These results suggest that civil war and widespread political violence reshape political identities in favor of the political groups that emerge as winners. This benefits extremist groups and hurts moderates since the former have a comparative advantage in organizing violent conflict.