Catholic Historical Review Research Articles

Kampf um Florenz–Die Medici im Exil (1494–1512) (review)

Kampf um Florenz-Die Medici im Exil (1494-1512). By Gotz-Rudiger Tewes. (Cologne: Bohlau Verlag. 2011. Pp. xiv, 1190. euro128,00. ISBN 978-3412-20643-7.) Many years ago, there was a delightful friend, all energy and projects, who would visit my roommates and me in our college dormitory. She carried a very heavy bookbag, which, after climbing four flights of stairs, she would drop on the floor with a thud. In the bag there figured most prominently a thick biology text that she was always promising to read. One day, we played a prank on her and placed a brick at the bottom of her bookbag. Imagine her surprise one week later when we emptied the bag and revealed the brick. When Gotz-Rudiger Tewes's new book- nearly 1200 pages in Germanarrived, this reviewer's first thought was that a similar if not identical trick was being played on him by the editors of The Catholic Historical Review. All's well that ends well. The friend did read her biology book, and this admirable book by Tewes was a pleasure to read. Florence in the period from 1494 to 1512, when the Medici family was in exile and a republican regime known as the governo popolare was in control, has long been the subject of intense scrutiny, especially by scholars interested in Savonarola and Machiavelli. Tewes tells the story of this period again, but this time from the point of view of the exiled Medici and their partisans in Florence, whose story is reconstructed in exacting detail on the basis of a great deal of new evidence that Tewes has assembled and analyzed with great care. He situates his work within the field of historical network study, but his is an unusual case. Other Florentine historians have looked at the network as a tool of social advancement, as a means of preserving class dominance, as a way of controlling territory, as an instrument for seizing political power, or as a way extending influence abroad. The emphasis has been on how growing networks advanced the interests of those who belonged to them. Tewes instead studies a network that shrunk and adapted defensively during a prolonged crisis. This is not an expansive Facebook-style story, but it is no less interesting. The broad network that was established by Cosimo de' Medici in the 1420s and 143Os did not disappear after the political disaster of 1494, but in great part it became dormant. Most former partisans participated in the restored republic, whereas only a few key Florentine players remained secretly active in the Medici network, whose principals (Piero, Cardinal Giovanni, and Giuliano) continued to move freely about the Italian pensinsula. Crucial to the survival of the principals as political actors was the preservation of their wealth. Notwithstanding repeated clawback efforts by the Florentine government, the Medici continued to command resources that were substantial enough to influence the policy of successive popes and the king of France. …

Report from the Executive Secretary and Treasurer, ACHA Special Funds (Restricted Assets) for 2009

Report from the Executive Secretary and Treasurer, ACHA Special Funds (Restricted Assets) for 2009 Paul Robichaud C.S.P. In volume 96, no. 4 (October 1010) of The Catholic Historical Review I presented the financial statement of the American Catholic Historical Association for 2009. Monsignor Robert Trisco, the former executive secretary-treasurer, noted that I had not published a separate report on the restricted funds that are a part of our endowment. For the purposes of financial transparency I will do that now. As regards to our net assets as of 12/31/09, we have $940,907.52 in total assets. This divides between $812,360.99 (unrestricted assets) and $128,546.53 (restricted net assets). Our restricted assets break down by both fund and investment. Paul Robichaud, C.S.P. Executive Secretary and Treasurer Restricted Net Assets as of 12/31/09: Howard R. Marraro Prize: (T Rowe Price GNMA) Balance 12/31/2009: 18,124.23 Anne M. Wolf Fund: (T Rowe Price GNMA) Balance 12/31/2009: 5,831.39 The Catholic Historical Review Fund: Balance 12/31/2009: 3,191.11 Endowment Fund: (Vanguard GNMA) Balance 12/31/2009: 4,642.50 John Tracy Ellis Memorial Fund: (Vanguard GNMA) Balance 12/31/2009: 26,183.03 Harry C. Koenig Fund: (PIMCO GNMA) Balance 12/31/2009: 60,574.27 [End Page 93] John Whitney Evans Fund for the John Gilmary Shea Prize Fund: (PIMCO GNMA) Balance 12/31/2009: 10,000.00 Total Restricted Net Assets: 128,546.53 Restricted Assets (12/31/2009) by Investment: T. Rowe Price GNMA: 23,955.62 Vanguard GNMA 30,825.53 PIMCO 70,574.27 Investment Total: 125,355.42 PNC Bank: 3,191.11 Total: 128,546.53 [End Page 94] Paul Robichaud C.S.P. Executive Secretary and Treasurer Copyright © 2011 The Catholic University of America Press

The Low Countries in the Sixteenth Century: Erasmus, Religion and Politics, Trade and Finance (review)

Reviewed by: The Low Countries in the Sixteenth Century: Erasmus, Religion and Politics, Trade and Finance Henk van Nierop The Low Countries in the Sixteenth Century: Erasmus, Religion and Politics, Trade and Finance. By James D.Tracy. [Variorum Collected Studies Series, 808.] (Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company. 2005. Pp. xii, 346. $124.95.) One of the most prolific, versatile, and creative historians of the sixteenth-century Netherlands, and more generally of Renaissance and Reformation Europe, is undoubtedly James Tracy. Having begun his long career with a dissertation, and then a book, on The Politics of Erasmus (1978), he became interested in the history of the Habsburg Netherlands as the backdrop to the great humanist's thinking, which eventually resulted in a monograph on the political and religious history of the county of Holland before the Revolt, Holland under Habsburg Rule (1990). While working in the archives at The Hague, he became interested in Holland's public debt system, which apparently predated England's famous "Financial Revolution" of the 1690s by at least one century and a half. This resulted in a long article (republished in the volume under review) and another book, A Financial Revolution in the Habsburg Netherlands (1985). Professor Tracy's interest in financial matters was broadened in a study of Emperor Charles V, Impresario of War (2002), which focuses on the ways the emperor paid for his wars in Europe and North Africa. As director of the University of Minnesota's Center for Early Modern History he also became involved with the history of long-distance trade, editing two volumes on the rise, and the political economy, of merchant empires in the early modern world (1990, 1991). In the meantime he continued to publish on Erasmus (Erasmus of the Low Countries, 1996), and produced a textbook on Europe's Reformations 1450–1650 (1999). His latest book The Founding of the Dutch Republic came out in January 2008, focusing on how the province of Holland largely on its own paid for the initial stages of the Revolt, thereby safeguarding its own vital interests at the expense of the peripheral Dutch provinces. In between, he dabbles with fields as diverse as the correspondence of Justus Lipsius (thus combining his interests in early Dutch Humanism and sixteenth-century Dutch politics), and relations between the Low Countries and the Ottoman Empire. Unsurprisingly, James Tracy's research over many years has resulted in a great number of articles in various journals and volumes of conference papers. Fourteen of these have been published in the present volume of essays. Its structure reflects the author's interests: there is a section on "Erasmus" (five essays), a section on "Religion and Politics in the Low Countries" (four essays), and a section on "Finance and Trade: Netherlands Perspectives" (five essays). Two essays have been published previously in The Catholic Historical Review ("Erasmus and the Arians" and "With and Without the Counter-Reformation"). Since many of these essays have been published in various journals and volumes not readily available, this volume will undoubtedly find a wide readership. All papers in this volume have retained their original pagination, as is customary in Ashgate's Variorum series. While this practice undoubtedly facilitates [End Page 156] the retrieval of references, the bewildering variety of lay-outs and type-sets has resulted in a volume less handsome than the author deserves, for a price that may be called rather stiff. Henk van Nierop University of Amsterdam Copyright © 2008 The Catholic University of America Press

