Campaign Slogan Research Articles

Adolescent perceptions of violence: Formative research findings from a social marketing campaign to reduce violence among middle school youth

To identify the specific barriers and benefits of violent behaviours as noted by middle school youth and to develop a social marketing campaign that attends to the needs and wants of the target audience. A non-experimental, qualitative study design was used to assess youth perceptions of violence in a large, southeast urban school district. Using a social marketing approach, a series of in-depth interviews were conducted with middle school youths, to gain an understanding of perceived barriers and benefits of violent behaviours. Additionally, interviews assessed youth preferences for an effective spokesperson for an anti-violence campaign. Qualitative analysis of coded transcripts revealed key themes that were incorporated into a multi-media initiative. Critical themes of the research highlighted that the majority of violence occurs at school, during school hours and most of the youths believed the use of violence was necessary to defend themselves from other peers or to protect family members. Another key finding pertained to adolescent views on violent people; although the majority of respondents reported engaging in violent acts, they did not view themselves as violent. Results were used to inform the development of a social marketing campaign designed to reduce youth violence among middle school students in a large, urban central Florida school district. Findings from the formative research led to the creation and pre-testing of five potential campaign brands. The campaign slogan that tested best with the target audience emphasized the choice youth have to either engage in violent behaviour and suffer the consequences or to 'rise above' physical conflict and reap the benefits.

Using knowledge, attitudes and practice (KAP) surveys on lymphatic filariasis to prepare a health promotion campaign for mass drug administration in Alor District, Indonesia

We report the results of two surveys of people's knowledge, attitudes and practices (KAP) regarding lymphatic filariasis (LF) in Alor District, eastern Indonesia. The results of the surveys were used to prepare and evaluate the social mobilization component of a pilot mass drug administration (MDA) in five villages. In the study area, the filarial parasites Brugia timori and Wuchereria bancrofti are highly endemic. Frequent and severe adverse reactions after MDA may occur especially in areas endemic for B. timori and therefore, a special communication strategy was designed to inform and to educate communities about LF and its control. The first KAP survey was conducted as a baseline pre-MDA with diethylcarbamazine and albendazole and the second as a post-intervention evaluation in order to obtain information on the impact of the communication campaign. Before the information campaign and the subsequent MDA, 54% of the study population had heard of one of the three main terms for LF, whereas after health education and MDA, 89% had heard of at least one of the three terms. Similarly, pre-MDA, 21% reported having had previously taken the treatment for filariasis, while post-MDA, 88% reported having taken the treatment during the pilot treatment period. The historical fears and traumatic experiences associated with past LF treatment campaigns in Indonesia were averted since both the communication campaign and the MDA were designed appropriately for and together with the community. As a result, compliance was sufficient in the first round to successfully begin the elimination process.

A History of Obesity, or How What Was Good Became Ugly and Then Bad

Chronic food shortage and malnutrition have been the scourge of humankind from the dawn of history. The current worldwide epidemic of obesity, now recognized as a public health crisis, is barely a few decades old. Only after the technological advances of the eighteenth century did a gradual increase in food supply became available. The initial effect of these advances in improved public health and amount, quality, and variety of food was increased longevity and body size. These early favorable outcomes of technological advances notwithstanding, their incremental effect since the Second World War has been an overabundance of easily accessible food, coupled with reduced physical activity, that accounts for the recent increased prevalence of obesity. Obesity as a chronic disease with well-defined pathologic consequences is less than a century old. The scarcity of food throughout most of history had led to connotations that being fat was good, and that corpulence and increased "flesh" were desirable as reflected in the arts, literature, and medical opinion of the times. Only in the latter half of the nineteenth century did being fat begin to be stigmatized for aesthetic reasons, and in the twentieth century, its association with increased mortality was recognized. Whereas early reports listed obesity as a risk factor for mortality from "chronic nephritis," the subsequent recognition of the more common association of obesity with diabetes, hypertension, and heart disease altered the listings and questioned its being a risk factor for kidney disease. An enlarging body of evidence, accrued over the past decade, now indicates a direct association of obesity with chronic kidney disease and its outcomes.

