Campaigns Of Political Parties Research Articles

Influence of online searches for campaign messages on voting behaviour in Ghana

This study ascertained the influence of political party campaign message information search on the behaviour of voters in Ghana. The researchers however conducted this study by applying the perspectives of consumer behaviour to voter behavior with an objective to examine how the behaviour of consumers (voters) is influenced by the search for information on election campaign messages in their decision-making process. The examination used quantitative research to determine the relationship between voting behaviour and political campaign with the cross-sectional survey deployed to collect data from 7203 voters in Accra. These voters were selected through random sampling and the data was collected with questionnaires. The study measured voter (consumer) behaviour from three dimensions namely psychological, social and personal behaviour. The Structural Equation Model (SEM) in Amos was used for the analysis to establish the relationship between the variables. The study revealed that significant positive relationship between campaign message information search and voter psychological behaviour. Likewise, information searches on campaign messages significantly influence voters' social and personal behaviour. The study concluded that the behaviour of voters is influenced by their search for content or details of political campaign messages. The study concludes that there are opportunities for political marketing and change in voter behaviour. Still, sufficient attention should be given to developing and deploying a consumer behaviour model that recognises the challenges and changes with political-marketing campaigning for vote in Ghana Political parties/candidates should make available adequate information on their campaign promises and manifestos to voters to influence their behaviour towards winning their votes. This study has contributed significantly to the knowledge of literature in the field of political marketing. Nonetheless, further studies should be conducted in other jurisdictions other than Ghana to validate the model or test the hypotheses.

Reveal the Motives for Reporting Campaign Funds of Political Parties in Indonesia

The purpose of this research is to find a new theory regarding the motives for reporting political party campaign funds in the 2019 legislative elections in Indonesia. Reporting on political party campaign funds is an obligation based on regulations that have sanctions for those who do not comply. This research is a qualitative research, with grounded theory analysis. The findings from this research indicate that the motive for reporting political party campaign funds is not only to avoid sanctions, but also to gain legitimacy from the election commission as the organizer of the election and to impress political parties at the central level. The new theory found from the results of this study is that "the motive for reporting political party campaign funds is influenced by the constituents and authorities of the political party concerned.

Pemisahan Penyelenggaraan Pemilu Serentak Tingkat Nasional dan Daerah

General election regulations simultaneously raise problems at the level of implementation, because they are considered not to show effectiveness and efficiency in the implementation of general elections in accordance with the purpose of the establishment of these regulations. Therefore, the implementation of the general election regulations simultaneously needs to be reviewed based on the initial objective of issuing the Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 concerning Simultaneous General Elections, and refers to the implementation of simultaneous general elections in 2019. The research method used in This research is doctrinal, which contains a normative character. There are implications for the implementation of simultaneous elections, it is necessary to construct a law to separate general elections simultaneously at the national and regional levels in 2024 with the implementation of two elections within five years, making it easier for voters to cast their votes, easing the burden on organizers, and optimizing the campaigns of political parties and candidates in the regions. The results of the national elections strengthen the presidential system at the national level, while the results of the regional elections will strengthen local government.
 Keywords: Election, Simultaneous, Formulation
 

Social Media as Political Party Campaign Media in the 2020 Elections of Maros Regency (Study on the Use of Social Media Instagram Chaidir Syam-Suhartina Bohari Elected Social Media)

Internet has penetrated not only urban areas but also remote villages, and has become a necessity for society as a whole. The spread of the internet has become a common thing in changing the social order of society. This study aims as a means of communicating information delivery through social media Instagram. This study uses a qualitative approach with literacy techniques. In the past, literacy referred to a person's ability to process and understand information in the process of reading and writing. Utilization of social media Instagram as a promotional medium by the elected regent pair. Instagram social media is used as a communication medium to communicate profiles, activities and information about partner selection. The results of this study indicate that the use of Instagram social media has not been optimally used by the chairman pair Syam-Suhartina Bohari because there is no special board to manage it.

Political Party Campaign Financing in South Africa’s 2019 Elections: Reflecting on the Trends and Patterns in KwaZulu-Natal Province

Political Party Campaign Financing in South Africa’s 2019 Elections: Reflecting on the Trends and Patterns in KwaZulu-Natal Province

The election campaign of political parties to the Legislative Seym in 1919

The article presents the topics in the election campaigns of the Polish political parties running for the Seym in 1919. It focuses on the course of the election campaign. For the political parties, the elections were not only a test of social trust, but a barometer of political sentiments in the society.