Covenant Marriage in Comparative Perspective (review)

Covenant in Comparative Perspective. Edited by JohnWitte,Jr, and Eliza Ellison. [Religion, Marriage, and Family] (Grand Rapids, Michigan:William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. 2005. Pp. xiv, 342. $34.00 paperback.) The term has acquired two widely accepted definitions. The first is the historical sense, derived from Calvinist theology. John Calvin, who rejected traditional Catholic notions of the sacramentality and indissolubility of Christian wished to ground his new vision of Christian marriage on a fresh interpretation of biblical texts. In the revolutionary sixteenth century, he sought marital stability even while rejecting the old theological and canonistic understandings. He found that stability in the emphasis he placed on the biblical notion of God made a in the Book of Genesis with the people of Israel, and he renewed this with the Christian people through the atoning acts of Jesus Christ and the heartfelt conversion every Christian must experience as the first step toward salvation. Marriage, Calvin argued, should replicate, in the terrestrial world, this grand and transcendent vision of God's relation to His creation. Man and wife should bind themselves as lovingly and irrevocably toward one another as God has bound Himself to those He lovingly brought into being and whose welfare He continues to look after. If this is the generally accepted theological meaning of the term marriage, it has acquired a second sense also, in recent American debates over no-fault divorce. Thanks to the tireless efforts of the Louisiana legal scholar Katherine Shaw Spaht, marriage has acquired in those American states that have adopted such statutes the general legal sense of a binding relationship that requires greater formality and commitment than other forms of legal marriage. Parties to a marriage must, as a matter of state law, undergo premarital counseling to gain a deeper sense of marital permanence and fidelity; they must pledge to take measures to preserve the marriage in the face of difficulties; and they agree in advance to abide by narrowly drawn grounds of divorce and not seek divorce under the state's no-fault provisions. The contributors to this collection of essays take these two senses of marriage as basic and seek to accomplish two further goals: A number of contributors seek to expand the ambit of covenant marriage by finding analogues to this tradition outside the Calvinist and the American legal experiences. Other contributors, meanwhile, seek to explore in greater depth and detail the significance of marriage to the reformed Protestant tradition and to American law: Edited by JohnWitte, one of the most prodigiously creative and versatile members of the American legal academy and by Eliza Ellison, the Projects Director for the Emory University Center for the Study of Law and Religion, this book achieves both ambitions.The result is an interdisciplinary work of great originality and skill. Several essays stand out as especially significant for the readers of the Catholic Historical Review. These include, first, Michael Lawler's article Marriage as Covenant in the Catholic Tradition. Aside from some ambiguous references in Hosea and Malachi, Lawler finds little support for an explicit biblical understanding of marriage as covenant. Similarly, he finds that, aside from a reference to marriage as afoedus in the fourth-century Arnobius and again in the letter of the ninth-century Pope Nicholas I to the Bulgarians, the medieval writers eschewed the language of in favor of sacramentum. This tendency became fixed with the twelfth-century rise of scholasticism and the Council of Trent's subsequent inclusion of marriage as one of the seven sacraments. And yet, Lawler continues, the Catholic tradition is not hos tile to the ideal of marriage. …

Teaching & Learning Guide for: Breaking Old Habits: Recent Research on Women, Spirituality and the Arts in the Middle Ages

Teaching & Learning Guide for: Breaking Old Habits: Recent Research on Women, Spirituality and the Arts in the Middle Ages

The Eighty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the American Catholic Historical Association

Report of the Committee on Program The 2006 annual meeting of the American Catholic Historical Association convened on Thursday afternoon, January 5, at the Philadelphia Marriott Downtown Hotel. The program consisted of fifteen panels, a tour of two historical Catholic churches, and the presidential luncheon, an event which also allowed members of the Association to celebrate Monsignor Robert Trisco's long years of service as Secretary/Treasurer and editor of The Catholic Historical Review. The program was assembled by a committee that included Thomas Kselman (Chairman, University of Notre Dame), Brad Gregory (University of Notre Dame), John McGreevy (University of Notre Dame), and Margaret McGuinness (Cabrini College). Professor McGuinness was especially helpful in organizing two panels related to the history of Catholicism in Philadelphia, the tour of St. Mary's and St. Joseph's, and a reception at the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia's headquarters. In general, the chairmen of the different panels reported good attendance, even at the sessions on Thursday afternoon and Sunday morning, with the numbers ranging from a dozen to sixty present in the audience. Two of the panels at the meeting were co-sponsored by the American Historical Association, and one by the American Society of Church History. The meeting began with two panels on Thursday afternoon, January 5, both of which were interrupted by a fire alarm that emptied the building for a few minutes. The first, chaired by Joseph Casino, from the Philadelphia Archdiocesan Historical Research Center, was entitled "The Role of Catholic Philadelphia in World Affairs." John Quinn (Salve Regina University) presented a paper on "The Rise and Fall of Repeal: Slavery and Irish Nationalism in Antebellum Philadelphia." This was followed by Richard Warren's (St. Joseph's University, Philadelphia) paper, "Catholicism in Philadelphia as a Social Nexus for Latin American—U.S. Relations During the Age of Revolution." Sister Mary Louise Sullivan, M.S.C. (Cabrini College) provided the comment. The second panel, on "Catholic Education in the Twentieth Century," was chaired by Philip Gleason (emeritus, University of Notre Dame), a former president of the Association. One of the participants, Father Richard Gribble, C.S.C. (Stonehill College), was unable to attend because of a meeting of his Congregation. His paper, "Catholic Education in San Francisco in the Early Twentieth Century: Two Pioneering Efforts," was read by Christopher J. Kauffman, Father [End Page 244] Gribble's doctoral advisor at the Catholic University of America and a former president of the Association. His paper dealt with the activities of two important clerical leaders concerned with parochial education in San Francisco. Father Peter Yorke was a pedagogical theorist and the author of a number of widely distributed textbooks in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Edward Hanna, Archbishop of San Francisco from 1915 to 1935, fought for tax-exempt status of parochial schools in California, a right not obtained until 1951. Alan Delozier (Seton Hall University) presented a paper reviewing the presidency of Monsignor James F. Kelley, who oversaw the professionalization and expansion of Seton Hall College during his tenure from 1936 to 1949. Helen Ciernick (Santa Clara University) presented a paper on "Catholic Students in Transition: The History of the National Federation of Catholic College Students in the 1950's and 1960's." Dr. Ciernick analyzed the tension between the student organization and the National Catholic Welfare Conference, interpreted as a sign of increasing lay self-assertiveness. In his comment Professor Gleason noted that tensions between a central bureaucracy and competing peripheral institution could also help explain the difficulties experienced by the National Federation of Catholic College Students. The session was well attended and provoked enough interest that most of the twenty or so members of the audience returned for the discussion after the fire alarm episode. The meeting continued with two panels on Friday morning, January 6. William Portier (University of Dayton) chaired and commented on a session dealing with Catholic Modernists entitled "Criticism...

