Catholic Historical Review Research Articles

Spain and the Early Stuarts, 1585-1655 by Albert J. Loomie

110BOOK REVIEWS must attend to what the clergy were declaiming Ln the pulpits in church and chapel across the country. There was not only an element of social and even legal compulsion driving people to church but also the magnet of genuine curiosity since in the days before broadcasting the only opportunity for most people to hear and in a sense witness eloquence and elocution was in reUgious assemblies on Sundays.The spiritual and the secular mingled in a way which was perhaps more reaUstic than efforts in our own day to cut them off. Religion was not always just for Sunday, and its contents were by no means exclusively concerned with the words of Holy Writ. Many were the volumes of sermons published in time past. D'Haussy has performed a most valuable service for historians in offering us not merely notes and summaries ofwhat was said but very large excerpts from the original so that we can savor the full flavor and, as it were be present, sometimes after centuries, at the outpourings not only ofemotions but also of genuine convictions with a good mixture of facts. A criticism of this exceUent book, which begins with an introduction on "Preaching and preachers m Britain" (pp. 21-49), could be that it has no adequate index. On the other hand, the "Extracts from sermons" (pp. 53-207) Ust aU the seventy-seven sermon extracts by name and description of contents so that the omission is not so grave as at first appears.There are also a useful appendix of brief biographies of authors and a select bibUography including coUections of sermons.The period covered runs from the Reformation to the present time, and while it is largely and reasonably taken up with EstabUshment sermons, it includes Jewish, Dissenting, and Roman CathoUc.Whatever the situation now,in time past preaching could be a skUled profession. Someone wrote in 1835, "U you chose to attend the chapel of the asylum for female orphans you were assured to hear good sermons for 'no gentleman is appointed to a vacant lectureship at this place . . . who has not undergone a trial of skiU; that is, the candidates preach prize sermons, and he who excels most is elected'" (p. 23) and this was for preaching to mere orphans, not to the Chapel Royal! Francis Edwards, SJ. London Spain and the Early Stuarts, 1585-1655. By Albert J. Loomie. [The Variorum CoUected Studies Series C522.] (Brookfield, Vermont: Variorum, Aldgate PubUshing Company. 1996. Pp. x, 290. $84.95.) Father Loomie, of Fordham University, completed his dissertation in 1957 at the University of London under Professor Joel Hurstfield on a subject that became his first book, The Spanish Elizabethans:The English Exiles at the Court ofPhilip II (Fordham University Press, 1963). Like Professors Patrick Collinson andAlan Everitt,who also finished at London in 1957,Loomie's postgraduate research laid the basis for a lifetime of scholarship that has made him unquestionably the pre-eminent authority on Anglo-Spanish relations during the BOOK REVIEWS111 Counter-Reformation. I reviewed several ofhis books and read his steady stream ofarticles with admiration and benefit.We have here a coUection of eighteen articles by him that have been reprinted from twelve journals (three from the Catholic Historical Review, 1964, 1967, 1973) where they originaUy appeared between 1963 and 1989They constitute but a fraction of his pubUcations, confirm his close familiarity with archives in Simancas, Madrid, Vienna, Brussels, Paris, Rome, London, and Oxford, and should be considered representative of his painstaking research. One hopes that his importance as a scholar and teacher wUl be recognized formaUy one day m a Festschrift. It is dtfficult to characterize so many articles Ui brief, even U coUectively they involve a basic theme—the policies of three Spanish monarchs toward England (and minimally respecting Scotland and Ireland) regarding religion, commerce, and diplomacy. I can do no better than paraphrase Loomie's own summation. Articles I and II explore the consequences of PhUip II's embargo on EngUsh goods from 1586 upon EngUsh merchants, mariners, and travelers in southern Spain which ended in 1603 with James Fs accession. The aborted Armada of 1597 is considered in articles III, IV...

The Catholic Historical Review

The Catholic Historical Review

Reform Preaching and Despair at the Council of Pavia-Siena (1423-1424)

