Castilian Court Research Articles

Pigment composition in the privilegio rodado of Juan the Second

The article examines the pigments used in the design of the privilege of King Juan II of Castile and Leon to his favorite Alvaro de Luna for a third part of the city of Arevalo. The charter comes from the collection of Academician Nikolai Petrovich Likhachev (1862-1936), held at the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The document belongs to the most solemn type in the Royal Chancellery of Castile; its formula was extremely stable, while its exterior design was dynamic. The design consists of three parts: the initial, the rueda and the border. The study of pigments of was carried out by optical microscopy, multispectral imaging and X-ray fluorescence analysis. It was found that, contrary to the prevailing opinion in the literature, the pigments were placed on the parchment without any ground or pre-drawing. It was found that both mineral and organic pigments were used. Different pigments were used in different elements of the decoration of the charter. The rueda and initial form one group, the border another. In the first group, red is obtained using pure cinnabar or a mixture of it and red lead. Blue and pink are formed by organic dyes in combination with lead white. The traditional Western European azurite and lapis lazuli are not used. The green is most likely a mixture of orpiment and indigo. This combination was not typical of Western European illuminations of the Late Middle Ages. Copper pigments were more common during this period. Black pigment is represented by soot, white by lead white. Green, on the other hand, is represented by copper pigments in the border, while blue and pink contain no lead. The difference in pigments set may indicate two different stages of the fabrication of the charter, different in time and place. A study also confirmed the use of natural gold, which is consistent with the high status of the recipient of the privilege, Alvaro de Luna, who played an important role in the Castilian court. Refs. 30.

:Alone Together: Poetics of the Passions in Late Medieval Iberia

This crisis manifested itself both socially and politically. In addition to the agrarian crises and the outbreak of the bubonic plague in the fourteenth century, protests against excessive taxation and abuses by the nobility gave rise to various revolts. Such protests resulted many times in the persecution of the Jewish population in Castile and Aragon. Despite the flourishing literary production that constitutes the archive of the book in question, the Castilian court is marked by dynastic intrigues and clashes between different factions of the nobility. In this context, the texts studied in the present book are concerned with the dialectical relationship between experience and reason that produces passions. The passions would not in turn be mere subjective reactions to the environment, but the product of an experience that allows the individual consciousness to understand itself as such. Hence, the rhetorical importance of deixis in songbook poetry insofar as it establishes a basis on which to build forms of intersubjectivity. Passions give content to this intersubjectivity, demarcating the boundary between the collective and the individual, between the political and the personal. The definition of the passions is produced through an incessant questioning of the poets and their readers. What kind of experience is love? What kind of knowledge does this experience produce? What are its ethical, orienting dimensions in a world that seems characterized by instability and the instrumentalization of personal relationships?

The debts owed by the Castilian court to an emigrant painter: Michel Sittow’s sojourns in Castile (1492-1502/1504)

This article focuses on two recently discovered documents from Spanish archives in Simancas and Zaragoza, which show a record of the relationship between the painter Michel Sittow (c. 1468-1525/6) and several members of the court of Isabella of Castile between 1492 and 1502. Further, it puts into context several formerly published documents that indicate significant debts were owed to the painter and give us clues about his artworks from 1494, as well as a visit he took to Zaragoza in 1498: one on Michel Sittow’s stay in Castile; an account of Fernando Gomes de Éçija from 1494; a notarial deed from Zaragoza dating from 1498; a list of court salaries, also from 1498; and an alphabetical list of court debts from 1497-1498. Additionally, reconsideration is given to the period Sittow spent at the court of the Spanish king as both an artist and a courtier. Apparently, he had left the court because the full salary he was due was not transferred. Based on the newly discovered documents, the artist may have left in 1502, electing to serve Philip the Fair between 1502 and 1504. It is also now possible to identify 1494 as the year when the painter worked on the Santiago altarpiece in Toledo. Only in 1515 did Sittow return to the Iberian Peninsula to collect the remaining sum, authorized by Charles V’s treasurer, Alonso de Arguello. The required amount was paid to him over the course of a year. Despite several uncertainties regarding his life and artistic practice, Michel Sittow’s career provides a significant insight into royal commissioning practices and the impact of fickle financial administration.