Sanctorum Societas: Recits latins de saintet� (IIIe - XIIe siecles) (review)

Reviewed by: Sanctorum Societas: Récits latins de sainteté (IIIe-XIIe siècles) John Howe Sanctorum Societas: Récits latins de sainteté (IIIe-XIIe siècles). By François Dolbeau. 2 vols. [Subsidia hagiographica, LXXXV.] (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes. 2005. Pp. xii, 436; 437-1007. €175.) François Dolbeau is one of the world's leading critical hagiographers. His basic philological approach remains inspired by the Oratorian and Bollandist attempts to produce authoritative texts, which they envisioned as a counterweight to Protestant criticism of the cult of the saints. Indeed, Dolbeau has collaborated with the Bollandists for decades. He seeks to identify and edit the literary memorials of the saints, privileging text over questions of cult development, even over the reconstruction of the saints' historical careers. As a graduate student, in an era prior to personal computers, he began tracking Latin hagiographical scholarship with the aid of ream-size boxes of paper, each sheet marked with a text number or a hypothetical text number from the Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina (BHL). Although he was once based at the École française in Rome, he has taught at the École Pratique des Hautes Études in Paris since 1985. General readers of the Catholic Historical Review may more readily recognize him as the editor of the twenty-six lost sermons of Augustine found in a late fifteenth-century Carthusian codex in the Stadtbibliothek of Mainz, but those who are students of hagiography know him as a prolific hagiographical scholar and an unfailingly helpful expert, quick to respond to queries. Indeed, I was personally surprised to discover, when I sat for a few weeks in Dolbeau's hagiographical seminar at the École Pratique, that his kindness was sometimes a team effort: he often brought mail to class and would begin with questions along the lines of "Professor X wishes to know. . . . How might we help him?" In these two volumes, Dolbeau has collected thirty hagiographical studies, all but one previously published between 1974 and 2002. He presents them with their original pagination, but also adds sequential page references within square brackets. The original articles are now supplemented with extensive addenda [End Page 96] and corrigenda. They are grouped into five sections. Section I presents three general studies: one concerning the criteria to use to establish the attribution and authenticity of hagiographical works, another on hagiographical composition, and a third on hagiographical texts written in verse. Section II concerns Latin hagiography in the ancient world: it presents an improved critical edition and commentary for the passio of Lucius and Montanus (BHL 6009), a critical edition of a Donatist sermon on the death of Donatus (BHL 2303b), and a critical edition with French translation of the passio of Irenaeus of Sirmium (BHL 4466). The inherent logic of Dolbeau's chronological organization might lead readers to expect a subsequent section on post-Roman materials, but this is not the case: perhaps editing and close analysis of the texts of the Merovingian world and its neighbors has been pre-empted to some extent by the careful Quellenkritik of the scholars of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Instead the nine studies of Section III concern the hagiography of the ninth and tenth centuries: the editio princeps of the prose life of Marcel of Die (BHL 5247b); the editio princeps of the passio of Cassian of Imola (BHL 1626d) composed by Hucbald of Saint-Amand (d. 930); a study of the dossier of Amatus of Sens which demonstrates that BHL 363–364 is also by Hucbald; a study distinguishing, in Naples and other centers, the roles of translators from the roles of Latin writers/stylists in the creation of Latin lives from Greek sources; a partial first edition of Cyril's Latin life of Euthimius (BHL 2778d) based on a translation made by John the Deacon (early tenth century); an examination of the dossier of Bishop Canio of Atella (BHL 1541d and 1541b); an editio princeps of a sermon written for the feast of Donatianus (BHL 2280) by Rather of Verona (d. 974); an editio princeps of a panegyric delivered at Minden for the feast of Gorgonius (BHL 3621d); and an edition of a versification (no...

Whither Propaganda? Agonism and “The Engineering of Consent”

Randall L. Bytwerk, Bending Spines: The Propagandas of Nazi Germany and the German Democratic Republic (East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 2004), 228 pp. $59.95 (cloth), $24.95 (pap...

Building the Church in America: Studies in Honor of Monsignor Robert F. Trisco on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday (review)

American Building the Church in America, Studies in Honor of Monsignor Robert F. Trisco on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday. Edited by Joseph C. Linck, C.O., and Raymond J. Kupke. [Melville Studies in Church History] (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press. 1999. Pp. xi, 292. $39.95.) Priest, professor, scholar, historian, editor, Robert Trisco has been a major figure in American Church History for over forty years. This collection of twelve historical studies presents a wide-ranging sweep of church history in the United States from the colonial period to the second Vatican Council. These studies reflect in one way or another the wide reach of Monsignor Trisco's contributions to the discipline of church history in his writing, teaching, and editorial and administrative tasks with The Catholic Historical Review and the American Catholic Historical Association. The contributions include events and persons that to many may seem obscure and less well known. They have the advantage, however, of calling attention to the Catholic Church's far-reaching presence in American life. Robert Emmett Curran's article on the involvement of in slavery, and most especially the part played by the bishops and the Jesuits in what they did or did not do, touches on an issue the consequences of which still split apart our nation today. Thanks to the late Thomas Spalding's Catholics in the Land of Billy the Kid, we have a picture of the little-known frontier of Catholicism in southeastern New Mexico. Mexican Americans, Hispanics, Native Americans, Anglo cattlemen, and priests-both inside and outside of Canon Law-reveal a Church, both colorful and unconventional. Rory Conley's article on German American and World War I lifts the veil on the now forgotten trials of Franz Joseph Feinler, a German-born American priest, unjustly imprisoned and almost forgotten in his time by a compliant American Church. The question of ethnicity and the American Catholic Church is treated again by Earl Boyea in the article, Edward Mooney and the Reverend Charles Cougnlin's Anti-Semitism, 1938-1940. Archbishop Mooney of Detroit was unable to ignore the blatant anti-Semitism of Coughlin's addresses and publications. Still the archbishop was presented with a dilemma between Coughlin's right of free speech and the racist propaganda in his public utterances and in his published views. At the same time, the author does not fail to acknowledge the unspoken anti-Jewish sentiment in much of the American Catholic mentality of the time. Questions regarding ethnicity within the religious communities is ably exposed by Charles O'Neill, S.J., in his analysis of the lack of understanding between the French and American-born Jesuits in the New Orleans Mission in the nineteenth century. was more or less a Protestant cause. It became a Catholic concern when American had to negotiate the acquisition and the consumption of wine for the Eucharist. Douglas Slawson's article,'Wine for the Gods.' Negotiations for the Sacramental Use of Alcohol during Prohibition is a reminder that freedom of religion in America was as often an issue as was race or ethnicity. The influence of an American Catholic layman in the history of the second Vatican Council is the behind-the-scenes article by Raymond Kupke on James Norris, who was the only layman to address a plenary session of the Council and perhaps the only one who influenced one of the major conciliar documents. …