Impact of a Media Campaign for Disaster Mental Health Counseling in Post-September 11 New York

After the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center, the New York State Office of Mental Health (NYOMH) initiated a three-phase multifaceted, multilingual media campaign that advertised the availability of counseling services. This study evaluated the association between patterns of spending within this campaign and the volume of calls received and referred to a counseling program. Spending on television, radio, print, and other advertising was examined, as was the corresponding volume of calls to the NetLife hotline seeking referrals to counseling services. From September 2001 to December 2002, $9.38 million was spent on Project Liberty media campaigns. Call volumes increased during months when total monthly expenditures peaked. Initially, flyers, billboards, and other material items accounted for most monthly expenses. Over time, spending for television and radio advertisements increased, whereas other advertising declined. Temporal patterns show that in periods after an increase in media spending, call volumes increased independently of other sentinel events such as the one-year anniversary of the attacks. Sustained advertising through multiple media outlets appeared to be effective in encouraging individuals to seek mental health services.

The great American history fact-finder: the who, what, where, when, and why of American history

Completely revised and expanded with 200 new entries, The Great American History Fact-Finder covers a wide spectrum of American history and culture, including political events, military history, sports, arts, entertainment, landmark legislation, and business. Here is essential information on everything from the Mayflower to space exploration, from the dot-com boom and bust to the Stanley Cup. The book's 2,200 concise entries, arranged from A to Z, bring our nation's past into sharp focus while also offering just plain useful facts about the well known and not so well known: - Who ran on the campaign slogan Don't swap horses in midstream?- In what year was the Super Bowl first played?- Where did the westbound and eastbound tracks of the transcontinental railroad meet?- When did events at Yalta, the Bay of Pigs, and Kent State take place?- What did the swimmer Gertrude Ederle achieve in 1926?

Otitis, Antibiotics, and the Greater Good

A major paradigm shift lies at the core of the new clinical practice guideline for acute otitis media (AOM),1 ie, the option of allowing selected children to fight an ear infection on their own before the initiation of antibiotic treatment. These children initially receive analgesics, with antibiotics being reserved for those whose conditions worsen or fail to improve within 48 to 72 hours. Although new to many US physicians, the observation option for AOM is an official policy in the Netherlands, Sweden, and now New York State.2 By offering the observation option, the new guideline changes the central AOM management decision from which antibiotic should be given3 to whether an antibiotic should be given at all.4 The paradigm shift is needed because 5.2 million AOM episodes each year5 are treated with antibiotics in the United States, although most would resolve spontaneously. Stated simply, this volume of antibiotic use for largely self-limiting infections does not serve the greater good. Antibiotics are therapeutic agents that affect society, not just individuals.6 Each course of therapy creates selective pressure for resistant bacteria in the child's nasopharynx, which spread readily among families, schools, and child care centers. These organisms, and those they create with resistance genes in transferrable plasmids, may cause fatal infections among healthy or immunocompromised individuals.7 The number of resistant bacterial pathogens throughout the world continues to increase each year.8,9 More …

The Long and the Short of It

Canada), I myself have been struggling with this very issue for as long as I can remember. How can we make a “big” impact when we can’t even reach the drugs on the highest shelves? How can we develop as national speakers when our audience can’t see us from behind the podium? How can we increase the stature of pharmacists when we exist in a climate of downsizing? With these thoughts, a campaign slogan practically suggested itself: Don’t be shortsighted — vote for me and I’ll demonstrate that height doesn’t matter (and if it does, I can always hand out growth hormone)! I had sized up the competition and was ready with a giant campaign to become your President Elect. So imagine my surprise when I found out I had been “elected” without having a chance to put these strategies into practice. I guess I’ll have to save my tattoos and drug samples and dispense them as the need arises throughout my 3 years in office. Yet I’m sure that this article has given hospital pharmacists some insights into the capabilities of their new presidential officer. They’ll know to expect me to give it my all. They’ll know that I’ll provide a fresh perspective on current issues. And they’ll know, if nothing else, that I’ll definitely be a-Musing!