The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXIVJULY, 1998No. 3 REFORM PREACHING AND DESPAIR AT THE COUNCIL OF PAVIA-SIENA (1423-1424) William Patrick Hyland* Introduction According to the decree Frequens of the Council of Constance, an ecumenical council was to be convoked by the pope five years following the end of the Council of Constance. Thus Pope Martin V in due time summoned a council to meet at Pavia, where a synod was inaugurated April 23, 1423. An outbreak of plague forced the Council to move to Siena, where it lasted from July until its dissolution in March, 1424. Most of these months were filled up with disputes over administrative matters , as well as divisions among the various nations; and the antipathy of Pope Martin to the conciliarist party made it difficult to get anything done. Little or nothing in the way of reform was accomplished.1 Although often not numbered among the synods regarded as ecumenical by the Roman Catholic Church because of its relatively slight attendance, the Council of Pavia-Siena was intended to continue the work of Constance in matters of reform and to take measures against *Dr. Hyland teaches history in Columbus State University, Columbus, Georgia. 'The most detailed and recent account of the Council of Pavia-Siena is Walter Brandmuller 's magisterial two-volume v/ork,Das Konzil von Pavia-Siena (1423-1424) (Münster , 1968). See also Karl Joseph von Hefele and Henri Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, Tom. VH", part 1 (Paris, 1916), pp. 610-645. Philip Hughes devotes barely a paragraph to the council in his The Church in Crisis:A History of the General Councils, 325-1870 (New York, 1961), p. 274. 409 410REFORM PREACHING AND DESPAIR AT THE COUNCIL OF PAVIA-SIENA (1423-1424) various heretical movements, and those who did attend took their tasks seriously enough. One of those in attendance was a Camaldolese hermit known as John-Jerome of Prague, who preached two sermons at the Council. The first was on the first Sunday of Advent, which fell on November 28, 1423.John-Jerome also preached on Septuagésima Sunday, which fell on February 20, 1424. This second sermon must have been one of the last to be preached at the Council, which was dissolved soon after.2 Neither of these sermons has been noted by previous historians of the council, a significant oversight in light of the fact that only four other sermons are known to have survived from the council.3 John-Jerome was born ca. 1370 in Prague and attended the university there as a contemporary ofJohn Hus. ThereJohn-Jerome became a master of arts and also studied law. After becoming a Premonstratensian canon at Strahov near Prague, he went on to serve as a chaplain at the court of the Polish king Wladislaus, where he preached and was a royal confessor for a time. John-Jerome made a missionary journey into Lithuania, and after serving as the first abbot of the new Premonstratensian house of Nowy Sacz outside of Krakow, in 1412 he left Poland and the Premonstratensian Order to take up the eremitical life at Camaldoli. As a Camaldolese he participated in the monastic reform movement, and was quite critical of the state of the religious houses he visited in the capacity of a visitator for the Venetian province of the Order. The details of his day-to-day activity in this capacity are unknown, but a sermon which he gave as part of his role as visitator has survived. The sermon was probably repeated in each monastery on the visitation tour as a prelude to the investigatory procedure, and it is the most detailed statement on ecclesiastical reform John-Jerome produced before the Council of Pavia-Siena.4 John-Jerome begins the sermon with an assertion of God's continuing benevolent guidance of creation and in particular of the ecclesia fidelium. Making use of the frequently cited mystical work of PseudoDionysius ,5 he asserts that people are drawn to God through the threeThese two sermons can be found in Annales Camaldulenses, edited by JoannesBenedictus Mittarelli and Anselmus Costadoni (Venice, 1755-1773), IX, 720-744. Henceforth referred to as Annal. Cam. 'Brandmüller, op. cit...

Books and Readers in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian Texts.

This fascinating and lively book provides the first comprehensive discussion of the production, circulation, and use of books in early Christianity. It explores the extent of literacy in early Christian communities; the relation in the early church between oral tradition and written materials; the physical form of early Christian books; how books were produced, transcribed, published, duplicated, and disseminated; how Christian libraries were formed; who read the books, in what circumstances, and to what purposes. this extremely well-written and thoroughly researched work, Gamble asks to what extent the early church used books, how were they produced, and for what audiences? ... An enormously instructive and provocative work on an original topic. I recommend it highly to anyone with an interest in Christian history and a taste for future-oriented speculation. -- Commonweal His study merits careful reading and continuing use because of its valuable collections, insightful comments, and thoroughness. In essence he has provided a 'companion to early Christian literature' which should be required reading. -- Robert M. Grant, Catholic Historical Review

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The Catholic Historical Review

Penitential Sermons in Renaissance Italy: Girolamo Seripando and the Pater Noster