Das Konzil von Pavia-Siena 1423-1424 (review)

Das Konzil von Pavia-Siena 1423-1424. By Walter Brandmuller. [Konziliengeschichte, Reihe A: Darstellungen.] (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schoningh. 2002. Pp.xxiv,371.euro50,20.) According to the decree Frequens of the Council of Constance, an ecumenical council was to be convoked by the pope five years following the end of Constance. Thus Pope Martin V in due time summoned a council to meet at Pavia, where a synod was inaugurated April 23, 1423. An outbreak of plague forced the sparsely-attended Council to move to Siena, where it lasted from july until its dissolution in March, 1424. Most of these months were filled with disputes over administrative matters, as well as divisions among the various nations; and the ambivalence of Pope Martin and his ultimate decision to remain away from the council made it difficult to get anything done. Despite the issuance of decrees on a number of issues, little in the way of reform was accomplished. Since its appearance over thirty years ago, students of medieval conciliarism have been indebted to Walter Brandmuller's monograph on the council. In that first edition, Dr. Brandmuller greatly augmented our knowledge of the Council by drawing upon many hitherto neglected manuscript and archival sources, most notably the writings of the envoy to the council of King Alfonso V of Aragon. Based upon this source and others, Brandmuller portrayed the Council as being at the center of complex maneuvering between the Aragonese king and his claims to the Kingdom of Naples, on the one hand, and Pope Martin V and his allies on the other. Although he made extensive use of the Dominican John of Ragusa's treatment of the Council, Brandmuller cautioned that John's interpretations of what happened at Pavia-Siena, particularly his judgments of the motivations behind the actions of Pope Martin V,must be read with extreme caution as a product of John's radical conciliarist perspective years later at the Council of Basel. Dr. Brandmuller not only offered the most extensive treatment of the Council to date, but provided a follow-up volume of previously unedited sources. While noting in his review that As a diplomatic history of the council his book is unsurpassed and it is not likely to be replaced {Catholic Historical Review, LVII [October, 1971], 501), Professor Brian Tierney and other reviewers questioned the author's emphasis on Pope Martin Vs lack of culpability for the council's failure. This new edition of Brandmuller's work is an expansion of his original volume in the light of three decades of research by himself and others. …

Dal pulpito alla cattedra. I vescovi degli ordini mendicanti nel ’200 e nel primo ’300 (review)

The Catholic Historical Review 88.2 (2002) 343-349 [Access article in PDF] Book Review Dal pulpito alla cattedra. I vescovi degli ordini mendicanti nel '200 e nel primo '300 Dal pulpito alla cattedra. I vescovi degli ordini mendicanti nel '200 e nel primo '300. Atti del XXVII Convegno internazionale, Assisi, 14-16 ottobre 1999. [Atti dei Convegni della Società internazionale di studi francescani e del Centro interuniversitario di studi francescani. Nuova serie, 10.] (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull'Alto Medioevo. 2000. Pp. x, 420. Lire 90.000 paperback.) Every year in October since 1972, members of the Società internazionale di studi francescani and the Centro interuniversitario di studi francescani gather with other interested scholars in Assisi to discuss and debate a theme germane to the study of the Franciscan movement (or, more broadly, the mendicant Orders) in the Middle Ages. The theme treated in the Assisi convegno of 1999 concerned the friars, most particularly the Franciscans and Dominicans, who served as bishops and archbishops in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries—a theme all-too-rarely treated in any systematic manner of late. Indeed, one of the primary contributions of these Assisi convegni over the years has been to illuminate the impact of the friars in the public arena of European society (through its innovations in preaching and confessing, its influence upon culture and literature, etc.) more than to explore the particular dynamics of its internal struggles. Hence, this conference brings together a wealth of materials from disparate sources and countries, adding to a fuller understanding of the involvement of the mendicants in the public ministry of the Church as its shepherds in the Middle Ages. On the whole, most of the authors know and use the standard sources on mendicant bishops (e.g., Eubel, Gumbley, Oliger, and Pellegrini); several, not all, take advantage of the valuable research of the American Williell R. Thomson (Friars in the Cathedral), and one author has even made use of a very recent article by Rudolf Schieffer on the first Dominican bishops (in a 1999 festschrift for Kaspar Elm, Vita religiosa im Mittelalter). Nevertheless, it is the particular use that each of the ten authors makes of the various sources that constitutes their most valuable contribution to the subject of friar-bishops. The opening presentation, by Antonio Rigon, sets out the paradox which both Orders—the Franciscans and Dominicans—had to confront in order to serve as bishops within the Church: namely, how could friars, ostensibly dedicated to the "poverty and humility of Jesus Christ," square their vocational charism [End Page 343] (which had concrete implications for their choice of social rank among the lower classes) with the desires of the papacy and, to a lesser extent, certain other clergy, that they serve as prelates which, by definition, would place them in a higher social class with an array of extraordinary powers and perquisites at their disposal? Rigon uses as his touchstone the famous account of 2 Celano 148-150 where both Francis and Dominic turned aside the request of Cardinal Hugolino (later Pope Gregory IX) that they allow their sons to serve as bishops. The author notes, contrary to expectation, that initial opposition to this evolution in both Orders was actually more vociferous among the Dominicans. Rigon then frames the uneasy coexistence of these two vocations as being between those friars who had agreed, often quite reluctantly, to become bishops (frati-vescovi) and those who were first and foremost churchmen who also just happened to be friars (vescovi-frati). Though he asserts that the former stance predominated over the latter in both Orders, resulting in a notable and positive impact upon the life of the Church, he offers no real evidence for his assertion—an assertion, moreover, belied by data presented in other presentations. Moving to the two introductory overviews, it must be said that the primary novelty of Edith Pasztor's contribution is that she constructs a list of mendicant bishops on the basis of the Vatican registers rather than the standard edited sources. She...