Social media penetration, party politics and elections in Tanzania Emerging practices and challenges

Tanzania has witnessed an increased use of social media in political party campaigning over the last decade. Use of social media was nonetheless curtailed by a changing techno-political framework regulated by acts relating to cybersecurity and statistics. This study was guided by two hypotheses: firstly, that despite restrictive cybersecurity laws, social media in recent years has been effectively institutionalised as a new civic cyberspace for political party campaigns during elections. Secondly, increasing use of social media in elections has had a transformative effect on the way party structure was organised to conduct political mobilisation, promote party ideology and both inter- and intra-party interaction, and for fundraising. The study interviewed party members and leaders from five political parties which participated in the 2015 and 2020 general elections and concluded that social media had a transformative effect on core political party campaign activities.

Geography of the conservative-liberal cleavage and selected factors influencing the distribution of conservative and liberal voters in Slovakia

The main aim of the paper is to identify the success rate in time and space of political parties with a more conservative electorate and those with a more liberal voters in Slovakia based on the results of parliamentary elections in the last twenty years and to conduct a subsequent correlation analysis of selected socioeconomic parameters (urbanisation rate, registered unemployment rate, the share of persons over 65 years of age, the share of persons with religious faith and share of university-educated persons) and the spatial distribution of conservative or liberal voters. We identify the success rate of parties with a more conservative or more liberal electorate at the level of the Slovak Republic as a whole, as well as in its regions and districts, in the parliamentary elections from 2002 onward, while also evaluating the issue through the spatially disaggregated results of the referendum on the family (2015). Based on statistical analysis, liberal vote rs in Slovakia are more notably concentrated in urban areas, particularly in districts with a lower level of unemployment, a higher share of people with a university education and non-religious residents. On the other hand, conservative voters are more evenly distributed throughout the country, and in their case, the highest statistical association identified among the monitored socioeconomic indicators related to the share of the population professing a certain religion. The highest summary statistical dependence among the examined variables in terms of the conservative-liberal conflict line was identified for indicators of the degree of urbanisation, the share of persons without religious confession and the share of university-educated people. It seems, given the current social situation opening up the liberal or secular ideas, that in the future the conflict of conservative and liberal values represented by specific parties and a significant number of voters in political struggle will become more significant, and not only in post-socialist countries. All the more important will be such studies, e.g. also in the context of setting up appropriate political marketing and effective election campaigns of political parties.

EU fundamental rights and democracy implications of data-driven political campaigns

This paper examines the impact of data-driven political campaigns on fundamental rights and democracy in the European Union. It demonstrates that such campaigns risk curtailing a number of rights and freedoms enshrined in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. They can affect voters’ right to respect for private life and protection of personal data (Articles 7 and 8 Charter) through the collection of massive amounts of personal data that serve as the base for profiling of voters. Moreover, they can restrain freedom of information of voters (Article 11 Charter) by providing them only partial information about campaigns of political parties. Furthermore, political manipulation stemming from targeted political advertising may affect the freedom of elections (Article 39(2) Charter), even though it might be a step too far to assert that the use of data-driven political campaigns undoubtedly leads to elections that are not ‘free’. Finally, the author cautions that it might be challenging to rely on the foundational legal category of democracy from Article 2 TEU, given that this provision needs to be given a concrete expression through another Treaty provision. Rather, in case of manipulative data-driven political campaigns, democracy as a value can be affected.

THE ROLE OF MASS MEDIA IN THE FORMATION OF POLITICAL WORLDVIEW AND TRANSFORMATION OF THE ELECTORAL STRATEGIES OF POLITICAL PARTIES OF AUSTRIA