The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXIIIJANUARY, 1997No. 1 PENITENTIAL SERMONS IN RENAISSANCE ITALY: GIROLAMO SERIPANDO AND THE PATER NOSTER Francesco C. Cesáreo* The revival of interest in classical antiquity during the Renaissance had an important effect on the style and content of preaching. Thematic in structure, the medieval scholastic sermon, with its focus on abstract doctrine, had as its principal aim docere.1 During the Renaissance , preachers began to utilize and adapt the classical rhetorical form, thereby broadening the scope and content of the sermon. Not only was the sermon meant to teach doctrine to the listeners, but also move them to action through persuasion.2Among those responsible for this shift in emphasis was Erasmus, whose work on sacred oratory, the Ecclesiastes, was published in 1535. In this work Erasmus defines preaching as an act of teaching, but a different type of teaching from that found in the medieval sermon. "For Erasmus, truly Christian teaching is never dialectical or argumentative, never frigidly abstract, for it must always be persuasive of a godly life."3 Consequently, Erasmus located the sermon in the genre of deliberative oratory, giving it a greater *Mr. Cesáreo is an associate professor ofhistory inJohn Carroll University, Cleveland. 'John W. O'Malley, S. J., "Content and Rhetorical Forms in Sixteenth-Century Treatises on Preaching," in Renaissance Eloquence:Studies in the Theory and Practice ofRenaissance Rhetoric, ed. James J. Murphy (Berkeley, California, 1983), p. 240; reprinted in O'Malley, Religious Culture in the Sixteenth Century (Brookfield, Vermont, 1993), ??, 240. See also idem, Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome (Durham, North Carolina, 1979), p. 43. O'Malley,"Content and Rhetorical Forms,"p. 244. 2 PENITENTIAL SERMONS IN RENAISSANCE ITALY moralistic quality since it was most often addressed to a group of ordinary people.4 Given the moral tone of the sermon, by the middle of the sixteenth century the Gospel came to be linked in "preaching theory with a turning from vice and an embracing of virtue, under threat of punishment and the hope of reward."5 Preachers began to paint a picture of a religion based on sin and atonement where salvation was possible to those willing to alter their way of life.6 The way to salvation was taught by preachers in familiar, simple language so that the ordinary person could understand. Theological doctrines were taught through the use of images from family life and human relations. "The central theme of late medieval Catholic theology was that God gave man the ability to cooperate with grace, to do what was in him. The preachers did not demand the impossible, but insisted that man's creation in God's image allowed him to participate in the business of his own salvation."7 As a result, preachers were more concerned with moral reformation and penitence than condemnation. This emphasis gave rise to a series of treatises on preaching that contributed to a new understanding of the sermon. In 1543 Alfonso Zorilla published De sacris concionibus recteformandis, the first treatise on preaching printed in Italy that broke with the medieval style,which saw the sermon as an informal, familiar discourse between the preacher and the congregation.8 In 1576 Diego de Estella published his Modus concionandi ,which turned the teaching of the sermon to a moral purpose. The preacher, in de Estella's mind, focuses on the moral sense of scripture , aiming to move the audience away from sin and to a life of virtue and good works.9 Luis de Granada, following Erasmus' ideas on preaching , viewed the sermon as persuading individuals to live a life of justice and piety.10 4JoImW. O'Malley, S. J.,"Erasmus and the History of Sacred Rhetoric:The Ecclesiastes of 1535," Erasmus ofRotterdam Society Yearbook, 5 (1985), 14. 'John W O'Malley, S.J.,"Form, Content, and Influence ofWorks about Preaching before Trent: The Franciscan Contribution," in I Frati Minori tra '400 e '500.Atti del XII Convegno Intemazionale, Assist, 18-20 ottobre 1985 (Assisi, 1986), p. 49; reprinted in O'Malley, Religious Culture in the Sixteenth Century, IV, 49. 'Larissa Taylor, Soldiers of Christ: Preaching in Late Medieval and Reformation France (NewYork, 1992), p. 84. 7Ibid., p. 101. "O'Malley, "Content...

The Catholic Historical Review

The Catholic Historical Review

Confraternities and Mendicant Orders: The Dynamics of Lay and Clerical Brotherhood in Renaissance Bologna