Going Gregorian, 1582-1752: A Summary View

The Catholic Historical Review VOL.LXXXVlJANUARY, 2000No. 1 GOING GREGORIAN, 1582-1752: ASUMMARYVIEW Malcolm Freiberg* In 1582 the papal decree of Gregory XIII dropped ten days from the Julian calendar then in use, thus synchronizing the year and its seasons. Western Europe's Catholic countries rapidly adopted the "New Stile" calendar, so-called; Protestant ones did so more slowly.Among the latter, Great Britain was a long-term holdout. She clung to the "Old Stile"Julian calendar until 1752, when she and her dominions finally abandoned it in favor of the Catholic construct of 170 years before. Some hostility accompanied the change in Britain; adoption was not contentious in colonial America. For civil purposes, most nations of the world now use the calendar that Pope Gregory had promulgated for religious purposes, the incidence of the Resurrection being at the core of Christianity. As we leave one millennium and enter another, a brief look at 1582 and 1752 and the years before, between, and after may be of more than antiquarian interest . In 46 B.C. (as we now reckon time) Julius Caesar by decree imposed the calendar that bears his name. To achieve seasonal harmony, it lengthened the year to 445 days, began 45 B.C. and succeeding years on January 1 , and, on the advice of the Greco-Alexandrian astronomer Sosi- *Dr. Freiberg is Editor of Publications, Emeritus, of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston. After this article was accepted in June, 1998, for publication in the year 2000, the William and Mary Quarterly published in October, 1998 (3rd series, Vol. Ly pp. 557-584), Mark M. Smith's article on "Culture, Commerce, and Calendar Reform in Colonial America." (To that point neither was aware of the other's interest in aspects of calendrical history.) Professor Smith's excellent essay is highly recommended. I GOING GREGORIAN, 1582-1752: A SUMMARY VIEW genes, set a year's duration at 365 days and six hours, with common years to run 365 days and with every fourth year to contain an extra day. Its year-length estimate was eleven minutes and fourteen seconds greater than a natural year, a difference adding up to an entire day every 128 years. In addition, the Julian rule resulted in three too many leap years about every 400 years. As the centuries advanced, the spring equinox receded. By the time of the Council of Nicaea1 in 325 A.D., it had drifted from March 25 to March 21. The council set March 21 as the date of the spring equinox. In addition, it mandated that Easter should fall on the Sunday after the full moon following the spring equinox and avoid coinciding with the Jewish Passover. By the sixteenth century, the spring equinox was back at March 1 1 , the autumnal at September 1 1, the longest day of the year was June 1 1 , and the shortest, December 1 1 . In short, the calendar was ready for revision. Ready, that is, after a long interval of sixteen centuries from the imposition of the Julian calendar. In that interval, there were numerous attempts , all undertaken in the name of religion, to purge Caesar's calendar ofits errors.2 In 625 A.D. a monk in Rome named Dionysius Exiguus postulated Christ's date of conception as March 25 (when a year should begin) and date of birth as December 25. Also, the monk abandoned reckoning time from the foundation of Rome ("a& urbe condita ") and opted for the year of Christ's birth, which he assumed occurred in 1 A.D. (^Anno Domini" "in the year of the Lord"). The lack of a Year Zero in the Dionysian scheme still troubles those who insist that the new millennium properly begins on January 1, 2001.3 By the sixteenth century, movements for calendar reform were accelerating , mostly at various ecumenical councils—Constance, Basle, and 'Nicaea, today's Iznik, at the eastern end of Lake Iznik, in northwest Anatolia, Turkey. On some of these attempts, see Bertha M. Frick, with the collaboration of S. A. Ives, "Calendar Reform across Eighteen Centuries,"/oMrae/ of Calendar Reform, Third Quarter , 1943, pp. 130-138, and Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent...

The Cistercians and the Glossa Ordinaria

The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXVIAPRIL, 2000No. 2 THE CISTERCIANS AND THE GLOSSA ORDINARIA BY Constance B. Bouchard* The intellectual Renaissance of the twelfth century is usually seen as composed of two distinct strands. One strand was made up of the monastic "love of learning," to use Jean Leclercq's phrase, most commonly presented as devoted almost entirely to a reading and contemplation steeped in traditions that went back to the early Middle Ages. The Cistercians, the major new monastic order of the twelfth century, may have differed from the black monks in many respects, including a greater emphasis on spiritual experience in their theology, but they were still Benedictines, and their overall approach to study and scholarship is assumed to have been fully within a traditional framework.1 The other strand in this paradigm, in contrast, was composed of the new "scholastic"learning of the schools and the emerging universities,where texts were taken apart, critically analyzed, and discussed with the use of logic.2 It is to these schools of secular clergy, not to the monasteries, "Dr. Bouchard is a professor of history in the University ofAkron. She presented a preliminary version of this paper at the Thirty-second International Congress on Medieval Studies, Western Michigan University, Kalamzoo, in May, 1997. She acknowledges the help given her by Professors Karlfried Froehlich ofPrinceton Theological Seminary and E.Ann Matter of the University of Pennsylvania when she was beginning her study of the glossa ordinaria. Preliminary research was made possible by a fellowship from the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, and a return trip to Troyes was funded by the University ofAkron Faculty Research Committee. Jean Leclercq, The Love ofLearning and the Desirefor God, trans. Catharine Misrahi (New York, 1961). David Knowles, The Monastic Order in Englandfrom the Time ofSt. Dunstan to the Fourth Lateran Council, 940-1216, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1966), pp. 211-212. Jean Leclercq, François Vandenbroucke, and Louis Bouyer, The Spirituality ofthe MiddleAges ("A History of Christian Spirituality,"Vol. 2 [New York, 1968]), pp. 187-242. M.-D. 183 184THE CISTERCIANS AND THE GLOSSA ORDINARIA that scholars have attributed the development in the middle of the twelfth century of the extensive commentaries on and analyses of the Bible, written in its margins and between its lines, which have collectively become known as the glossa ordinaria. This article will challenge this paradigm, which has been so widely accepted for over a generation that its underlying assumptions have never been re-examined.3 As I shall argue here, principally on the basis of glossed biblical manuscripts of the twelfth century, the history of the first fifty years of the glossa ordinaria indicates that the two main strands within twelfth-century thought, the monastic and the scholastic , were not as distinct as has often been thought. Specifically, I shall demonstrate that although the glossed books of the Bible in the early twelfth century were originally a product of the schools, much of their development and dissemination was due to the monks of the Cistercian order. And, even more importantly, the study of the glossa and the Cistercians together provides new insights into the intellectual advances of the twelfth century. Some preliminary comments on the nature of the glossa ordinaria are necessary. The idea of writing commentaries on books of the Bible is, of course, a very old one. In the West,Augustine's commentaries on a number of different books both laid the basis for much medieval theology and provided a model on which later commentators could develop their own exegesis. Commentaries by Origen and Gregory the Great on certain books of the Bible were also influential. Bede especially continued this tradition, three centuries after Augustine, by writing a number of his own commentaries on books of the Bible. By the Carolingian period , scholars such as Hrabanus Maurus were creating biblical comChenu , Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, trans.Jerome Taylor and Lester K. Little (Chicago, 1968), pp. 270-309. 5A new biography of the Cistercians' most influential leader states categorically that"he had no affinity with Scholasticism"; Adriaan H. Bredero, Bernard of Clairvaux: Between Cult and History (Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1996), p. 15.A similar assumption...

