Casualties Of World War Research Articles

Ratni gubici Srbije u Prvom svetskom ratu - kontroverze oko brojeva

The author highlights various discrepancies in literature concerning numerical data from the recent past. There are a number of examples which demonstrate their long-lasting and complex character. This complexity often stems from an emotional connection with previous interpretations, as in the case of the number of Serbian casualties in World War I. A thorough analysis of previous interpretations reveals significant differences and discrepancies. This paper discusses the diverging interpretations, as well as certain newly discovered sources, indicating that the total number of Serbian casualties in World War I needs to be reconsidered.

Socks at War: American Hand Knitters and Military Footwear Production for the World Wars

Abstract In both World Wars, combatant nations, including the United States, Britain, and Germany, learned that inadequate or poorly-maintained footwear produced costly and preventable casualties from trench foot and frostbite. While provision of shoes and boots to troops were major issues in earlier conflicts, no nation before World War I had fully appreciated the significance of warm, dry, well-fitting socks to the effectiveness of soldiers in the field. The large numbers of trench foot casualties in World War I, especially among the French and British, convinced policymakers that this vital commodity must receive a higher priority in military production planning, but few nations in wartime could shift production to knitting mills rapidly enough to make a difference. Thus, in Britain and the U.S, the best policy option proved to be recruiting women and children civilians to knit socks by hand for the military in the first war, and for refugees, prisoners and civilians in the second. This paper discusses the economic and military importance of this effort, including the numbers of pairs produced, and the program’s role in supplementing industrial production. The production of this low-technology but crucial item of military apparel is typical of detail-oriented tasks performed by women under conditions of full mobilization for war, in that they have a high impact on battlefield and home front performance and morale, but very low visibility as significant contributions to national defense. Often, both during and after the emergency, these efforts are ridiculed as trivial and/or wasteful. Unlike women pilots or industrial workers, handcrafters of essential supplies are regarded as performing extensions of their domestic roles as makers and caretakers of clothing and food. This was especially true in the U.S. in and after World War II, a wealthy industrialized nation that took pride in its modern - and thoroughly masculinist - military industrial complex.

Max Weber's Vision for Bureaucracy: A Casualty of World War I (review)

[MWS 18.2 (2018) 294-305] ISSN 1470-8078 https://doi.org/10.15543/MWS/2018/2/7© Max Weber Studies 2018, Rm 4-12, London Metropolitan University, 84 Moorgate, London EC2M 6SQ. Book Reviews Glynn Cochrane, Max Weber’s Vision for Bureaucracy: A Casualty of World War I (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), xii + 194pp. (hbk). ISBN 978-3-319-62288-0. $109.99. Glynn Cochrane’s Max Weber’s Vision for Bureaucracy may seem to offer an account of Max Weber’s conception of bureaucracy but in fact it does not. Instead, it is a conceptually confusing account of Weber’s conception of bureaucracy and an inaccurate historical record of Prussian bureaucracy. Cochrane claims that Weber’s personal military service, coupled with his study of the military experience , formed his conception of bureaucracy—but that this ‘vision for bureaucracy’ was ended by Germany’s defeat in 1918. His account is largely devoted to condemning Weber’s work and then setting out his own idealized view of bureaucracy. He proceeds in three major steps: describing Weber’s notion of bureaucracy, comparing it with the Prussian military bureaucracy, and then expounding his own theory of bureaucracy. Cochrane does not spend much time detailing Weber’s conception of bureaucracy, and when he does he relies primarily on secondary sources. His main aim is to show that ‘Weber’s thinking about bureaucracy was heavily influenced by the highly successful experience of the Prussian General Staff’ (3). Cochrane is correct to note that scholars such as Talcott Parsons and Joachim Radkau have largely ‘passed over Weber’s military service’. His attempt to argue for the importance of this experience in Weber’s intellectual development, however, is unpersuasive. He is wrong to claim that Weber ‘began to enjoy military life’ (5). As much as he detested the physical discomfit of military life, he found the drills even worse—they were nothing more than a ‘monstrous stupidity’, according to Marianne Weber. In order to cope with this ‘meaningless and seemingly endless existence’, he would stay out late drinking and then, in a ‘dreamlike, semi-conscious state of mind’, he was able to stand the military routine. The only way that he could perform the drills was when he was hung over.1 1. Marianne Weber, Max Weber: A Biography, trans. and ed. Harry Zohn (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1988), p. 71. Book Reviews 295© Max Weber Studies 2018. Cochrane attempts to show the commonalities between Clausewitz and Weber: ‘Weber followed Clausewitz in giving priority to Germany’s need for national security’. They shared a similar type of ‘goal setting analysis’, and ‘like Clausewitz, Weber used the dialectic in order to frame the issues in his use of the Ideal-Type’ (37, 58, 61). Yet, Clausewitz was concerned with Prussia because Germany as a nation would not exist until January 1871. In addition, Weber and Clausewitz did not share the same goal-setting analysis and Weber certainly did not employ any type of ‘the dialectic’. Clausewitz is discussed in several places but the most detailed discussion is about Clausewitz’s four types of leader (12-14). Yet, Clausewitz concentrated on strategy and tactics and devoted only one chapter out of 125 to leadership qualities (Book One, Chapter 3: ‘On Military Genius’). There is no entry on Clausewitz in any of the six MWG volumes that are devoted to Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, there is no entry in the ten volumes that contain Weber’s correspondence, and there are no references to him in any of the six volumes that pertain to politics or the East Elbian region. Cochrane offers his own view of bureaucracy, which he maintains is based upon his lengthy experience in international banking and in public health programs (xi-xii, 103-107, 118). He believes that the best type of bureaucracy is one that has a ‘flexible hierarchy’ and employs ‘amazing logistics’, where the best workers have ‘strong discipline’ and a true commitment to their ‘calling’ (108-112). Moreover , this involves teamwork, individual initiative, and the ability to think (15, 21, 42, 117, 127, 134, 136). He also insists that these attributes were found in the Prussian Army of the nineteenth century. Yet, it is...