Problem setting. Evolution of media led to the fact that in addition to their main functions, they began to perform certain functions of political parties, namely political socialization and mobilization. Therefore, one of the central places in the election campaigns ofpolitical parties is occupied by the media, and their participation acts as an independent institution of democracy. The Austrian media system represents special model of functioning of media which has an impact, both on political outlook of the Austrians, and on transformation of the electoral strategies ofpolitical parties of Austria. Recent research and publications analysis. The topic of the influence of the media on political orientations of electorate, political communication and strategies became a studying subject for scientists. (D. Dubov, D. Farrell, N. Garmash, O. Gruber, K. Kholodkovsky, Z. Komilova, M. Lettner, S. Lisova, A. Nazarbetova, P. Norris, F. Plasser, G. Plasser, P. Ulram and other). Paper objective. The article analyzes the stages of the evolution of election campaigns and the development of a political communication system in the Republic of Austria. The purpose of the article is to show, with the example of the evolution of the Austrian media system, its influence on the transformation of the political world outlook and electoral strategies of the Austrian political parties. Paper main body. A modern democratic society needs politics and political mass media. On the other hand, politics needs the society itself (voters), which, in turn, is sufficiently achieved only through the media. In the development of the political communication system in Austria allocate three stages (according to F. Plasser and P. Ulram): 1) between 1945 and the middle of the 60th of the 20th century - «domination ofparty with the newspaper»; 2) the middle of the 60th - the beginning of the 90th of the 20th century - «television» phase; 3) since the beginning of the 1990th years till today - «multimedia diversity». Thus, the perception ofpolitics occurs through various media channels, which leads to the fragmentation of political communication. Owing to social changes and technical progress, the struggle to retain their dominant position in the Austrian party system forces political parties to look for new methods to attract the electorate, hence their election campaigns become more professional. Analysis of election campaigns in the period 2006-2017 allows you to highlight the elements of their «Americanization», «personalization», «negativization». In turn, the strategies by which candidates and parties attract votes within the election campaigns are also influenced by factors such as the configuration ofpolitical institutions and the structure of the media system. A specific feature of the Austrian media system, which belongs to the democratic corporatist model (according to the classification of D. Hallin and P. Mancini), is the relatively late realization of the dualization of the television market and strong monopolistic media structures at the national level. There are four types of Austrian voters using political information and media: 1) traditionalist, the information-conscious, politically-involved (largest Austrian People’s Party voter share); 2) established, the information-interested, politically close (largest Social Democratic Party of Austria voter share); 3) modernity, politically distant, not interested information (votes for the Austrian Green Party more often); 4) unprivileged, dissatisfied with the policy, moderately informed (a high proportion of voters of the party «Alliance for the Future of Austria» and the Freedom Party of Austria). Conclusions of the research. Traditional media are an important and primary source for political information and decision making in elections, which leads to a trend of politicization of the media. The research conducted by the author allows to come to a conclusion that changes in political agitation, as a rule, need to be considered as reaction to the previous changes in a media system and electorate, and from features of modern Austrian election campaigns it is possible to allocate orientation to television and media.

Social Media and Political Party Campaign: Case of Lesotho June 2017 Election

Social Media and Political Party Campaign: Case of Lesotho June 2017 Election

From Beethoven to Bowie: Identity Framing, Social Justice and the Sound of Law

Music is an inescapable part of social, cultural and political life, and has played a powerful role in mobilising support for popular movements demanding social justice. The impact of David Bowie, Prince and Bob Dylan, for example, on diversity awareness and legislative reform relating to sexuality, gender and racial equality respectively is still felt; with the latter receiving a Nobel Prize in 2016 for ‘having created new poetic expressions within the great American song tradition’. The influence of these composers and performers reached far beyond the concert hall. Conversely, musical propaganda has been a common feature of many dictatorships, most notably Nazism’s Adolf Hitler and Communism’s Joseph Stalin, and is still instrumental in the election campaigns of political parties. US President Donald Trump’s winning retro classic rock campaign playlist conveyed an idealised version of the past which aligned with the tastes and interests of his core constituency, and evoked feelings of nationalistic pride and patriotism. The eclectic selection of upbeat music effectively masked the underlying capitalist initiatives, corporate greed and allegations of financial impropriety that characterised both the Democrat and Republican campaigns. Although unable to impart meaning with the same level of precision as language, music has a potentially broader semantic capacity due to its greater elasticity. It constitutes a common language which has the ability to create a community of people that sings, speaks, reasons, votes and even feels the same way. Accordingly, this article explores the symbiotic relationship between music and law, identity politics and social justice, via the lens of musical semiosis.