The First Jubilees Celebrated in the United States

MISCELLANY THE FIRSTJUBILEES CELEBRATED IN THE UNITED STATES Robert Trisco* When on Christmas of 1775 Pope Pius VI extended the Jubilee to the following year for the entire Catholic world,1 the thirteen British colonies of North America had already begun the Revolutionary War, and communications between the American clergy and their ordinary, the VicarApostolic of the London District, were interrupted. The priests, all ex-Jesuits, continued, nevertheless , to labor under their local superior, who had been appointed by the Vicar Apostolic. After the Peace of Paris was signed, five of the priests, designated by the first General Chapter of the Clergy, met in November, 1783, and wrote a letter to the Pope, stating that they could no longer have recourse for their spiritual jurisdiction to a bishop or vicar apostolic living under a foreign government , and they requested not only that their ecclesiastical superior,John Lewis, be confirmed in office but also that the indulgences of the Jubilee of 1775 be granted to the American mission,"as well as such extension of faculties, as may seem good, to the missionaries in this extensive and very remote region, plagued by a long and bitter war with concurrent and continuing disturbances ." For that reason the Jubilee could not be promulgated here; still less could it be celebrated or benefited from.2 "Monsignor Trisco is the Kelly-Quinn Distinguished Professor of Church History in the Catholic University of America. He read an abridged version of this article in Italian at an international conference on "Jubilees in the History of the Church,"which was sponsored by the Pontifical Committee on Historical Sciences and held in Rome on June 23-26, 1999. The addition of pages to the January issue ofthe Catholic Historical Review to permit publication of this article has been financed by a subvention from the Anne M. Wolf Fund. The author expresses his gratitude to the referees for their helpful criticisms and suggestions. 'Bullarii Romani Continuatio, Vol. V, edd. Andrea Barberi and Alessandro Spetia (Rome, 1842), Const. LXXIII, pp. 180-185; Ludwig von Pastor, The History of the Popes, Vol. XXXLX: Pius VI. (1775-1799), trans. E. F. Peeler (reprinted Nendeln, Liechtenstein, 1969), p. 330. 2Peter Guilday, The Life and Times of John Caroll, Archbishop of Baltimore (1735-1815) (reprinted Westminster, Maryland, 1954), pp. 170-171; Thomas O'Brien Hanley, S.J. (ed), TheJohn Carroll Papers (3 vols; Notre Dame, Indiana, 1976), 1, 68-69. 85 86THE FIRSTJUBILEES CELEBRATED IN THE UNITED STATES Instead of Lewis the Holy See in 1784 appointedJohn Carroll superior of the missions. The prefect of the Congregation de Propaganda Fide, Cardinal Leonardo Antonelli, replied to Carroll that the Holy Father had extended the induit ofthe Jubilee to the thirteen states and that the time allowed to gain it was one year from the day on which Carroll would receive the letter.3 He received it on November 26, 1784.4 In the following January he sent the clergy a circular announcing the Jubilee and asking that the priests give the faithful under their care "such instruction, as may render them well acquainted with the nature, & advantage of a Jubilee, and of the necessary conditions for obtaining the benefit of it." The Holy Father had empowered him "to exchange the enjoined exercises of piety into other good works."Therefore, since the circumstances of the country did not permit the faithful to visit four different churches, Carroll directed (1) that the inhabitants oftowns in which there was a chapel convenient for the purpose, with the Blessed Sacrament reserved in it, had to visit the said chapel on fifteen successive or interrupted days and there devoutly recite either the Litany of the Saints or seven "Our Fathers" and seven "Hail Marys," etc., for the intention stated by the Pope; (2) that those who lived in the country or other places not having the convenience of a chapel with the Blessed Sacrament kept in it, or who lived in towns having such a chapel but were "deprived of all opportunity of visiting it, being servants or slaves," had likewise to recite the Litany of the Saints and the aforementioned prayers "for the space of fifteen days, either continued or interrupted...

The Catholic Historical Review

The Catholic Historical Review

Crusader, Castration, Canon Law: Ivo of Chartres' Letter 135

The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXVJULY, 1999No. 3 CRUSADER, CASTRATION, CANON LAW: IYO OF CHARTRES' LETTER 135 BY Bruce C. Brasington* In memoriam Stephan Kuttner Introduction In his famous Wimmer Lecture, Stephan Kuttner described medieval canon law as the effort to bring "harmony from dissonance."1 In the following , I wish to honor his memory by examining how one bishop sought that most elusive harmony within a particularly difficult decision . Shortly after 1100, Bishop Ivo of Chartres (fil 15) heard the plea for mercy from a veteran crusader, Raimbold Creton, whom Ivo had earlier sentenced to severe penance for having arranged the castration of a monk. The result of Ivo's decision was a letter to Pope Paschal II, number 135 in the bishop's collected correspondence. In reading letter 135—reconstructing the context of the crime, the penance imposed by Ivo, and how the bishop now treated the knight's request for dispensation —we discover the violence of the early twelfth century and an unexpected legal, social, and political consequence of the nascent crusading movement. We also encounter a remarkable pastor and judge who sought mercy -within justice. *Dr. Brasington is an associate professor of history in West Texas A&M University, Canyon. He presented an earlier version of this paper at the 1996 Annual Meeting of the Medieval Academy of America. He wishes to thank members of the WTAMU Interdepartmental Colloquium for criticism and advice. 'Stephan Kuttner,Harmonyfrom Dissonance (Wimmer Lecture 10 [Latrobe, Pennsylvania , I960]). 367 368CRUSADER, CASTRATION, CANON LAW: IVO OF CHARTRES' LETTER 135 Letter 135 In letter 135 (see appendix), Ivo informs Pope Paschal II that he sends Raimbold,veteran ofJerusalem, to receive papal judgment.2 Raimbold had been "driven by the devil" to castrate a monk-priest of the monastery ofBonnevale.Apparently the victim had earlier beaten some of Raimbold's men for having stolen hay. This "unheard-of" crime had merited severe punishment by the bishop: disarmament, followed by a fourteen-year penance involving fasting and almsgiving. Raimbold had agreed, only to beg later for permission to take up arms again because of harassment from his enemies. Fearing this might establish a precedent for "easy indulgence," Ivo now reserves the decision to Paschal, whom he asks to consider Raimbold's difficult journey to Rome when hearing his plea for mitigation. Letter 135 is obscure. It is undated, though ca. 1103-1104 seems most plausible.3 It is also the unique witness to this case and Ivo's judgment . There is no further mention of Raimbold in Ivo's correspondence , and thus we know little about him and nothing about his trip to Rome, if indeed it was ever undertaken. One suspects that he did not go. While his chronology is likely skewed, Oderic Vitalis tells us that Raimbold fell sometime prior to 1103 while fighting on behalf of Countless Adela of Blois.4 Recently, C. J. Tyerman considered Raimbold's story—a "squalid career "—proof of the minimal impact of the First Crusade on the brutal 2Pi1VoI. 162, cols. 144D-145A. On Paschal and the crusading movement in the aftermath of the First Crusade see Carlo Servatius, Paschalis II (¡099-1118) ("Päpste und Papsttum,"Vol. 14 [Stuttgart, 1979]), pp. 253-259. 'The letter commonly appears in the main, chronologically-arranged, branch of the tradition among letters dating from this period. See Rolf Sprandel, Ivo von Chartres und seine Stellung in der Kirchengeschichte ("Pariser Historische Studien," Vol. 1 [Paris, 1962]), p. 191, and Chibnall, n. 4 below. On Ivo's letters, see also Bruce C. Brasington, "Some New Perspectives on the Letters of Ivo of Chartres," Manuscripta, 37 (1993), 168-178. Oderic Vitalis, Historia ecclesiastica, 11.35, ed. Marjorie Chibnall (Oxford, 1969-1981), VI, 158, and n. 1: "Ibi tunc Raimboldus Creton qui primus in expugnatione Ierusalem ingressus est, strenuissimus miles subito proh dolor occisus est." Other entries attesting to Raimbold's fame won at Jerusalem may be found in Petrus Tudebodus,"Imitatus et continuatus historia peregrinorum" in Recueil des historiens des croisades (Paris, 1841-1906), III, 218-219; Ralph of Caen,"Gesta Tancredi," ibid., p. 689; Albert ofAachen, "Historia Hierosolymitana," ibid., IV, 410; Baldric of Dol,"Historia Jerosolimitana," ibid., p. 49, ?. 12;?.71,?.7;?. 102...