Trans-Generational Transmission of Traumatic Memory and Moral Injury

ABSTRACTThe scale of casualties in World War I and the reinterpretation of the conflict in terms of futility and waste suggest that many veterans experienced moral injury. Memory of the war was in part determined by their experience of the peace. Governments sought to contain traumatic memory through commemorative rituals such as Armistice Day and homage to the Unknown Soldier, whereas relatives were not permitted to repatriate the dead from military cemeteries on the battlefields. Despite gains in treating psychiatric casualties, many veterans with shell shock never recovered from their psychological wounds. To what extent their symptoms were a consequence of moral injury is not known, though individual accounts suggest that shame and guilt were features of their enduring illness.

Dealing with globalisation: the Nordic countries and inward FDI, 1900–1939

This article examines the different ways in which the four Nordic countries chose to regulate the inflow of foreign direct investments (FDI). By studying the laws regulating foreign ownership, as well as their implementation, it becomes clear that the four countries followed a pragmatic and tolerant policy towards inward FDI, but that the resource rich countries actively tried to prevent foreign ownership of their most important natural resources. The article also shows how the countries’ stricter policy on foreign ownership in the early twentieth century was not a casualty of World War I, but more predominantly a reaction to the increasing international economic integration before the war.

Differing Views among Red Army Personnel about the Nazi Mass Murder of Jews

Red Army soldiers' and officers' perception of civilian casualties in World War II, including the Nazis' mass murder of Jews, or the Holocaust, was in large measure a function of the prevailing views of society more generally. Russocentrism and statism--the dominant trends in propaganda from 1937 on--reached their logical conclusion during the war years. The existing prewar balance between the principles of nationality and class shifted distinctly in favor of the former. As early as the first months of the war, the words and Soviet became synonymous, and the concept of the Great Russian people, introduced into propaganda in the second half of the 1930s, became a way of signifying the special place that Russians occupied in history, including in the war with Nazism--or as discourse called it, German fascism. (1) This Russocentrism actually proved entirely compatible with the regime's preoccupation with ethnic minorities. On the one hand, this preoccupation was the legacy of 1920s politics, with its hypertrophied concern for the symbols of ethnic equality. On the other, it was driven by a purely practical interest in mobilizing ethnic minorities in the USSR and abroad for war with Germany and its allies. Throughout the war, discourse emphasized that the of the peoples of the USSR was a central factor in successfully opposing the enemy. Moreover, in the early phases of the war the non-Russian press (Ukrainian, Jewish, etc.) created a series of its own national traditions of military valor rooted in the past, built on the same model as the Russian tradition. (2) As Russocentrism grew, however, the propaganda space allotted to national minorities notably narrowed. David Brandenberger has demonstrated that if the first two years of the war featured merely Russocentric tendencies rather than an explicitly articulated policy, then later--especially from the summer of 1944, when the outcome of the war was already obvious--accentuation of the Russians' special role in the war became much more pronounced. (3) Anything that did not correspond to these general trends in propaganda was terminated. Any deviation from the concept of friendship of peoples--particularly any reference to the heroism of one ethnic minority without reference to the heroism of other ethnic groups--was regarded as a malicious manifestation of nationalism, especially from early 1944 on. (4) A