Case Of Syria Research Articles

Implications of financing higher education for access and equity: The case of Syria

This article examines the implications for access and equity of the Syrian government’s efforts to reform higher education in the country over the past decade. In the context of social and economic reforms that are moving the county from a state-controlled to a social market economy, it focuses on adequacy in financing higher education, as well as efficiency and equity. Significant progress has been made in access to higher education. The government has introduced a rich variety of options for accessing higher education, resulting in a doubling of enrolled students over the past 10 years. In terms of equity, the gender gaps in higher education enrollment and completion have all but disappeared nationally, although regional variations persist. The study raises concerns about the system’s internal and external efficiency: despite some improvements, the quality of the curricula and their relevance for the labour market remain serious issues.

Assessing the Arab Spring in Libya and Syria. A Compilation of Varying Statements from Key Actors

The situations in Syria in February 2012 and in Libya in 2011 have provided the two most recent case studies in assessing a wide variety of international topics including NATO’s future role in global security, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) as a normative guide, the role of the League of Arab States (LAS) in the post-Arab Spring world, and the role of emerging powers on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Given the rapid proliferation of academic and professional examinations of the 2011 Libya and 2012 Syria cases, there appears a need for a compilation of the varying policies, resolutions, actions, and statements made by all relevant actors in both scenarios. The table below attempts to provide such a compilation in a concise and clearly structured format.

INVESTIGATING THE RUBBLE OF SYRIA'S SECRET REACTOR

Damascus has severely impeded an investigation by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) into Syria's construction of a covert nuclear reactor, which was destroyed in a 2007 Israeli air strike. Pressing Damascus to cooperate with the inquiry is necessary to ascertain that there are no other undeclared activities in Syria, to determine the role of North Korea in the construction of the reactor, and to help prevent future clandestine efforts. With Damascus doing its best to avoid the investigation, securing Syrian cooperation will require adept diplomacy backed by the prospect of special inspections and, if necessary, a referral to the UN Security Council. The case of Syria's secret reactor highlights areas in which the IAEA needs buttressing, from the enhanced sharing of information, to reporting that is less political and more forthright. The case also illustrates the downside of politicizing IAEA investigations and supports the new director's apparent intent to return the agency to its core technical tasks.

Why Aren't Women Sharī'a Court Judges? The Case of Syria

AbstractWomen make up 14% of the judiciary in Syria and work at all levels of the ordinary courts, both civil and criminal. However, they do not hold office in the personal status courts, special courts that apply codified religious law. This essay presents all opinions, both majority and minority, that explain the legal and social reasons for the non-appointment of women to the Muslim personal status courts known as sharī'a courts. I discuss how religious texts and classical Islamic legal doctrine are used today to undermine women's judicial power and oppose their appointment to the ordinary courts. If a woman cannot act as a sharī'a court judge, then who can? I attempt to answer this all-important question within the Syrian context. The main source of data is interviews conducted with eighty judges and public prosecutors of Damascus and Aleppo between May 2004 and July 2007.

Teaching & Learning Guide for: Modern Syrian Politics

The study of Syrian politics allows us to engage in multiple debates current in contemporary political science. Syria exemplifies the problematic of nation-building as few states have been afflicted with such a radical disjuncture between territory and identity. As the Syrian state started out as notoriously unstable, its history allows us to understand the techniques and conditions in which stable authoritarian states have been constructed in the third world and Middle East. Syria fits well with the literature on authoritarian persistence and the failure of democratization in the Middle East. In this respect, Syria provides material relevant to topics such as neo-patrimonialism, the role of the military in politics and also single party systems. Syria also provides material for studies of political economy, including such debates as the failure of populist roads to development, agrarian reform, of the role and character of state-bourgeoisies and the difficulties of transition from statistcentred to market economies. Finally, at the level of foreign policies, Syria’s role is quite distinctive, considered by some to be a rogue state and by others exemplifying rare defiance of US hegemony and resistance to globalization.

Μία περίπτωση ἐφαρμογῆς τοῦ βυζαντινοῦ θεσμοῦ τοῦ ἀσύλου στήν Πελοπόννησο: Ἡ προσφυγή τῶν Σλάβων στό ναό τοῦ Ἁγίου Ανδρέα Πατρῶν

Μία περίπτωση ἐφαρμογῆς τοῦ βυζαντινοῦ θεσμοῦ τοῦ ἀσύλου στήν Πελοπόννησο: Ἡ προσφυγή τῶν Σλάβων στό ναό τοῦ Ἁγίου Ανδρέα Πατρῶν

The Role of the State in Development in the Middle East: Lessons from Syria

In this article I argue that only the combined forces of market and state may lead to economic development. The state must do certain things and refrain from others. Whether states in fact ‘…do what they should and do not do what they should not’ (Przeworski, 2003: 158) is explained by three factors: state capacity, rent and agency. I apply this argument to the contrasting cases of Syria and Turkey. I further distinguish between the role of the state during extensive economic growth and its role during intensive economic growth. I argue that the present liberal phase of economic development is based on intensive economic growth and that the weak capacities of many Middle Eastern states explain the particularly low economic growth experienced in this present phase.