PERSEPSI AKUNTAN PUBLIK TERHADAP AKUNTABILITAS KEUANGAN PARTAI POLITIK PADA KANTOR AKUNTAN PUBLIK DI MALANG

<p>This study entitled "<em>Perceptions of Political Parties and Financial Accountability Campaign Funds by Public Accountant</em>" with the aim of the research to find out if there were no differences in the perception of public accounting and financial accountability of political party campaign funds. Data collection methods used in this study is to use surveys in which sample collection through questionnaires. Researchers took the object of research in public accounting firm located in the city of Malang, a sample number of 33 respondents. The analysis used in this research is descriptive analysis with the help of the computer program SPSS (Statistical Package For Social Science) version 11. Sampling techniques are used to using the method judgemen / purposive sampling, the researcher uses a specific consideration of the elements are selected as the sample population. Tests are conducted to answer the researchers' hypothesis using one sample t test trials. The first hypothesis testing results show that the sig. (2-tailed) <0.05 then H1 is received and Ho is rejected, this shows that the hypothesis is accepted which means the researchers found no differences in the perception of public accountants of the financial accountability of political parties, while the second hypothesis test results showed the sig. (2-tailed) <0.05 then the H1 accepted and rejected Ho ang means there is no difference in the perception of public accountants to the accountability of campaign funds.The conclusion from this study that there is no difference in perception of the public accountant and financial accountability of political party campaign funds. Suggestions are given for further research investigator of the study population are expected not only to the public accounting firm in the city of Malang, but is extended to the public accounting firm on the outskirts of Malang and increase the number of variables with the variable political party financial reports and financial statements of a political party after the audit so that the bias comparison between the results of audit visits to the perception of public accountants.</p> <p><strong> </strong></p>

PEMASARAN IDEOLOGI POLITIK ISLAM : ANTARA TUJUAN DAN KENYATAAN

Political issues in Indonesia today cannot be separated completely from the affairs of religion. Many politicians or political party's campaign cites religious moral messages (jargon) in performing its activities. Some of them make the Islamic ideology as the main theme and superior political product. People as voters should have a good understanding of the meaning of Islamic ideology as a jargon on the one hand, with the values of Islam on political and social in daily activities on the other hand. Fallacy would be done by the people for differentiating Islamic jargon of political commodity and practical life covered by religious values would cause the voter attitudes no respect toward the deviant politicians and will eventually turn around to blame the political parties. The question is, should the ideology of Islam as a political product is packaged and processed into commodities practical operational that useful for the voters?

Campaign Contribution Limits and Strategic Political Parties: Empirical Analysis of Gubernatorial Elections in the American States

Political parties have used hard money, soft money, and/or issue advocacy to strengthen party building. But, as soft money and issue advocacy expenditures began to explode, concerns over both the source of these monies and their continued growth helped lead to the passage of Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002. Contribution limits on party contributions, however, remained relatively unchanged under the new law. In this paper we examine what might be gained or lost if contribution limits on party contributions are changed. We examine 88 gubernatorial elections from 1995 to 2002 in 50 American states. Analyses of the total dollar amount of party contributions suggest that less restrictive party contribution limits result in political parties being more likely to contribute higher dollar amounts to candidates. This pattern is enhanced when political parties perceive that their contributions are likely to have a greater impact, i.e., in a competitive election. In addition, analyses of the candidates’ reliance on party contributions are supportive of a similar pattern; less restrictive party contribution limits result in candidates being more likely to rely on party contributions, especially when the election becomes competitive. Findings presented in this paper clearly suggest that the financial role of political parties in an election can be enhanced or diminished by making adjustments in the level of political party campaign contribution limits.

Peacemakers or Peace-Breakers?: Provincial Elections and Religious Leadership in Lombok, Indonesia