“Men” Who Would Be Kings: Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of Hijras in Contemporary Indian Politics

IT was a hot summer afternoon in the south Indian city of Secunderabad , where I did my fieldwork among hijras, better known as India’s “third sex” (Nanda, 1999) or “eunuch-transvestites” (Vyas and Shingala, 1987). I was sitting near the railway station with Sujata, one of my hijra friends and talking about her future as well as the future of hijras more generally, when she said proudly, “Within this kaliyug [current cosmic period], hijras will become kings and rule the world. That is what [the Hindu god] Rama decreed thousands of years ago when he blessed us.” “When is that time going to come?” I asked. “That time will come very soon. You see, that time will come very soon,” Sujata replied. Perhaps “that time” in Sujata’s reckoning is now. Although hijras have not become kings, they are rapidly gaining visibility in SOCIAL RESEARCH, Vol. 70, No. 1 (Spring 2003) “Men” Who Would Be Kings: Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of Hijras in Contemporary Indian Politics* GAYATRI REDDY *Research for parts of this paper were made possible by grants from the National Science Foundation and the Association for Women in Science. Earlier versions of the article were presented at the University of Illinois, Chicago; University of Iowa; American Anthropological Association meetings in Washington, D.C.; and the Society for the Anthropology of Religion meetings in Cleveland, Ohio. Comments and questions from those audiences were helpful in developing the article. Comments are also gratefully acknowledged from Sita Reddy, Bruce Knauft, Vijayendra Rao, and Serena Nanda, as well as from the journal editors and reviewers of this article at Social Research. the South Asian political sphere. For the first time in Indian politics , hijras are standing for and winning election to local, state, and even national office, and are being actively courted by mainstream political parties for these positions. And they are entering the public imagination as hijras, explicitly highlighting their identity as gender-neutral, asexual figures. As one of their campaign slogans reiterated, “You don’t need genitals for politics; you need brains and integrity” (Karp, 1998). Apparently, as the newspapers declared, hijras are “the new emerging force in Indian politics” (Hindustan Times, 2000), heralding the “reign of the middle order” (Outlook, 2000) or, as my hijra friend Sujata noted, a new, divinely ordained era of the Hijra Rajya (kingdom). How is this recent event of significance in analyzing marginalized minorities? The answer, as anyone familiar with these metonymic figures of Indian “sexual difference” would assert, is that hijras have long been social pariahs in India, stigmatized explicitly on the basis of their apparently transgressive gender identification and their location beyond the domain of procreative sexuality.1 Their recent election to office is significant because it heralds a “new chapter of enfranchisement in the history of India’s eunuchs,” as one news columnist noted (Jacinto, 2000). In this article, I explore hijras’ emerging position as the “third wave” (Mishra, 2000)—their path from pariah to model minority as it were—in the Indian political landscape, and the potential for their electoral participation and subsequent victory to reformulate not only their place in society but also prevailing constructions of citizenship, sexuality, and politics in India. While I am clearly not disputing the emancipatory potential of hijras’ political gains in recent elections, I am questioning the automatically presumed relationship between hijra marginalization and their social emancipation by virtue of electoral participation . To gain political status, hijras explicitly highlight their social marginality on the basis of sexuality, religion, and kinship. But as I argue in this paper, it is these very mobilizations of marginality that, far from remaking normative institutions, reinscribe 164 SOCIAL RESEARCH their hegemonic importance, thereby undercutting hijras’ emancipatory and subversive potential and allowing for their incorporation within existing frameworks of political and moral authority. In other words, this paper is a cautionary note, arguing that hijras apparent increase in political visibility and social status could be illusory and could ultimately serve to remarginalize them within the new social order. In the end, if, as their campaign slogan contends , “you don’t need genitals for politics,” neither it would seem, does the permissible lack of genitals herald a radically...