Economic instruments of security policy: influencing choices of leaders

Acknowledgments Forward to the Second Edition Introduction PART I: THE INDIVIDUAL States Don't Make Decisions People Do Adam Smith and Twenty-first Century National Security Maximizing, Rationality, and the Bounds of Institutions Experimentation in Economic Science The Economics of Autocracies Some Are Ranchers and Some Are Wolves Predicting the Dictator: A Theoretical Model Principles for Policymakers PART II: THE WORLD Castro's Cuba and U.S. Sanctions The Cuban Economy in the 1990s Dictating Economic Performance Sanctions: Truth in Advertising Democracies and the Politics of Trade Free Trade Agreements Case Study: The PRC and Most Favored Nation Status Case Study: Pistachios, Rugs, and Relationship-Building Study: India and Commerce Case Study: The PRC, Public Disclosure and Verified End Users Import Restrictions Case Study: The PRC and non-market economies Trade as a Tool: Roundup Money and Finance as Security Tools Money Inflation Case Study: Swiss dinars and Saddam dinars Case Study: Internet Marketplace Case Study: Money Laundering in Ukraine Exchange Rate Choices and National Security Choosing an Exchange Rate Case Study: Dollarization Choosing Power Over Growth, Again Maximizing Over Time Through Lending and Borrowing International Finance Case Study: International Financial Institutions and the East Asian Financial Crisis Case Study: Tibet vs. the World Bank at Qinghai Sovereign Lending and Foreign Direct Investment Debt Dynamics and Debates Case Study: Debt Forgiveness - Republic of Congo Case Study: Did the Great Recession Change the Competitive Equation? Summary: Money, Exchange Regimes, Debt Curing Poverty Helps National Security Terrorism, Insurgency, and Poverty Theory of Growth Incentives and Growth De-industrialization: When Countries Do Not Invest in Domestic Capacity Case Study: The Millennium Challenge Account Case Study: The African Growth and Opportunity Act Case Study: Saudi Arabian Charities Case Study: Iraq Case Study: Syria Case Study: Law Enforcement Against al Qaeda Case Study: Brothers to the Rescue and the Anti-Terrorism Amendment to the FSIA Conclusion Appendix Endnotes

Westphalian Sovereignty and the Emergence of the Arab States System: The Case of Syria

(2000). Westphalian Sovereignty and the Emergence of the Arab States System: The Case of Syria. The International History Review: Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 529-556.

A minority rule over a hostile majority: The case of Syria

This article attempts to devise a conceptual framework for the analysis of continuous ethnic minority rule over hostile majorities. A synthesis of the cultural, modernist and psychological approaches to the study of ethnic conflict provides the grounds for the explanation of the ways in which the identities of the minority and majority were shaped throughout their history and why they became politically salient. On this basis, it is possible to understand why the minorities seek political power. As the case of Syria suggests, the ability to attain power is primarily dependent on dominating the army, usually through colonial legacy. Maintaining rule relies on an authoritarian and oppressive government structure, and the ability of the regime to legitimize itself, primarily by decreasing the saliency of the distinct identities, and ultimately the hostility, and creating a unified identity.

Democracy without democrats?: the renewal of politics in the Muslim world

Introduction - Where are the democrats?, Ghassan Salame. Part 1 Hypotheses: democracy without democrats? - the potential for political liberalization in the Middle East, John Waterbury democratization in the Arab world - uncertainty, vulnerability and legitimacy - a tentative conceptualization and some hypotheses, Jean Leca small is pluralistic - democracy as an instrument of civil peace, Ghassan Salame populism contra democracy - recent democratist discourse in the Arab world, Aziz Al-Azmeh the oil rent, the fiscal crisis of the state and democratization, Giacomo Luciani demographic explosion or social upheaval?, Philippe Fargues. Part 2 Cases: socio-economic change and political mobilization - the case of Egypt, Roger Owen the integration of the integrists - a comparative study of Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia, Gudrun Kramer socio-economic change and political implications - the Maghreb, Abdelbaki Hermassi the private sector, economic liberalization, and the prospects of democratization - the case of Syria and some other Arab countries, Volker Perthes patronage and solidarity groups - survival or reformation?, Olivier Roy republican trajectories in Iran and Turkey - a Tocquevillian reading, Jean-Francois Bayart.