The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXIIJANUARY, 1996No. 1 CONFRATERNITIES AND MENDICANT ORDERS: THE DYNAMICS OF LAY AND CLERICAL BROTHERHOOD IN RENAISSANCE BOLOGNA BY Nicholas Terpstra* Andreas Allé was in deep trouble. A long-time brother in the BoIognese confraternity of San Domenico, he had been promoted to syndic when that confraternity merged with the confraternity of the Crocesegnati in 1494. The merger had been in the works for almost a decade, and had gained at least tacit approval from the prior of the Dominican friary and the local inquisitor. In the event, however, a new inquisitor proved unwilling to sanction the merger. The lay brothers had seen three inquisitors come and go since starting their merger talks, and so went ahead with the plan, hoping perhaps that a new inquisitor might see things their way. But there was to be no new inquisitor for twenty years, and the incumbent, Giovanni Cagnati, certainly did not see things their way. The brunt of his disciplinary action fell on Andreas Allé. While the confraternity ratified Allé s authority, the inquisitor issued orders removing him from his post. When Allé refused the inquisitor's demand that he resign, he was summoned before the curia in Rome; ignoring the summons earned him excommunication in November, 1496. The curial court subsequently found in favor of the inquisitor's assertion of authority and so cleared the way for reversing the merger in "Mr. Terpstra is an associate professor of history in Luther College, University of Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada. Manuscript sources used in the footnotes are designated as follows: 1 . AAB = Archivio Arcivescovile, Bologna. 2. ASB = Archivio di Stato di Bologna: Dem = Fondo Demaniale, Osp = Fondo Ospedale, PIE = Fondo dei Pii Istituti Educativi . 3- BBA = Bologna, Biblioteca dell'Archiginnasio: Gozz = Fondo Gozzadini, Osp = Fondo Ospedale. 1 Z CONFRATERNITIES AND MENDICANT ORDERS 1497.' Why did this confrontation happen, and what might it tell us of the dynamic between mendicants and the confraternities gathered under their auspices? This paper will look at the dynamic in four ways: first, a brief overview of the spiritual ethos and membership procedures of the confraternities to demonstrate how closely they modeled themselves on the mendicant orders. Second, a brief review of relations between confraternities and mendicant orders during the former's initial expansion in Bologna in the later thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. Third, a closer look at confraternal and mendicant relations through the fifteenth century, when mendicant control is said to have expanded. Finally , comparisons will be made to the situation elsewhere in Italy and in Northern Europe. The standard source for examining the relationship between lay confraternities and mendicant orders in Italy is Gilles Gérard Meersseman's magisterial three-volume work, Ordo fraternitatis: confraternité e pietà dei laici nel mondo medioevo, published in 1977. Meersseman's close study of lay-mendicant relations is based on extensive archival work but is limited to the Dominican order and the confraternities sponsored and supervised by it. A review of the situation in Bologna and comparisons to other Italian and European centers show that there was no single dynamic between lay and clerical brothers but that different religious orders varied significantly in their relations with confraternities . In Bologna the most amicable relations occurred with those orders which accommodated themselves to two chief characteristics of confraternities—a local focus and lay self-direction—and so reduced 'The folio of records regarding the case is contained among the records of the company founded to succeed the Compagnia della Croce: ASB Dem, Compagnia dei Crocesegnati , ms. 3/6669 (H). According to these documents, the union was first negotiated on July 4, 1485. On June 12, 1494, Andreas Allé succeeded the Crocesegnati syndic Ser Battista de Podio, and on December 17 the final agreement of union was notarized. His authority was confirmed by the newly unified company onJanuary 3 and May 14, 1495. The first Inquisitorial order removing him from his post came on October 30, 1496, the second on November 3. He was summoned to the curial court in Rome on November 5, and excommunicated on November 12. On November 15 the unified company was formally disbanded and the new "Societas Crucis" was erected under the Inquisitor...

The Search for an American Catholicism

JAY P. DOLAN President of the American Catholic Historical Association 1995 The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXII APRIL, 1996 Ñ072 THE SEARCH FOR AN AMERICAN CATHOLICISM BY Jay P. Dolan* Vetera novis augere etperficere From the very first moment Europeans set foot on America's shores they have sought to adapt their culture and customs to the environment of the New World. This was very evident in the area of religion. For more than one hundred and fifty years Jews in America had to learn how to survive without a rabbi to lead them in prayer. This meant that throughout the colonial period lay men became the dominant religious leaders in the local synagogue. In Virginia the first English settlers wanted to fashion a church that would be in conformity with the Church of England "as neere as may be." Since no bishop was willing to settle in Virginia, this pioneer generation was forced to establish "an Episcopal church without bishops."1 Because of this situation lay vestrymen took control of church affairs. The first generation of Catholic settlers in Maryland had to learn how to govern a colony in which Protestants outnumbered Catholics. For Cecil Calvert, the founder of *Mr. Dolan is a professor ofhistory in the University of Notre Dame. He read this paper as his presidential address at a luncheon held in the Atlanta Hilton Hotel on Saturday,January 6, 1996,during the seventy-sixth annual meeting ofthe American Catholic Historical Association. He wishes to thank Martin Marty, Walter Nugent, Scott Appleby, John McGreevy , and Kathleen Sprows for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this address . The Latin epigraph may be translated,"To enlarge and enrich the old with the new." 'William H. Seiler, "The Anglican Parish in Virginia," in James Morton Smith (ed.), Seventeenth Century America: Essays in Colonial History (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1959), p. 123, and DanielJ. Boorstin, TheAmericans: The Colonial Experience (NewYork, 1958), p. 123. 169 170 THE SEARCH FOR AN AMERICAN CATHOLICISM the Maryland colony, this meant that civil harmony was of primary importance ; for this reason religion was to remain a private affair, neither shaping the destiny of the colony nor impeding its progress. The first Jesuits in Maryland were not pleased with this idea. They wanted the Catholic Church and its clergy to enjoy a special place in the new colony, a privileged status that was commonplace at that time in Europe . Calvert would not give in to their demands. If the Jesuits were to remain in Maryland, they would have to do so without any special privileges . The Jesuits stayed, and Catholicism in America became a church free and independent of state control. Each of these three stories suggests that new models of church and denomination were to emerge in the NewWorld. The first generation of European settlers was compelled to adapt its ways to the challenges posed by the New Worlds geographical, social, and political environment . Thus, the history of religion in America has been a history of the adaptation of the ancient religious traditions, be they Christian,Jewish, Muslim, or Hindu, to the challenges posed by the New World environment . For Catholics their history has been a continuous search for an American Catholicism, a Catholicism rooted in the ancient Catholic tradition but always seeking to adapt itself to the culture of what we now call the United States. In 1966 1 began my graduate studies in the history ofAmerican Christianity at the University of Chicago. During these past thirty years the historical study of religion in the United States, and of Catholicism in particular, has undergone substantial change. Many of us have lived through these changes and they have been truly remarkable. The emergence of the new social history in the 1960s sparked an interest in intensive studies of individual communities. With this focus on community studies the local parish became a concern of historians, and this has remained true to the present. For this new generation of historians the religion of the people rather than the activities of the prelates has become a primary focus of study. The growth and development of immigration history sparked an interest in the study of immigrant groups; the...