Mulieres Religiosae, Strictly Speaking: Some Fourteenth-Century Canonical Opinions

The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXVJANUARY, 1999No. 1 MULIERES RELIGIOSAE, STRICTLY SPEAKING: SOME FOURTEENTH-CENTURY CANONICAL OPINIONS BY Elizabeth Makowski* At the start of the fourteenth century, a religious woman was defined by canon law as one who had not only taken the three vows ofpoverty, chastity, and obedience, but who had also made solemn profession in an already existing religious order.1 Additionally, solemn vows committed the mulier religiosa to strict claustration.2 Community life absent *Dr. Makowski is an associate professor of history in Southwest Texas State University, San Marcos. 'The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) forbade the founding of new religious orders and stated that henceforth anyone who wished to become a religious would have to enter one of the already approved orders: Joannes Dominicus Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova etamplissima collectio (Florence, 1759-1798;rtp.Graz, 196l),XX, 1002;an English facing-text of the council's decree can be found in Norman Tanner (ed.), Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils (Washington, D.C., 1990), p. 242. The canons of the Second Council of Lyon (1274) repeated the Lateran ban, adding that any new order which had arisen since 1215,without express papal confirmation,was to be suppressed:Tanner,Decrees,p. 326. This decree was incorporated into the collection of canon law known as the Liber Sextus {VI 3.17.1), published in 1 298, and medieval canonists would cite it from this collection . Pope Boniface VIII subsequently removed any ambiguity about the way in which an approved community could admit new members. The candidate for religious life would not only pronounce the traditional vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, but also make formal profession. The public act of profession, signified by the assumption of a distinctive habit, was considered the action by which the vows of religion were made solemn: VI 3. 1 5- 1 ; the Latin text can be found in the standard modern edition of the body of medieval canon law: Emil Friedberg (ed.), Corpus iuris canonici (Leipzig, 1879; rpt. Graz, 1959), II, 1053. The 1298 Bonifacian constitution Periculoso {VI 3.16.1; Friedberg, Corpus, II, 10531054 ) stipulated that all professed nuns observe cloister regulations. Claustration rules strictly limit the occasions on which outsiders, even members of the clergy, could enter a 2 MUUERES REUGIOSAE, STRICTLY SPEAKING: SOME FOURTEENTH-CENTURY OPINIONS one or more of these characteristics was regarded as semi- or quasireligious , and while this juridical status did not automatically involve ecclesiastical censure (both Franciscan and Dominican tertiaries flourished with papal approval), it could. This was especially true for semi-religious women who, in the absence of formal religious profession , lived in uncloistered communities—the well-known condemnation of the Béguines at the Council ofVienne being a case in point.3 Despite the threat of inquisitorial investigation, however, quasireligious women's groups continued to thrive. In the Southern Low Countries, the Béguines found local patrons and new, unenclosed, female religious orders emerged; Italianpinzochere and uncloistered penitential groups abounded, and in Germany canonesses maintained their venerable, if irregular, community life.4 And while there are many reasons for quasi-religious resilience, one stands out in sharp relief: Alongwomen 's monastery, and they forbade unauthorized exits, save for emergencies. For a detailed study of this decree see: Elizabeth Makowski, Canon Law and Cloistered Women: Periculoso and its Commentators 1298-1545 (Washington D.C., 1997). Although I disagree with Katherine Gill's statement that"Periculoso did not represent either a dramatic turning point or a culmination in the history of women's religious institutions"—general acceptance of a papal ruling being only one measure of its significance—her observation that the decree might actually have encouraged the spread of semi-religious communities is noteworthy. See Katherine Gill, "Scandala: Controversies Concerning Clausura and Women's Religious Communities in Late Medieval Italy," in Christendom and Its Discontents , edd. Scott Waugh and Peter Diehl (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 177-203.»With the publication of the decree Cum de quibusdam by Pope John XXII in 1317, Béguines, whose semi-religious status defied traditional categorization, found themselves forced for nearly a century to defend against charges of hypocrisy, heresy, or both.The decree was published in the last official decretal collection...