A Decentralized Approach to Urbanization: The Case of Syria

This article is concerned with urban ization strategies in Third World countries and their effects on the di rection of urbanization and on re ducing regional and urban-rural dis parities. The article considers Syria and documents that urbanization has not slowed down during the past two-and-a-half decades, but that its direction has shifted from the largest cities to regional and secondary cit ies. It is argued that the reasons for this shift are equity considerations in the allocation of resources and a strong sense of regional loyalties at the national level, as well as the util ization of national planning to im prove the socioeconomic and exter nal economies of secondary and regional cities.

Economic Policy and Class Structure in Syria: 1958–1980

It is indeed an interesting endeavor to investigate the impact of economic policies on social stratification. Doing so enables us to see to what extent economic policies bring changes in class structure in a society. We take the case of Syria to study its economic policies and their accompanying impact on the evolving pattern of the Syrian elite from the late 1950s to the early 1980s and then look at accompanying impact on class structure.The two poles or aspects of this paper are (1) economic policies themselves and (2) their impact on class structure. The question that we are going to raise in the first pole is the following: what is the nature of the economic policies? This refers to land reforms, industrial and commercial reforms, and foreign trade controls.

Migration, Urbanization, and Third World Development: An Overview

Previous articleNext article No AccessMigration, Urbanization, and Third World Development: An OverviewAndrei Rogers, and Jeffrey G. WilliamsonAndrei Rogers Search for more articles by this author , and Jeffrey G. Williamson Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Economic Development and Cultural Change Volume 30, Number 3Apr., 1982Third World Migration and Urbanization: A Symposium Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/452572 Views: 43Total views on this site Citations: 22Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1982 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Shah Alam Siddiqui Development Through the Lenses of Migration, South Asian Journal of Social Science and Humanities 3, no.44 (Aug 2022): 1–10.https://doi.org/10.48165/sajssh.2022.3401Xavier Tezzo, Hsu Mon Aung, Ben Belton, Peter Oosterveer, Simon R. Bush Consumption practices in transition: Rural-urban migration and the food fish system in Myanmar, Geoforum 127 (Dec 2021): 33–45.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2021.09.013Mihajlo Jakovljevic, Yansui Liu, Arcadio Cerda, Marta Simonyan, Tiago Correia, Richard M. Mariita, Ajantha Sisira Kumara, Leidy Garcia, Kristijan Krstic, Romanus Osabohien, Tran Khanh Toan, Chiranjivi Adhikari, Nguyen Thi Kim Chuc, Resham B. Khatri, Vijay Kumar Chattu, Liang Wang, Tissa Wijeratne, Eugene Kouassi, Habib Nawaz Khan, Mirjana Varjacic The Global South political economy of health financing and spending landscape – history and presence, Journal of Medical Economics 24, no.sup1sup1 (Dec 2021): 25–33.https://doi.org/10.1080/13696998.2021.2007691James Gross, Yu Ouyang Types of urbanization and economic growth, International Journal of Urban Sciences 25, no.11 (May 2020): 71–85.https://doi.org/10.1080/12265934.2020.1759447Chaowei Xiao, Elisabete A. Silva, Chuchu Zhang Nine-nine-six work system and people’s movement patterns: Using big data sets to analyse overtime working in Shanghai, Land Use Policy 90 (Jan 2020): 104340.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2019.104340Ashira Menashe Oren Migrant-based youth bulges and social conflict in urban sub-Saharan Africa, Demographic Research 42 (Jan 2020): 57–98.https://doi.org/10.4054/DemRes.2020.42.3Kyle Farrell, Hans Westlund China’s rapid urban ascent: an examination into the components of urban growth, Asian Geographer 35, no.11 (May 2018): 85–106.https://doi.org/10.1080/10225706.2018.1476256Christoph Rass, Frank Wolff What Is in a Migration Regime? Genealogical Approach and Methodological Proposal, (Mar 2018): 19–64.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-20532-4_2Maureen Hickey Modernisation, Migration, and Mobilisation: Relinking Internal and International Migrations in the ‘Migration and Development Nexus’, Population, Space and Place 22, no.77 (Oct 2016): 681–692.https://doi.org/10.1002/psp.1952 Atta-ur-Rahman, Akhilesh Surjan, Gulsan Ara Parvin, Rajib Shaw Impact of Urban Expansion on Farmlands, (Jan 2016): 91–112.https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-802169-9.00007-0Daniel G. Bausch, Andres G. Lescano, David L. Blazes, Gabriela Salmon-Mulanovich, William K. Pan, Joel M. Montgomery Economic Burden of Dengue Virus Infection at the Household Level Among Residents of Puerto Maldonado, Peru, The American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 93, no.44 (Oct 2015): 684–690.https://doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.14-0755Remi Jedwab, Dietrich Vollrath Urbanization without growth in historical perspective, Explorations in Economic History 58 (Oct 2015): 1–21.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2015.09.002Canfei He Urbanization and migration, (Feb 2013).https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444351071.wbeghm568Kaloyan Stanev, Jordi Martí-Henneberg, Martin Ivanov Regional Transformations of a State under Construction: Bulgaria, 1878–2002, The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 42, no.11 (Jun 2011): 111–134.https://doi.org/10.1162/JINH_a_00207Charles M. Becker, Andrew R. Morrison Chapter 43 Urbanization in transforming economies, (Jan 1999): 1673–1790.https://doi.org/10.1016/S1574-0080(99)80012-1Riad G. Mahayni A Decentralized Approach to Urbanization: The Case of Syria, Journal of Planning Education and Research 9, no.22 (Jan 1990): 117–125.https://doi.org/10.1177/0739456X9000900204Gail M. Shields, Michael P. Shields THE EMERGENCE OF MIGRATION THEORY AND A SUGGESTED NEW DIRECTION, Journal of Economic Surveys 3, no.44 (Dec 1989): 277–304.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6419.1989.tb00072.xYork W. Bradshaw Urbanization, personal income, and physical quality of life: The case of Kenya, Studies In Comparative International Development 23, no.44 (Dec 1988): 15–40.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02686983Nanda R. Shrestha A structural perspective on labour migration in underdeveloped countries, Progress in Human Geography 12, no.22 (Jun 1988): 179–207.https://doi.org/10.1177/030913258801200202Nanda R. Shrestha Institutional policies and migration behavior: A selective review, World Development 15, no.33 (Mar 1987): 329–345.https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(87)90017-9L A Brown, F C Stetzer Development Aspects of Migration in Third World Settings: A Simulation, with Implications for Urbanization, Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 16, no.1212 (Jul 2016): 1583–1603.https://doi.org/10.1068/a161583Robert Woods Population Studies, Progress in Human Geography 7, no.22 (Jun 1983): 261–266.https://doi.org/10.1177/030913258300700206