Actives and Contemplatives: The Female Religious of the Low Countries before and after Trent

ACTIVES AND CONTEMPLATIVES: THE FEMALE RELIGIOUS OF THE LOW COUNTRIES BEFORE AND AFTER TRENT BY Craig Harune* The study of religious women in early modern Catholicism is now indisputably a growth-industry.1 It is a good time, therefore, to con- *Mr. Harline is an associate professor of history in Brigham Young University. He wishes to express his gratitude to Jodi Bilinkoff, Walter Simons, and Paula Kelly for their comments and bibliographical suggestions, as well as to the several institutions that have supported the research from which this article grew, especially the National Endowment for the Humanities, the American Philosophical Society, the University of Idaho Research Council, and the College ofFamily, Home, and Social Sciences at Brigham Young University. Abbreviations: AAM = Archive of the Archdiocese of Mechelen-Brussels NAGN = Nieuw Algemene Geschiedenes der Nederlanden¦This article is based on secondary materials (especially works in English) for conditions outside the Low Countries, and on both archival and secondary materials for conditions within. For a more general review of the literature on female religious, see the opening bibliographical note to my Burdens ofSisterMargaret (New York, 1994). A sample of useful works for the particular subject of contemplatives and actives includes , for the medieval period, Clifford H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism (New York, 1984); Lina Eckenstein, Women under Monasticism (New York, 1963); Eileen Power, Medieval English Nunneries, c 1275 to 1535 (Cambridge, 1922); John R. H . Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order. . . to the Year 1517 (Oxford, 1968); William A. Hinnebusch, O.P., The History of the Dominican Order. . . to 1500 (New York, 1966); Louis J. Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality (Kent, Ohio, 1977); Lillian T. Shank and John A. Nichols (cas.). MedievalReligious Women. Vol. II: Peaceweavers (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1987); Penelope D. Johnson, Equal in Monastic Profession: Religious Women inMedievalFrance(Chicago, 1991 ); and, for an excellent introduction to the medieval actives in the Low Countries, Vols. Ill and IV of the new Algemene Geschiedenes der Nederlanden (Haarlem, 1979). For the early modern period see Outram Evennett's assessment of religious in The Spirit of the Counter-Reformation (Notre Dame, Indiana, 1968); such overviews as Joyce Irwin's "Society and the Sexes," in Reformation Europe: A Guide to Research, ed. Steven Ozment (St. Louis, 1982); Kathryn Norberg's "The Counter-Reformation and Women, Religious and Lay," in Catholicism in Early Modern History: A Guide to Research, ed. John O'Malley (St. Louis, 1988); F. Ellen Weaver's "Women and Religion 541 542ACTIVES AND CONTEMPLATIVES front a lingering problem in the generally healthy enterprise: the relative development and importance of active and contemplative orders. Three themes stand out in my reading of the historical literature on this subject: ( 1 ) that the first significant and lasting emergence of an "active" spirituality or apostolate among women religious occurred during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, (2) that this type of spirituality was characteristic of early modern religious sensibilities, and (3) that the decrees and agents ofthe Council ofTrent successfully militated—at least for many decades—against the involvement of women in an active apostolate and insisted that they submit to longapproved contemplative forms. My intent is not altogether to refute these themes, but to suggest possibilities for refinement and further research, especially through illustration of conditions in the Catholic Low Countries—an area where none of the themes is very useful at all. in Early Modern France," Catholic Historical Review, LXVII 0anuary, 1981), 50—59; and such synthetic contributions as Owen Hufton and Frank Tallett, "Communities of Women, the Religious Life, and Public Service in Eighteenth-Century France," in Connecting Spheres: Women in the Western World, 1500 to the Present, eds. Marilyn J. Boxer et al (Oxford, 1987); Merry Wiesner, "Nuns, Wives and Mothers: Women and the Reformation in Germany," in Women in Reformation and Counter-Reformation Europe, ed. Sherrin Marshall (Bloomington, Indiana, 1989); Sherrin Marshall, "Protestant , Catholic, andJewish Women in the Early Modern Netherlands," in the same volume; William Monter, "Protestant Wives, Catholic Saints, and the Devil's Handmaid: Women in the Age of Reformations," in Becoming Visible: Women in European History, 2d edition, edd. Renate Bridenthal et al. (Boston, 1987). Helpful specialized works were Robert Lemoine, Le Droit des Religieux, du Concile de Trente aux...