Patronos e identidades en la Monarquía Hispánica en el período de la disputa del patronato de Santiago (1618-1630)

En este artículo se trata la relación entre santidad, representación simbólica e identidad colectiva. Para analizar esa relación se estudia el período de cambio del patronato del Apóstol Santiago bajo Felipe III y Felipe IV (1618-1630) en favor de Teresa de Ávila. El análisis no se basa en los hechos de ese período, bien conocidos, sino en dos planos de observación: el territorial, planteando cómo se vivieron esos cambios en Portugal, en vísperas de su movimiento de separación de 1640, cuando ese reino creaba su propia identidad; el social, planteando si por debajo de las elites políticas y cortesanas implicadas e interesadas en esos cambios, los otros sectores sociales castellanos, en especial el campesinado, compartieron ese interés o si tenían algún sentido de la identidad.

"The biggest parties ever seen in Spain": The Count of Haro in Briviesca (1440)

En julio de 1440, la comitiva que acompaña a la princesa Blanca de Navarra para su boda con el príncipe Enrique de Castilla llega a la villa de Briviesca, perteneciente al conde Haro y que en aquel momento es el nuevo hombre fuerte en la corte castellana que preside la comitiva y se ocupará de la recepción en dicha villa. Con este motivo, tal como describe la crónica de Juan II, se realizarán durante cuatro días unas fiestas de una espectacularidad y singularidad tan extraordinaria que el cronista habrá de aludir a ellas como «las mayores fiestas que en España se vieron». En este artículo se aborda el estudio de estas fiestas en el marco de su contexto histórico.

Mystical Traditions Are Political

Mystical Traditions Are Political

Parentesco y poder: el ascenso social de la familia Mújica a la corte de los Reyes Católicos

La documentación escrita referente a las altas instancias políticas del Reino de Castilla a fines de la Edad Media no suele descuidar ni el nombre, ni los servicios encomendados por los reyes a los servidores que sustentaron el entramado institucional del Estado. Ahora bien, no siempre es fácil llegar a conocer los tejidos sociofamiliares en que se cimentó el ascenso de estos administradores y gestores de la Corona, ni tampoco las relaciones establecidas entre ellos y con otras familias destacadas. En este sentido, el entramado sociofamiliar de los Mújica constituye un buen ejemplo de la importancia que tuvieron los lazos de parentesco en su promoción política. Pero no menos relevante es señalar el destacado papel desempeñado por algunas familias de la nobleza no titulada en la construcción de la Corte castellana configurada por los Reyes Católicos.

Islamicate Elements in the Velasco Palaces: Constructing a Castilian Court Architecture

The article questions the categorisation of different palaces of the Velasco family according to stylistic attributions to Mudéjar or Gothic style, analysing the fourteenth-century Palace of Medina de Pomar and the fifteenth-century Casa del Cordón in Burgos. It shows how both combine features traceable to the Nasrid context with Northern European elements, contradicting at the same time the assumption that the Islamicate heritage was limited to ornamental contributions, while the fundamental structure was based on Northern European elements. The article discusses whether the Islamicate elements would have been perceived as such and when they started to be perceived as a possibly indistinguishable part of a Castilian court style. It also examines the role the stylistic associations and delimitations played in the image exhibited by one of the lineages promoted by the Trastamara dynasty.

Clergymen of Castilian origin as ambassadors of the monarchs of Aragon to the Castilian king, John II

Brief characterization of several clergymen of Castilian origin that stayed at the service of the Trastamara dynasty in the Crown of Aragon during the first half of the fifteenth century, and served as ambassadors of the monarchs of Aragon to the Castilian king, John II. The author informs about some of the missions they carried out in the Castilian court. And he stresses the importance of using the ecclesiastical benefices as a way of compensating these individuals for their services to the Monarchy.