similar tendency was observable in the internationalization of Nazism's victims. From late 1941 to early 1942, any reference to the murder of Jews was customarily accompanied by reference to the destruction of Ukrainians, Belarusians, Russians, and so on. Nor did published sources anywhere state that the murder of Jews was a function of a specifically antisemitic component of Nazi racial policies. On the contrary, propaganda depicted this repressive policy as a universal one, directed against all citizens of the socialist state. The frequency of references to the murder of Jews in contemporary texts depended not only on general party policies but also on local practices, as determined by mid-level political workers and newspaper editors. Not infrequently, newspapers concealed the murder of Jews, just as documents published in order to expose Nazi crimes left out the topic of transgressions against Jews. Yet even when the decision to eliminate the Jewish component from such publications came from the highest levels of bureaucracy (as with the case of Babi Yar in late 1943--early 1944), this did not set a precedent for the complete prohibition of reference to the murder of Jews. (5) Brandenberger has noted the difficulty of identifying a direct link between increasingly Russocentric propaganda and the growth of nationalist feelings among Russians. (6) It is likewise difficult to determine how much that propaganda intensified xenophobic sentiments, including antisemitic ones. …

Evacuation and deprivation: the wartime experience of the Devon and Exeter City Mental Hospitals

In Exeter, the need for space to treat casualties in World War II led to a significant reduction in capacity at one psychiatric hospital and the closure of another. In spite of this, inpatient stays were longer than in peacetime, partly due to relatives who had to weigh up the advantages and disadvantages of having their unwell kin returned to them. In the latter years of the war, admissions from the Devon catchment area were higher than in peacetime. Having more patients who stayed longer was largely compensated for by utilizing free space as opposed to reducing admissions, leading to overcrowding and a restricted inpatient regime.

:Douglas Haig and the First World War.(Cambridge Military Histories.)

British casualties in World War I, the majority of which occurred in the deadlocked conflict on the western front, greatly exceeded those of any previous British conflict. A British soldier's chance of surviving the war in France and Flanders without becoming a casualty was roughly one in two. Popular perceptions of these unprecedented casualties are reflected in A. J. P. Taylor's famous comment: “brave, helpless soldiers; blundering, obstinate generals; nothing achieved.” It has been the fate of Sir Douglas Haig, who commanded the largest British force ever sent abroad, to become the British scapegoat in popular culture for the appalling casualties. Positive reassessments of Haig, at least among military historians, began to emerge as early as 1963 with the publication of John Terraine's Douglas Haig: The Educated Soldier. Other sympathetic evaluations followed, including several very recent ones: Douglas Haig: War Diaries and Letters 1914–1918 (2006), edited by Gary Sheffield and John Bourne, and three biographies written by Walter Reid, Gary Mead, and Andrew A. Wiest, respectively. Haig's command is placed in the context of a great war in which mass forces, armed with unprecedented firepower, engaged each other in siege warfare. A quick victory proved illusionary. If the Anglo-French alliance were to be preserved and if Germany were to be defeated, there was no realistic alternative to committing a large British army to the western front, where casualties were certain to be enormous. The book under review, however, begs to disagree with current scholarship that portrays Haig in a generally sympathetic light. J. P. Harris does not find Haig a great general. He does not even view him as a good general and expresses amazement that he survived the war as commander-in-chief.