The Soviet Union and the Israeli action in Lebanon

The Soviet Union may have some questions to answer from its friends and allies in the Middle East at the close of the current crisis in Lebanon. Given the massive material and political support Moscow has accorded both Syria and the Palestine Liberation Organization in the past, it is possible that they, or at least groups amongst their supporters and the public at large, expected something more than the virtual inaction of the Soviet Union. An understanding of this inaction, however, lies with the understanding of the nature of Soviet commitment to Syria and the PLO and where this commitment fits into Soviet priorities. When Israeli forces moved into Lebanon, the primary Soviet consideration was that there should not be a general war between Israel and Syria. The reasons for this were numerous: Moscow was fearful of the tlhreat to Damascus itself and to the shaky regime of Assad; it was concerned that the Israeli blow and these threats would be such as to prompt the Syrians to demand direct Soviet military intervention and that an all-out war, similar to previous wars in the region, would develop with the risk of superpower involvement and confrontation. Accordingly, Moscow has always drawn a distinction in the Arab-Israeli context between terrorist actions or battles of attrition, and all-out wars, opposing the latter because of the concern over superpower confrontation. In the present war, these Soviet preferences presumably caused little difficulty between Moscow and Damascus in as much as the Syrians themselves apparently were not interested in all-out war with Israel. Thus it was not a case of Syria pressing to fight and Moscow holding it back, but, perhaps, Syrian pressure on Moscow, possibly from the beginning of hostilities, to press Washington to restrain Israel. The USSR may have been restrained on this score by their general concern over their relations with the United States at this time of important arms talks. There have been rumours that the Syrians were dissatisfied with Moscow's general reticence during the hostilities and in some circles, presumably the military, there was apparently much grumbling over the poor performance of Soviet weapons systems.' While Libyan and Palestinian leaders openly indicated their disappointment that Moscow did not send Syria concrete assistance, such as a contingent of combat troops, the Syrians themselves, at least publicly, couched their demands in political terms.2 They spoke of raising Soviet-Syrian relations to a still higher plane