The Wills of Juana de Mendoza, Head Chamberlain of Queen Isabella of Castile, and of her Husband the Poet Gómez Manrique, “corregidor” of Toledo (1493 and 1490)

Study and edition of the original texts of the wills of the poet, theatre writer and politician Gomez Manrique (Amusco, h. 1412-Toledo 1490), corregidor in Salamanca, Burgos, Avila and Toledo, one of queen Isabel I very loyal followers, and that of his wife Juana de Mendoza (Cuenca? h. 1425-Barcelona 1493), counselor and friend of the Catholic Queen, her chamberlain, and preceptor of the noble girls that were educated in the Castilian court. Gomez Manrique’s will has 13 lines in his own handwriting, including the date and his signature.

Fernando de la Torre's "Juego de naipes", a Game of Love

FERNANDO DE LA TORRE'S "JUEGO DE NAIPES", A GAME OF LOVE Nancy F. Marino Michigan State University In the late 1450s Castilian poet Fernando de la Torre sent a collection ofprose and poetic texts to Doña Leonor de Foix, daughter ofKingJuan II ofNavarra and Aragón, who had repeatedly requested it. This compendium, known as El libro de las veynte cartas e quistiones, contains letters written to a variety of correspondents and almost two hundred poems on amorous themes. Among these verse compositions is an elaborate work entitled "El juego de naipes", which the poet dedicated to the Countess ofCastañeda Mencia Enriquez de Mendoza, a noblewoman of die Castilian court. In one of his studies of playing cards in Spanish literature, JeanPierre Etienvre affirms that it is the first literary version of a card game and diat the poet was die first author to use card suit symbolism in his work, which makes the "Juego de naipes" unique in all of early European literature ("Symbolisme" 427-28). But Etienvre finds the work's textual coherence and overall meaning difficult to discern and wonders if, in the end, it is simply an exercise in poetic virtuosity (Márgenes 317). Nicasio Salvador Miguel has also addressed the apparent system of symbols inherent in Fernando de la Torre's association of certain classes of women with card suits, and assumes diat contemporaneous readers familiarwith courdy debates on amorous topics would have understood the underlying meaning even ifwe cannot (219-20). María Jesús Diez Garretas agrees with Salvador Miguel's assessment of the difficulty of fully appreciating the poet's correlation ofcategories ofladies widi suits and colors. She also posits a few possible I would like to thankJosephJ. Gwara for reading an earlier version ofthis article and for his many useful suggestions that have improved it. La corónica 35.1 (Fall, 2006): 209-47 210Nancy F. MarinoLa corónica 35.1, 2006 figurai meanings based on known medieval symbols but is unable to explain what she considers some baffling references (Torre, Obra literaria 58-60). Only Antonio Paz y Melia fails to see any literary merit in the game, finding it amoral for its treatment of the love ofmarried ladies and nuns. He nevertheless admits that die deck itselfmightbe ofinterest from an artistic or historical point ofview (Torre, Cancionero xix).1 The "Juego de naipes" does exhibit Fernando de la Torre's considerable virtuosity as a poet; however, it does not merely parade before his reading public a series ofelements thatflaunthis considerable knowledge of proverbs and symbols of various sorts, references historical, biblical, and mythological. I would like to propose instead diat this poetic deck ofcards is a cohesive system that integrates all of these elements and leads its readers, sometimes playfully, to deduce that loyalty and constancy are the most important concerns in matters of love. One can arrive at this conclusion by paying close attention to the well-chosen signposts: the colors and traditional symbolism ofthe suits, the poetry written for each ofthese suits, and the people that the poet indicates the artist should paint on die cards. But we can gain additional insightby considering this work's inclusion in the Libro de las veynte cartas e quistiones, where it is surrounded by texts that provide information about Mosén Fernando's life, relationships with others, and attitudes towards women in general and love in particular. Some of these works, especially the prose correspondence with friends both male and female, appear to provide a context for the seemingly odd references or associations that he makes in the "Juego de naipes". In addition, several of the apparently obscure allusions or pictorial descriptions of contemporaneous persons can be clarified by looking to external historical accounts. Fernando de la Torre's connection with the Castilian court of both Juan II (1406-1454) and Enrique IV (1454-1474) and his relationship with the rulers of Navarra has been established bodi by evidentiary documentation and by his own words.2 A native of Burgos who studied in Florence and attended the Council of Basel, Mosén Fernando probably entered Juan II's service in the late 1430s and continued to 1...