Robert Jentzsch, mathematician and poet

"he geometric series 1 + z + Z 2 q " . . . converges in the I disk Izl < 1, and its partial sums 1 + z + z 2 + . . . + z '7 have zeros at the (n + 1)st roots of unity, except at the point 1 itself. In particular, every point on the circle of convergence Izl = 1 is a cluster point of zeros of the partial sums. In his Doctoral Dissertation of 1914 in Berlin, Robert Jentzsch gave a sweeping general izat ion of this fact. The remarkable theorem of Jentzsch says that for a n y power series a0 + a l z + a 2 z 2 + . . . with finite and positive radius of convergence, every point on the circle of convergence is a cluster point of zeros of the partial sums. It is a striking result, included in classical texts such as Landau [24], Dienes [25], and Titchmarsh [26], and it deserves to be better known than it seems to be today. Jentzsch obta ined other substantial results, notably a cont inuous analogue of the Perron-Froben ius theorem and a theorem on power series that arose from work of Hurwitz and P61ya [28], but after a few years his publicat ions ceased. We wonde red what had become of him, and soon ascertained [1] that he was a casualty of World War I, kil led in battle in 1918. Interested to learn more about this talented young mathematician, we began to investigate. From the c u r r i c u l u m v i t a e in his dissertat ion [J4] and other sources [2, 3], we were able to assemble a fairly comple te personal history. Robert Jentzsch was born in K6nigsberg on November 4, 1890, the younges t in a family of four children. In his c u r r i c u l u m v i t a e , he identifies himself as a Lutheran. His father, AlfredJentzsch (1850-1925), was a dis t inguished professor of geo logy in K6nigsberg, later in Berlin, and a wellknown conservationist. Robert 's o lder brother Felix Jentzsch (1882-1946) had a product ive career as a physicist, specializing in optics; he was a professor in Giessen and in Jena. Their sister Martha (born 1885) marr ied Richard Scholz, who became a professor in Leipzig and an authority on early Church history [2]. Another sister Edith (born 1887) marr ied Robert Chavoen, an engineer who was product ion manager of a coal-mining company [2, 19]. Robert 's mother Clara Falkson was the daughter of Ferd inand Falkson (1820-1900), a Jew in K~3nigsberg who married a Christian w o m a n named Friederike M611er in 1846. Prussian law did not specifically prohibi t "mixed marriages", but the couple were unable to find a minister in K6nigsberg who was willing to perform the ceremony. Falkson sent complaints to the government and even to the King of Prussia, all to no avail. As a last resort, the couple trave led to England with the br ide 's father and were married there [5, 6]. Upon return to K6nigsberg, they faced a legal chal lenge to the validity of their marriage, and a long court

Jack Hamann, On American Soil: How Justice Became a Casualty of World War II

Jack Hamann, <i>On American Soil: How Justice Became a Casualty of World War II</i>

Acute Respiratory Distress Syndrome in Combat Casualties: Military Medicine and Advances in Mechanical Ventilation

Military medicine has made numerous enduring contributions to the advancement of pulmonary medicine. Acute respiratory distress syndrome was first recognized as a complication in battlefield casualties in World War I and continued to play a significant role in the treatment of casualties through the Vietnam War. Innovative surgeons during World War II devised methods to assist their patients with positive pressure breathing. This concept was later adopted and applied to the development of mechanical ventilation in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The continued treatment of acute respiratory distress syndrome in combat casualties by military physicians has provided a major impetus for advances in modern mechanical ventilation and intensive care unit medicine.

The Blood Test Revisited: A New Look at German Casualty Counts in World War I

This paper presents a "new" set of data on German casualties in World War I, using the German medical corps's official history to resolve two major controversies concerning casualty comparisons in Winston Churchill's "Blood Test" chapter in The World Crisis: first, treatment of the 496,000 German casualties that Churchill could not assign to battle periods; and second, provision of German casualty data comparable to that of the French and British through the inclusion of "lightly wounded" German casualties. Finally, these data weaken somewhat, but do not overturn Churchill's argument that, in every battle period on the Western Front, Allied casualties were greater than German casualties.

On American soil: how justice became a casualty of World War II

On American soil: how justice became a casualty of World War II

A New Look at Federalism: The Import of Institutions

At a time when globalization is supposedly producing homogeneity, differences derived from ethnicity have become especially lethal. Ethnic violence within states is now much more common than interstate violence and also tends to be harder to stop. 1 Since 1945, ethnic violence has played a major role in half of all wars, turned more than 12 million people into refugees, and caused at least 11 million deaths. 2 Precisely because today's wars are so often between peoples rather than states, civilian casualties have risen dramatically. Fewer than half of the casualties in World War II were noncombatants, while today some three-quarters of all war casualties are civilian. 3