Peacemakers or Peace-Breakers? Provincial Elections and Religious Leadership in Lombok, Indonesia Jeremy J. Kingsley (bio) Introduction In August 2007, I attended a meeting convened by NTB1 government officials for police officers, intelligence officials, and non-government activists to address concerns about the upcoming 2008 gubernatorial elections. Halfway through the proceedings, a tense discussion arose, and people became concerned about my presence at the meeting, as “sensitive” matters relating to potential conflict were being discussed. Without being given any opportunity to allay their concerns, or protest my removal, I quickly was escorted from the meeting. I sat outside in the foyer of a Senggigi hotel, where the hotel acoustics fortunately kept me in earshot of the proceedings. I was frustrated by my ejection from the meeting, but the magnitude and difficulties involved in the preparations for the 2008 elections had been brought home to me. Underpinning my removal and the anxiety felt by all participants in the discussion was the fear that during the elections the provincial capital of Mataram, home to the various political party campaign headquarters, could explode into political violence. Fortunately, violence did not erupt during the 2008 elections, and this raises the question of how conflict was avoided, the answer to which is the foundation of this [End Page 53] article. This essay provides a unique perspective on the study of conflict in Indonesia, as most literature to date has investigated situations where communal or political violence has occurred. With the fall of President Suharto in 1998, an event that sparked a wave of violence across Indonesia, including Jakarta, Solo, and Ambon, the study of Indonesian communal and political conflict has become a rich source of literature.2 However, this article inverts the analysis by considering “where violence does not occur.”3 Edward Aspinall has noted the importance of this approach, arguing that ... understanding the structural, contextual, and organizational dynamics of each violent episode is crucial, but if we want to understand overall patterns and develop general models, it is surely equally important to explore those instances where (presumably) mechanisms for peaceful regulation of ethnic and religious inter-group relations worked well.4 Studying the absence of violence is challenging, because violence is often vivid and its effects immediately apparent, while its avoidance is harder to assess definitively. However, if violence is anticipated and yet does not occur, it is useful to investigate why, and what, if any, conflict avoidance mechanisms were applied.5 This article’s direction is supported by the work of Ashutosh Varshney, who has studied places of “ethnic peace” rather than ethnic conflict.6 Varshney’s research investigates several Indian cities and asks why communal and political conflict was avoided or resolved quickly in certain places, while other communities had turned violent. Varshney concludes that, in the Indian context, in places where violence was avoided, networks of professional relationships across ethnic and religious divides were integral to reducing social tensions and could therefore prevent violence from [End Page 54] erupting.7 Varshney’s findings are context-specific, but they allude to mechanisms for conflict avoidance that rely on community relationships. The notion that relationships among political, religious, and community actors are key to maintaining peace is also drawn out in this article, and I demonstrate how religious networks have been integral to maintaining social harmony in Lombok. First, I will discuss particular points of social tension and outbreaks of violence that occurred on the island to assist the reader in understanding anxieties in Lombok about potential election violence. The subsequent two sections center on the influential local religious leaders, Tuan Guru, and their involvement in conflict management during the 2008 elections. These religious leaders and their organizations played a broadly positive role during the elections. Their socio-political role is complex, however, and their actions in the past have sometimes led to violence, particularly in relation to their involvement in the creation of local militia groups and their arguably irresponsible behavior towards minority religious groups (including the Ahmadiyah sect).8 The article then examines, as a case study, the 2008 NTB gubernatorial elections and the conflict-management strategy successfully deployed during that contest. Lineage of Violence … we needed to cool our...

Market Conduct and Endogenous Lobbying: Evidence from the U.S. Mobile Telecommunications Industry

This paper empirically explores the relationship between firms' market behavior and their lobbying activities in a regulated market. In particular, we investigate whether the amount of contributions offered by cellular service providers to fund the campaigns of political parties affected market conduct in the early US mobile telecommunications industry. We structurally estimate market interactions while taking the potential endogeneity of lobbying decisions into account. Our results show that competition was more intense in those states where campaign contributions by the cellular industry have been higher. Furthermore, we reject the hypothesis that lobbying activities can be regarded as exogenous in the study of market conduct.

Market Conduct and Endogenous Lobbying: Evidence from the U.S. Mobile Telecommunications Industry

This paper empirically explores the relationship between firms' market behavior and their lobbying activities in a regulated market. In particular, we investigate whether the amount of contributions offered by cellular service providers to fund the campaigns of political parties affected market conduct in the early US mobile telecommunications industry. We structurally estimate market interactions while taking the potential endogeneity of lobbying decisions into account. Our results show that competition was more intense in those states where campaign contributions by the cellular industry have been higher. Furthermore, we reject the hypothesis that lobbying activities can be regarded as exogenous in the study of market conduct.

Candidate Perceptions of Political Party Campaign Activity in State Legislative Elections

AbstractThis article examines candidates' perceptions of political party services provided in state legislative campaigns using survey data from seven states in 1994. I find that candidates generally do not feel that party assistance is very helpful, although multivariate analyses show that this varies systematically with state context and district-level competition. The influence of campaign financing on candidate perceptions is particularly important. In districts where candidates spend similar amounts on their campaigns, candidates believe parties provide greater assistance. My findings suggest that parties target campaign services to candidates in the same way that they target financial contributions, focusing on districts where these resources are most likely to affect the election outcome.

The Funding of Constituency Party General Election Campaigns in Great Britain

The issues of political party campaign expenditure and funding sources are again high on the British political agenda. Most attention is focused on the amounts raised and spent by the parties nationally, with much less being devoted to the separate local parties in the 641 parliamentary constituencies—where the amounts that can be spent on general election campaigns are subject to legal constraints. Little is known about the sources of funds for those campaigns, and research on the 1997 general election has shown that for most parties the legal requirement to disclose where they obtain their income does not result in the disclosure of original sources of their income. As at previous elections, however, the amounts spent in the constituencies have an impact on the outcome, sustaining the case for regulation; much is spent outside the legal constraints, however, and it is difficult to envisage ways in which this might be regulated.