"I Have Neither Silver Nor Gold": An Explanation of a Medieval Papal Ritual

The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXVOCTOBER, 1999No. 4 "I HAVE NEITHER SILVER NOR GOLD": AN EXPLANATION OF A MEDIEVAL PAPAL RITUAL BY Robert T. Ingogiia* Introduction A medieval pope's post-coronation ceremonies usually included two forms of coin tosses.1 One type, performed for the pope by a member of his cavalcade, took place during the procession to the Lateran Palace. The pope, on the other hand, personally performed the second type of toss: at the Lateran during his ritual possession (possessio) of the palace .2 During his possessio a pope cast coins once at the marble seat *Dr. Ingogiia is an assistant professor of history in Felician College, Lodi, New Jersey. 'See Reginald Maxwell Woolley, Coronation Rites (Cambridge, 1915), pp. 159-164,for the general aspects of papal coronations. The new bishop of Rome's possessio (or introduction—a ritual act performed by his walking into and through the Lateran—proclaimed its new owner. Since only the pope could take possession of the palace, the possessio usually followed his consecration. See Eduard Eichmann, Weihe und Krönung des Papstes im Mittelalter ("Münchener theologische Studien," Vol. 3 [Munich, 1951]), pp. 4, 14; Nikolaus Gussone, Thron und Inthronisation des Papstes von denAnfängen bis zum 12.Jahrhundert:zur Beziehung zwischen Herrschaftszeichen und bildhaften Begriffen, Recht und Liturgie im christlichen Verst ändnis von Wort und Wirklichkeit ("Bonner historische Forschungen," Vol. 41 [Bonn, 1978]),pp. 144-145,and n.20 (for a good bibliography on thepossessio);and Gaetano Moroni ,"Possesso de'Papi," in Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica,Vol. 54 (1852), pp. 294-297. The twelfth-century prescriptions ofAlbinus, Cencius, and the Basel ordo—in, respectively , P Fabre, L. Duchesne, and G. Mollat (eds.), Le Liber censuum de l'église romaine, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1905), pp. 123 (col. 1)-124 (col. 1); ibid.,Vol. 1 (Paris, 1889), pp. 311 (col. 2)-312 (col. 1); and Bernhard Schimmelpfennig, "Ein bisher unbekannter Text zur Wahl, Konsekration und Krönung des Papstes im 12.Jiihrhunden"Archivum historiaepontifl531 532 "I HAVE NEITHER SILVER NOR GOIX)": AN EXPLANATION OF A MEDIEVAL PAPAL RITUAL (sedes stercorarid) located at the palace's entrance, and again at the two porphyry seats located at the door of the basilica Sancti Silvestri? All of the liturgical prescriptions (ordinesy for the conduct of the possessio (twelfth to fifteenth century) mention coin tosses at these two locations.5 Ceremonies extra Roman—for example, the consecration of Popes John XXII and Martin V (at Lyons and Constance, respectively)—did not duplicate the casts connected with the sedes of the Lateran palace.6 ciae, 6 (1968) 60-63—mention thepossessio taking place after the election but prior to the consecration. References to the Liber Censuum will hereafter be cited as LC. 3The sedesporphyreticae were actually made of rosso antico, a stone often confused with (and thus, substituted for) porphyry. Both seats (still extant): are absolutely identical and unmistakably antique works of unique quality. They were taken from the ruins of the city, . . . [and] had not been thrones originally, but—as analogies in the British Museum from Ostia and the Terme of Caracalla clearly show—Roman toilet seats or stools from the baths. It was their symbolic color and beautiful execution that induced the papal court to employ them for ceremonial purposes. . . . See Josef Deér, The Dynastic Porphyry Tombs of the Norman Period in Sicily ("Dumbarton Oaks Studies," No. 5 [Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1959]), p- 144 (especially 142146 , "The 'Porphyry' Thrones of the Lateran Palace"). The connection of the porphyry thrones with the Pope Joan legend is explained inJohann J. I. Döllinger,Die Papst-Fabeln des Mittelalters: Ein Beitrag zur Kirchengeschichte (Munich, 1863), pp. 29-34, as well as in Cesare D'Onofrio, La Papessa Giovanna: Roma e Papato tra Storia e Leggenda (Rome, 1979), pp. 140-162. 'Succinctly defined,"An ordo is a compilation of the prayers, hymns, and anthems used in a religious ceremony; it is almost exclusively liturgical, its rubrics are as brief as possible , and it is usually prescriptive." See Richard A. Jackson, "A Little-Known Description of Charles LX's Coronation,"Renaissance Quarterly, 25 (1972), 290 (note T). 'Albinus Ordo in LC, II, 123 (col. I)- 124 (col. l);Cencius...

When It All Came Together: Bishop John J. Wright and the Diocese of Worcester, 1950-1959

DAVID J. O'BRIEN President of the American Catholic Historical Association 1998 The Catholic Historical Review VOL. LXXXVAPRIL, 1999No. 2 WHEN IT ALL CAME TOGETHER: BISHOP JOHN J. WRIGHT AND THE DIOCESE OF WORCESTER, 1950-1959 David J. O'Brien* I want to express my sincere gratitude to the members of the Association for allowing me to serve as president. I have drawn inspiration over a lifetime from the work of so many ofyou. When I was still a graduate student, more than thirty years ago, Father Harry Browne tracked me down at one of these AHA meetings to challenge my first published article, which contained some criticism of my elders in the field of U.S. Catholic history. Brown, who became a lifelong friend, then introduced me to Monsignor John Tracy Ellis, and through the two of them and another benefactor, Francis L. Broderick, president in 1968, 1 was ushered into this field, mentored we would say today. Their witness persuaded me that one could do no better work for our church and our country than to join the small but talented brigade of scholars, historians, theologians , and social scientists who were opening up the whole field of American Catholic Studies. To have the privilege of presiding over this Association, one of the centers of Catholic intellectual life, is a high honor for which I am sincerely grateful. Please regard these highly provisional remarks about Bishop John J. Wright and the infant Diocese of Worcester in the 1950's as an invita- *Dr. O'Brien is Loyola Professor of Roman Catholic Studies in the College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Massachusetts. He prepared this paper as his presidential address but because of illness could not attend the seventy-ninth annual meeting of the American Catholic Historical Association. He therefore asked the second vice-president, Sister Alice Gallin,O.S.U.,to read a shorter version of it in his place at a luncheon held in the Marriott Wardman Park Hotel in Washington, D.C, on January 9, 1999. 175 176WHEN IT ALL CAME TOGETHER: BISHOPJOHNJ. WRIGHT tion to further reflection on the experience of the American Catholic community between the end of World War II and the opening of the Second Vatican Council. When I began to work in this field everyone argued that we needed more studies of the American Church in the twentieth century ifwe were to understand our experience of change in the 1960's. We now have had an exceptional development of American Catholic historical scholarship, including remarkable work on Catholic life from 1900 through the 1930's. But, aside from the pioneering work ofJohn McGreevy,1 the years of war and cold war remain more or less untouched. One result is that we historians have made a less significant contribution than we should have to the self-understanding, and thus to the common life, of the American Church. Several years ago, after finishing my history of the Diocese of Syracuse , I delivered the annual Loyola Lecture at Lemoyne College. I organized the talk around three questions about the church of Syracuse: what did it mean when they put it together? what did it mean when they had it together? what did it mean when it all (well, almost all) fell apart? I still think they are pretty good questions. Today I want to ask the second question of another particular time and place, Worcester under John Wright.2 Did it really all come together in Worcester in the 1950's? If one will accept a caveat about the ambiguity of all success stories, I think the answer is yes. The coming together began on February 1, 1950, when the Associated Press wire-informed the local newspaper that Worcester county was now separated from the Diocese of Springfield and was a new diocese with its cathedral at St. Paul's Church, under John J. Wright, at that moment auxiliary bishop of Boston. The news was not unexpected; rumors had spread after the death several months earlier of the Bishop of Springfield, Thomas Mary O'Leary, that Worcester's time had finally come. St. Paul's was a surprise. Built two generations earlier as a potential...

Nothing Sacred: Nazi Espionage against the Vatican, 1939-1945

Choice- lucid and fascinating analysis of Nazi attempts to understand Vatican startegies in WW II...a valuable contribution to scholarly literature... Military and Bravo veterans Outlook Magazines Written by leading authorities on Vatican history, David Alvarez and Robert A. Grahaam, SJ, Nothing Sacred: Nazi Espionage Against Vastican 1939-1945 not only provides fascinating reading for those interested in World War II history, intelligence studies , and history of Roman Catholic Church but contributes to illuminating a missing dimension to history of that conflict. International Intelligence and History Study Group Newsletter - Reviewed by John S COnway - Uni of British Columbia -the authors succeed very well in depicting vividly turgid, claustrophobic, and conspiratorial atmosphere which prevailed during those fateful years. Katholiek Dutch - in Dutch International History Review- March 99 American Historical Review - the book contributes to growing body of literature demonstrating Vaticans importance in twentieth-century diplomatic affairs Catholic Historical Review, Vol 86, No 1, Jan 2000 An illuminating detective investigation through halls of Vatican during World War II.