Introduction: Modernisms and Modern Wars

Introduction: Modernisms and Modern Wars Margot Norris (bio) I began writing this introduction on 10 May 1998, with the opening sentence, “It may seem anomalous to have a special issue on ‘Modernisms and Modern Wars’ at this particular moment in history, at the very end of the twentieth century, when the Cold War, with its threat of global annihilation, is construed as effectively over.” Two days later, on 12 May 1998, India tested a series of nuclear devices of twice the force of the atomic bomb the United States dropped on Hiroshima in 1945. “India’s blast shook the world out of its post-cold-war complacency,” Newsweek noted on 25 May 1998 (Thomas 30). A little more than two weeks later, the headlines of the Los Angeles Times announced “Pakistan Explodes 5 Nuclear Devices in Response to India” (Filkins A1). This event deepened the seriousness of Newsweek’s ominous warning that “India could be a harbinger of a more chaotic world order, of rivalrous nationalities scrambling to arm themselves with the bomb. Think of Europe in August 1914, only with weapons of mass destruction” (Thomas 30). The short-lived hope that, with the end of the twentieth century, large-scale war might be over has been revealed as a dangerous delusion. Among our various constructions of the modernity of the twentieth century, we must list as its premier legacy the combined will and technology that made it the bloodiest in the history of the world. The [End Page 505] casualties of World War I are estimated at ten million dead and twenty million wounded. Of World War II, Paul Fussell writes: Killed and wounded were over 78 million people, more of them civilians than soldiers. Close to 6 million Jews were beaten, shot, or gassed to death by the Germans. One million people died of starvation and despair in the siege of Leningrad. . . . If the battle of the Somme constitutes a scandal because 20,000 British soldiers were killed in one day, twice that number of civilians were asphyxiated and burned to death in the bombing of Hamburg. Seventy thousand died at Hiroshima, 35,000 at Nagasaki, and the same at Dresden. (307) And Barbara Ehrenreich reports that “an estimated 22 million people” have been killed in the 160 wars since World War II (226). The final human tragedy of our age resides in our inability to draw a line under these unimaginable numbers, this unspeakable suffering, and declare that it is over. The twentieth century has been unable to contain its violence within its temporal boundaries because war is, by its constitution, uncontrollable and uncontainable. The truce and the treaty that mark the end of this or that armed conflict effect the cessation of only one form of injuring, and they rarely neutralize the potentialities for further violence that have been unleashed. Elaine Scarry’s groundbreaking study of the structure of war, The Body in Pain, exfoliates the reasons for war’s problematic of closure by noting that the postwar memorializations that signify an altered national identity are not accidental by-products, but constitutive effects of the political outcomes war aims to achieve (113–15). The essays of this special issue of Modern Fiction Studies explore in various literary discourses the diverse phenomena that recognize that once war has occurred, it can never really be over. I’ve divided the essays in this volume into three sections titled “The Home Front,” “Trauma,” and “Ethics”—rubrics of our contemporary literary preoccupation with the effects of war beyond the scene of combat. These essays track the oblique and invasive effects that perdure beyond war’s specific spatial and temporal confines to enter into the most intimate recesses of private and domestic life, on the one hand, and into the far reaches of cultural expression, on the other. [End Page 506] Thinking about the literature of war has been deeply marked by the access that late-twentieth-century literary theory has opened to marginal, invisible, and even unspeakable regions of suffering. The transmutations of war’s violence into effects that are unstoppable, or not easily stoppable, have become more readily visible in the light of modern theories that make formerly obscure...

America's Forgotten Pandemic: The Influenza of 1918

Worldwide, between 21 and 50 million people died of influenza during the 1918 pandemic, and within the United States, Crosby figures the total number of deaths at about 650 000. These are substantial numbers, greater than the casualties of World War I. Yet, as the title of this book suggests, the affair has been almost forgotten. Crosby wrote this book 15 years ago, and its reissue, with a new preface, presumably reflects how the ravages of the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) have sensitized us to the reality of lethal epidemics once again. Yet the flu of 1918 and 1919 was utterly different from AIDS, spreading rapidly and laying low a large portion of the entire population in a given locality at once. Recovery followed for most of the victims, and with recovery came forgetfulness, even among families where deaths had occurred. When the disease broke out, no one was prepared

Time and its effects on casualties in World War II and Vietnam.