'Music, why do you weep?' A lament for Alexander Agricola (d.1506)

Alexander Agricola died in Spain in 1506 in the service of Philip the Fair, King of Castile. Somebody composed for him a short, four-voice lament, Musica, quid defles?, which has been preserved uniquely in a much later collection of motets, Georg Rhau's Symphoniae jucundae of 1538. This article explores the idea that the lament might have been composed by a Spanish composer such as Juan de Anchieta who had served alongside Agricola in the last year of his life. The musical structure and idiom suggest this possibility, and the text may also have been penned by a member of the Castilian court, whether the composer himself or a figure such as Diego Ramirez de Villaescusa, head chaplain to Juana ‘the Mad‘, who published a set of four dialogues on the death of Juana's brother Juan in 1497. This Latin epitaph in dialogue form would certainly not be out of place in the tradition established in the Spanish kingdoms for elegies and other funerary and commemorative pieces, in both Latin and the vernacular, written—and sung—for important figures in the late 15th century. A musical setting of such a piece in Latin by a Spanish composer would appear to have been more unusual at this period; possibly Anchieta, if indeed the piece was by him, was thus contributing a special homage to his colleague in the Burgundian chapel.

A Possible Connection between the Philosophy of the Castilian king Alfonso X and the Risālat ayy ibn Yaqān by Ibn ufayl

This article explores the textual connections between two narratives: Ibn ufayl's (581/1185–6) Risālat ayy ibn Yaqān and a brief history of religions present in two works – the General Estoria and the Stenario – produced in the Castilian court of king Alfonso X (1221–1284). Both literary narratives deal with the intersection of philosophy and metaphysics. First, Alfonso X's cultural renaissance is contextualized. Under Arabic influence, Alfonso's collaborators created a cultural synthesis that was denounced by his son Sancho in the 1290s. Second, we compare Ibn ufayl's and Alfonso X's narratives. Ibn ufayl's model was probably adapted to justify a cultural programme that blended Christianity and Pagan inheritance. Unfortunately, there is no physical evidence to prove that Alfonso's circle was familiar with Ibn ufayl's work. Nevertheless, the analysis of a common genre – following A.W. Hughes's theory – allows us to contend that Alfonso X reproduced this type of text within a Christian context.