Morbidity and Vitality in the History of the Early Medieval Papacy

The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXIOCTOBER, 1995No. 4 MORBIDITY AND VITALITY IN THE HISTORY OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL PAPACY BY Thomas F. X. Noble* The papal historian August Franzen says ofhis subject that "to arrive at truth one mustwade through a swamp ofcalumnies and leave behind a forest oflegends and anecdotes."1 Franzen was speaking in particular of the history of historical writing about the papacy, an important topic that has never been satisfactorily handled. In very brief outline, that history might look something like this. In Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, papal history was only one among many histories that competed for the attention of contemporary historiographers and that continues to compete for the attention of modern historians. After *Mr. Noble is a professor of history in the University of Virginia. This essay began as apaper at the 1992 meeting ofthe MedievalAcademy ofAmerica. Developing versions were presented as lectures at the University of California, Berkeley, the University of Notre Dame, and the University of Pennsylvania. A near-final draft was written in the incomparable surroundings of the Institute for Advanced Study. The author acknowledges with gratitude the criticisms of Robert Brentano, Peter Brown, Donald Bullough, Gerald Caspary, Giles Constable, Ann Matter, Karl Morrison, Glenn Olsen, Edward Peters, Julia Smith, and John Van Engen. 1In Franzen and Remigius Bäumer, Papstgeschichte: Das Petrusamt in seiner Idee und seinergeschichtlichen Verwirklichung in derKirche, 3d ed. (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1982), p. 13. 505 506MORBIDITY AND VITAIiTY IN THE HISTORY OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL PAPACY the eleventh century, papal and church history seemed to merge as the papacy attained the high point of its ecclesiastical and secular domination. With only minor and occasional deviations, the story continued to be told that way until the early sixteenth century, when Robert Barnes, an English Protestant, fled to Wittenberg and wrote there under Luther's protection a papal history designed to prove that the popes were the "vastatoresfidei." Shortly thereafter, the Catholic writer Michael Buchinger produced a papal history that reiterated the link between papal and church history. Protestants could neither let that link remain unbroken, nor ignore the long period of papal prominence in church history. Consequently, down to the eighteenth century , more papal histories were written by Protestants than by Catholics. Indeed, Harald Zimmermann, the greatest living Protestant historian ofthe papacy, once said that it almost appears as ifthe writing of papal history were a Protestant invention.2 Protestants kept telling the story their way so as to rebut Catholic claims about the identification of papal and church history, and also to advance the thesis that papal history revealed the "mysterium iniquitatis." So things stood until changes were wrought by four modern developments , three of them products of the nineteenth century and one of them more recent. The first was the emergence of the "higher criticism" that forced new, and less palpably confessional, readings of the essential biblical texts concerning authority, charisma, and power in the Early Church. The second, during the pontificate ofPius IX, was the decree of the First Vatican Council, Pastor Aeternus, on papal infallibility, which attracted little Protestant attention, because it seemed so characteristically arrogant and unhistorical as to require little comment, but which shattered Catholic consensus about the historical role of the papacy.3 Third, the opening of the Archivio Segreto by Leo XIII in 1881, because of the nature of its contents, turned much papal historical writing into a subset of diplomatic and political history. Finally, the ecumenical movement has tended to temper po2Zimmermann , Das Papsttum im Mittelalter Eine Papstgeschichte im Spiegel der Historiographie (Stuttgart, 1981); idem, Ecclesia als Objekt der Historiographie: Studien zur Kirchengeschichtsschreibung im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit ("Sitzungsberichte der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften," philosophischhistorische Klasse, Band 235 [Vienna, I960]). 'The reverberations are still being felt in this area. Witness the reactions to Brian Tierney's The Origins ofPapal Infallibility, 1050-1350: A Study of the Concepts of Infallibility, Sovereignty and Tradition in the Middle Ages (Leiden, 1972). Cf. Alfons M. Stickler, "Papal Infallibility—A Thirteenth-Century Invention? Reflections on a Recent Book," Catholic Historical Review, 60 (1974), 427-441. BY THOMAS F. X. NOBLE507 lemical rhetoric among Christians who belong to...