The expression, has both the and quantity, is well appreciated by the man in combat today. He is well aware that if he is wounded, his survival depends upon the quantity of time allowed him by his particular injury, and he also knows that the quality of the time allowed him in the form of medical care is equally critical. Each soldier and marine today is also aware that vast changes have taken place in casualty care since World War II, and that his chance of survival is much greater than his father's or uncle's was in World War II. This knowledge has been a tremendous morale factor among the men in Vietnam. Assuming an open fracture, the casualty of World War II was treated in the field by the corpsman or medic, and carried to Battalion Aid Station (BAS) by litter, ambulance, or jeep. Here, first aid

BLAST INJURIES OF THE EARS

THE CONCUSSION or blast produced by the high explosives used in modern warfare is greatly injurious to the auditory apparatus. This fact quickly became obvious to an otolaryngologist treating battle casualties in World War II. On my service in one of the United States Army general hospitals in England more patients were seen with blast injury of the ears than with any other injury or disease. The studies reported here were made on 100 patients with acoustic trauma admitted to this general hospital in the first six months after the invasion of the European Continent in June 1944. These were the first 100 patients who could be adequately studied, although many others were seen and treated during this period. The patients not included in this series were eliminated because of other injuries which prevented audiometric examination or because they were under observation for too short a time. Many of these

COMPARATIVE INCIDENCE OF NEUROPSYCHIATRIC CASUALTIES IN WORLD WAR I AND WORLD WAR II

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article ArticleNo AccessCOMPARATIVE INCIDENCE OF NEUROPSYCHIATRIC CASUALTIES IN WORLD WAR I AND WORLD WAR IIJOHN W. APPEL, GILBERT W. BEEBE, and DAVID W. HILGERJOHN W. APPELSearch for more papers by this author, GILBERT W. BEEBESearch for more papers by this author, and DAVID W. HILGERSearch for more papers by this authorPublished Online:1 Apr 2006https://doi.org/10.1176/ajp.103.2.196AboutSectionsPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InEmail PDFThis content is only available as a PDF. Access content To read the fulltext, please use one of the options below to sign in or purchase access. Personal login Institutional Login Sign in via OpenAthens Purchase Save for later Item saved, go to cart PPV Articles - American Journal of Psychiatry $35.00 Add to cart PPV Articles - American Journal of Psychiatry Checkout Please login/register if you wish to pair your device and check access availability. Not a subscriber? Subscribe Now / Learn More PsychiatryOnline subscription options offer access to the DSM-5 library, books, journals, CME, and patient resources. This all-in-one virtual library provides psychiatrists and mental health professionals with key resources for diagnosis, treatment, research, and professional development. Need more help? PsychiatryOnline Customer Service may be reached by emailing [email protected] or by calling 800-368-5777 (in the U.S.) or 703-907-7322 (outside the U.S.). FiguresReferencesCited byDetailsCited ByContinuum of care for disasters and catastrophes12 April 2022 | International Review of Psychiatry, Vol. 33, No. 8Critical Incident Stress ManagementModern History of Military and Veteran Mental Health Care25 January 2018WAR & Military Mental HealthAmerican Journal of Public Health, Vol. 97, No. 12Critical Incident Stress Debriefing (CISD) and the Prevention of Work-Related Traumatic Stress among High Risk Occupational GroupsJournal of Community Psychology, Vol. 13, No. 3FATE OF 395 MILD NEUROPSYCHIATRIC CASES SALVAGED FROM TRAINING PERIOD AND TAKEN INTO COMBATWILLIAM L. SHARP1 April 2006 | American Journal of Psychiatry, Vol. 106, No. 11Chapter IV: Mental Health in Community Life30 June 2016 | Review of Educational Research, Vol. 19, No. 5Nordisk Psykiatrisk Medlemsblad, Vol. 3, No. 1PSYCHIATRIC TREATMENT OF THE VETERAN OUTPATIENTJOSEPH HUGHES, and BLAINE E. MCLAUGHLIN1 April 2006 | American Journal of Psychiatry, Vol. 104, No. 9Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, Vol. 23, No. s49 Volume 103Issue 2 September 1946Pages 196-199 Metrics PDF download History Published online 1 April 2006 Published in print 1 September 1946

VISUAL DISTURBANCES ASSOCIATED WITH HEAD INJURIES

THE large number of head injuries observed in battle casualties provides the best material for study of the representation of various areas of the retina in the cerebral cortex. Few contributions have been made from injuries sustained outside of war periods. Experimental determination of field defects by induced injuries is not feasible, for obvious reasons. One, therefore, must depend on lesions of the brain in human subjects studied at operation or at necropsy. From patients so studied one can draw certain conclusions concerning those who do not come to operation or to necropsy. The two most significant papers on the subject are those by Holmes and Lister,1in 1916, and by Holmes,2in 1918, in which they reported their studies of disturbances of vision by cerebral lesions observed in British casualties in World War I. Henschen,3in 1900, had pioneered with pathologic studies showing that the visual