Catalan and Occitan Troubadours at the Court of Alfonso VIII

CATALAN AND OCCITAN TROUBADOURS AT THE COURT OF ALFONSO VIII Antonio Sánchez Jiménez Miami University AJesfis Rodríguez Velasco. por su paciente e inteligente ayuda It is relatively unrecognized that it was a Catalan troubadour, Raimón Vidal de Besalú, who penned one of the most attractive and vivid descriptions of Alfonso VIII's court in the Castia Gilos. The text belongs to the narrative genre known as novas (Suzanne Fleischman 169),' and begins by depicting a literary soirée in which the royal patrons , Alfonso VIII the Noble, '"N-Anfós" (Manuel Mila i Fontanals 125), and his queen Eleonor of Aquitaine, "la reyn' Elionors" (Mila i Fontanals 126), listen attentively to the Catalan's poem. Raimon Vidal de Besalú dedicates die first fifteen lines of the Castia Gilos to praising Alfonso as a model of courtesy, and then proceeds to describe the graceful and beautiful queen and her rich garments: Estrecha vene en un mantel D' un drap de seda bon e bel Que hom apela sisclató Vermelhs ab lista d' argen fo E y hac un levon d' aur devis. (Milà i Fontanals 126) The Castia Gilos depicts how a Catalan troubadour visits the Castilian court and narrates to the king and his courtiers a poem in Provençal 1 The Castia Gilos, a long narrative poem in octosyllabic verses, is best described as belonging to the novas genre. Nevertheless, critics have used different words to describe the genre ofthe poem: Irenée Cluzel referred to it as a "fabliau", and Martín de Riquer called it "una novella" (Historia 1 16). La corónica 32.2 (Spring, 2004): 101-120 102Antonio Sánchez JiménezLa corónica 32.2, 2004 about die Aragonese vassal 'N-Anfós de Barbastre (Mila i Fontanals 127). Beside Vidal, many odier Catalan and Occitanian troubadours portrayed Alfonso's court as a golden age of courtesy and patronage, providing a wealth of information about the Castilian court during the late twelfth and early diirteenth centuries. Some of these troubadours were born in areas diatwe now consider part ofthepdisos catalans, which at the time belonged to die king ofAragon, count of Barcelona. Others were natives of small fiefs in the Aquitaine, a territory that lay witiiin Aragón's sphere ofpolitical and economical expansion until die disastrous battle of Muret in 1213.2 Although they lived in a region not normally associated widi Castilian culture, they obviously took an interest in Alfonso's court. This paper explores exacdy which troubadours , Catalan and Occitan, visited Alfonso Vili de Castilla's court, and why diese troubadours would be interested in Alfonso's virtues and die characteristics of his reign. This literary connection demonstrates Castilian-Aragonese cultural and political ties during die early thirteenth century. Specialists in medieval history and culture celebrate Alfonso VIII de Castilla (1 155-1214)3 for his many achievements and enterprises, both political and cultural. Alfonso's armies seized the provinces of Alava and Guipúzcoa from the kingdom of Navarra between 1 198 and 1200, and revitalized the Reconquista by defeating the Almohad Empire in die decisive batde of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212. Alfonso also accomplished some impressive diplomatic triumphs: he engineered the definitive union of die kingdoms of Castilla and León, and played a decisive role in the peace and prosperity of die Christian regions of Western and Central Iberia. In addition to these political achievements, Alfonso's reign saw many cultural advancements as well. The twelfthcentury Renaissance reached Castilla during Alfonso's rule (José Angel García de Cortázar 167): circa 1212, Alfonso founded the Peninsula's - The count-kings dominated the land ofthe troubadours for a long time, and their influence peaked in Alfonso VIII's life. In 1 167, Alfonso II de Aragón (Alfons I in Cataluña) inherited the County ofProvence, and in 1 172 he received the County ofRoussillon. He also managed to obtain nearby Beam's and Bigorre's homage in 1 187. His son, Pedro II (Pere I in Cataluña), sought to secure his Occitanian possessions through a series ofdynastic marriages, but his premature death at Muret frustrated the Aragonese plans in Occitania...

Ritual and ceremony in the Spanish royal chapel,c.1559–c.1561

On the abdication of his father Charles V from the Spanish throne in 1556, Philip II was to inherit probably the most important and prestigious court chapel in Europe. Its history, structure and musical eminence were well established during the time of the Burgundian dukes in the fifteenth century, under whose patronage some of the most prominent musicians and composers found their livelihood; as an institution, it was also partly indebted to traditions and an infrastructure inherited from the Castilian court of Ferdinand and Isabella which was passed on to Charles V following the death of Ferdinand in 1516. When Philip II came to power, the amalgamation of his own court and chapel with that of the Emperor resulted in an organisation of unheard proportions, even though many officers of the Imperial court were to accompany Charles V on his retirement to the monastery in Yuste, in Spain, and others of Philip's own train were to return independently to their homeland on periods of extended leave. This was evidently a time of considerable upheaval, during which membership fluctuated and the structural organisation necessarily underwent a period of some adjustment.