Microhistory and the Lost Peoples of Europe

An excellent introduction to and sampling of the developing genre of microhistory...In essence these historians begin their analysis `from below,' viewing the ordinary peoples ignored in the annals of European history.--'Catholic Historical Review.' 'Selections from' Quaderni Storici.

The Tattooed Man Caricatures and the Presidential Campaign of 1884

Journal of American CultureVolume 10, Issue 4 p. 1-20 The Tattooed Man Caricatures and the Presidential Campaign of 1884 Samuel J. Thomas, Samuel J. Thomas American historian and Professor in the Department of Humanities at Michigan State University. Some of his earlier articles have appeared in such journals as the Journal of Church and State, the Catholic Historical Review, the Journal of American Culture and the International Journal of Women's Studies.Search for more papers by this author Samuel J. Thomas, Samuel J. Thomas American historian and Professor in the Department of Humanities at Michigan State University. Some of his earlier articles have appeared in such journals as the Journal of Church and State, the Catholic Historical Review, the Journal of American Culture and the International Journal of Women's Studies.Search for more papers by this author First published: Winter 1987 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734X.1987.1004_1.xCitations: 5AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume10, Issue4Winter 1987Pages 1-20 RelatedInformation

The German Center Party, 1870-1933: A Study in Political Catholicism

PREFACEThe Center party has received little attention from American historians, and this informal survey is intended partially to fill this omission. I hope that a study of the political representation of Germany's Catholic population will contribute to the understanding of an aspect of the country's past which is less familiar than most.Some periods in the Center party's history are better known than others, particularly the years of the Kulturkampf} the final years from 1930 to 1933; and the years from 1890 to 1914, well covered in two recent monographs by John K. Zeender and Ronald J. Ross. My doctoral dissertation, completed in 1956, concentrated on the less-examined years of 1924 to 1930, and the present book reflects that emphasis. I have also continued to pursue my original interest, which was to try to explain how the policies and actions of the Center were affected by its Catholic affiliation. Hence the books deals with some issues, such as education, church-state relations, social policy, and corporativism, at much greater length than would be usual in a straight political history. On the other hand, topics such as foreign policy, tariff policy, and the activities of individual Centrists as cabinet ministers, have been dealt with lightly, because they seemed to me to be less relevant to my main theme.Sections of several chapters have appeared in two published articles: The Center Wages Kulturpolitik: Conflict in the Marx-Keudell Cabinet of 1927, Central European History 2 (1969): 139-58; and Adam Stegerwald and the Role of the Christian Trade Unions in the Weimar Republic, Catholic Historical Review 59 (1974): 602-26.My research on the Center party was begun twenty-eight years ago at the University of Wisconsin under the guidance of Professor Chester V. Easum, at that time chairman of the Department of History. I continued the project at Columbia University, where I had the privilege of participating in a seminar with the late Professors Franz Neumann, Hajo Holborn, and Henry L. Roberts. My dissertation was directed initially by Professor Roberts and then by Professor Fritz Stern. I am deeply grateful and appreciative to all of these scholars for their assistance and encouragement.More recently, I have been helped in the preparation of this book by Dr. Arnold H. Price of the Library of Congress and Professor John K. Zeender of the Catholic University. Important eleventh-hour assistance has been rendered by Professor Margaret L. Anderson of Swarthmore College.I also owe a debt of gratitude to several of my colleagues in the history department at Georgia State University, in particular to Gerald H. Davis, who first read and criticized the manuscript, and most especially to my friend and former chairman Joseph O. Baylen, whose encouragement and support have been invaluable.

The Catholic Historical Review, XXXVI, No. 2 (Washington, July 1950) : 163—189. Mason Wade, “The French Parish and Survivance in nineteenth Century New England”

The Catholic Historical Review, XXXVI, No. 2 (Washington, July 1950) : 163—189. Mason Wade, “The French Parish and Survivance in nineteenth Century New England”. An article from journal Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française (Volume 4, Number 3, décembre 1950, pp. 311-462), on Érudit.

La double expérience de Catherine Benincasa (Sainte-Catherine de Sienne) by Robert Fawtier, Louis Canet

BOOK REVIEWS La double experience de Catherine Benincasa (Sainte-Catherine de Sienne). By RoBERT FAWTIER and Loms CANET. Paris: Librairie Gallimard, 1948. Pp. 368. Fr. 550. This is an important book-not important for what it is in itself, but for what it connotes. The authors are Catholic laymen of the most erudite attainments in their respective fields: M. Fawtier in history; M. Canet in the history of Christian thought. It is not a joint work, for the former treats of Catherine's human experience, the latter of the spiritual aspects of her life. While their views are sometimes at variance, there is, nevertheless , a striking note of unity. A brief evaluation of the work of M. Fawtier appears in a recent issue of The Catholic Historical Review. A few observations there made should receive more extended notice here. l\1. Fawtier is no stranger to St. Catherine, and he professes the utmost admiration and veneration for her. In his Essai de critique des sources (2 vols. Paris, 1921-30), however, he provoked sharp criticism by the animus and violence of his attack upon the early biographers of the saint. He also touched off a scholarly restudy of the sources, many of which have since been published for the first time, and others may follow. From what have appeared up to now, it is apparent that he has won this battle against certain somewhat exaggerated (and, incidentally, undefended) estimates of the political role the saint played in the life of her times. But the role was not inconsiderable; Catherine cannot be eliminated therefrom (cf. No~ne M. Denis-Boulet, La carriere politique de Sainte Catherine de Sienne, Paris, 1939, which M. Fawtier cites with approval, and Arrigo Levasti, S. Caterina da Siena, Rome, 1947). In his attack upon the reliability of the hagiographical sources, however, M. Fawtier failed completely (cf. DenisBoulet , op. cit., 33, and M. H. Laurent, Il processo Castellano fasc. IX in Fontes vitae S. Catherinae historici, Rome, 1942). Nevertheless, M. Fawtier returns to the attack, chastened by the events of 1940-45, more mellow, but still aggressive and at times petulant if not violent. On April 29, 1942, the anniversary of St. Catherine's death, the Gestapo came to his home in the middle of the night. Three years later, almost to the very day, he sought hospitality in Switzerland, after a harrowing experience in Nazi concentration camps. Three years of meditation on the strange coincidence that deprived him of his liberty on that particular day determined him to stand like Catherine, firm in his convictions, and write a life of the saint, whether is was worthy of her or not. We may admire his courage, but not his tenacity. Scholarship and erudition should recognize that history deals with facts. A Catholic scholar, 500 BOOK REVIEWS 501 however critical, must take note of facts that the philosophy of the materialist and the Deist and the Protestant may refuse or fail to recognize. The supernatural life, the mystical life cannot be ignored. And this is not merely a question of miracles and the medieval attitude toward them. Saints are not ordinary folk. There are extraordinary men and women whom God has raised up for a definite work in the world under His provident care of mankind, and especially of His Church. The saints, above all mystics, are men and women in whom the supernatural life is in full operation, for it is dominant and it governs in diverse ways their natural and ordinary activities. To repeat, it is not merely a question of supernatural phenomena-whether this or that was a miracle, whether it really happened, or whether the credulity of the witness was excessive. It is a question of whether or not the spirit of God is at work, and of this exceedingly few are competent to judge. Now.. the supreme authority in the Dominican Order, the General Chapter, after investigating Catherine, recognized the spirit of God at work. The Master General of the Order committed her to the direction and guidance of one whose competency was beyond cavil. Later, the Holy Father confirmed the action and choice of the Dominican Gt:neral. Later still, the Church...

Some Neglected Aspects in the History of Penance. By Thomas P. Oakley. In Catholic Historical Review, xxiv. 293–309. - Celtic Penance: Its Sources, Affiliations, and Influence. By Thomas P. Oakley. In IERecord, series 5, lii. 147–64, 581–601.

Some Neglected Aspects in the History of Penance. By Thomas P. Oakley. In Catholic Historical Review, xxiv. 293–309. - Celtic Penance: Its Sources, Affiliations, and Influence. By Thomas P. Oakley. In IERecord, series 5, lii. 147–64, 581–601. - Volume 1 Issue 3

The Bellarmine-Jefferson Legend and the Declaration of Independence

The Bellarmine-Jefferson legend dates from the article of Mr. Gaillard Hunt, entitled “Cardinal Bellarmine and the Virginia Bill of Rights,” which appeared in the Catholic Historical Review, October, 1917, pp. 276–289. The article sets forth that Jefferson was indebted to Cardinal Bellarmine for the principles of democratic government embodied in the Declaration of Independence, and also embodied in the Virginia Bill of Rights. The alleged discovery seems now to be accepted in Roman Catholic periodicals as a fixed fact. Mr. Hunt's article, which was also issued in separate form, demands attention from the position which Mr. Hunt occupied as chief of the Division of Manuscripts in the Congressional Library at Washington and for his Life of Madison and other works. He was a convert to the Roman Church. He died in 1924. All subsequent treatments of the Bellarmine-Jefferson theory start with Mr. Hunt's assertions.