Foreign and European Policy Issues in the 2002 Bundestag Elections

Is it always the economy, or do external issues sometimes matter,too? Consistent with the Clinton campaign slogan of 1992, politicalscientists generally predict that domestic economic issues are primaryin determining election winners. This proposition, with its severalvariants, rests on many years of survey data and analysis thathave consistently indicated that international conditions and foreignpolicy rarely, if ever, rate highly in public concerns and thereforeseldom affect election outcomes.

The Megalomania of a Political Party: The FDP Loses before the Federal Constitutional Court and then Loses the Election

During Germany's recent general elections the Freien Demokratischen Partei (Free Democratic Party – FDP) sought to position itself as the focal point of the heated political race between the Christian Democratic Union / Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU), led by Bavarian Governor Edmund Stoiber, and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), led by incumbent Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. By staking out the ideological middle ground and employing a well-packaged campaign, the FDP hoped to assure itself the role of coalition partner in any government formed after the September 22nd general election. The FDP, in a first for one of the smaller political parties, ran its photogenic Chairman, Guido Westerwelle, as an independent candidate for Chancellor. The party also set for itself the goal of obtaining 18% of the popular vote (a target nearly triple its performance in the 1998 general election), making “18/2002” the party's campaign slogan. Had the FDP succeeded in obtaining only 9% of the popular vote (half its goal), it would have indeed played the controlling role in post-election negotiations over a coalition government. As it turned out, however, the FDP stumbled through debilitating controversy up to the last minute of the election and ended with a mere 7.4 percent of the vote. Incumbent Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder was able to turn to the Green Party (which charged to a surprising 8.6% of the vote), his coalition partner of the last four years, to break his party's deadlock with the CDU/CSU and remain in power.

Impact of a rural domestic violence prevention campaign.

Domestic violence is a prevalent health problem that in rural areas is further complicated by limited services, social isolation and the lack of privacy. Little is known about the impact of public health education on awareness, attitudes and behavior of the general public regarding domestic violence. This study sought to measure change in societal attitudes and behavioral intention in response to a seven-month public health education campaign targeting domestic violence in a rural county. From October 1998 to April 1999, the campaign used radio advertisements, posters, mailings to libraries and clergy, printed media articles, printed advertisements and health facility modifications. A random-digit-dialing telephone survey was used to evaluate attitudinal and behavioral changes in the intervention and comparison counties before and after the campaign. The response rates for the pre- (n =378) and postcampaign (n=633) surveys were 73 percent and 65 percent, respectively. Statistically significant increases in slogan and advertising recognition occurred in the intervention county (P=0.03), particularly among men recalling the campaign slogan (P=0.006). In a vignette regarding actions to be taken if the neighbor next door was abusing a partner, significant increases occurred in the intervention county in the percentage of respondents who thought that most people would talk to the victim (P=0.04), consult with friends (P=0.002) or talk to a doctor (P=0.004). Domestic violence agency hotline calls in the intervention county doubled following the campaign. Local public health education campaigns in a rural setting may be a valuable adjunct to national efforts, especially in reaching men.

New Labour, New Britain, new sexual values?

This article investigates changing parameters of 'privacy' in Britain and their relevance for the redrawing of boundaries between 'acceptable' and 'unacceptable' sexualities. Drawing on Berlant's distinction between 'live' sex acts and 'dead identities', the article suggests that some hitherto 'live' sex act may 'die', leaving others to be rejected and policed, perhaps even with renewed vigour. This may not, however, mean that the normative status of conjugal (hetero)sexuality is moribund: it may merely be reinvented. The article focuses primarily on the heated and often sensationalized public debate on the homosexuality of Members of Parliament which gripped the UK during October and November 1998. Tony Blair's Labour government was elected to power in 1997 under the campaign slogan 'New Labour, New Britain', and the public reaction to the homosexuality of MPs in 1998 led many commentators to conclude that British sexual values were undergoing a profound liberalization. It is questionable, however, whether these 'new' sexual values were actually as new, or as liberal, as they appeared.

Arrested Development

Arrested Development

From Euphoria to Atrophy: The Politics of Recent Economic Reform in Korea

In late February 1993, Korea set out a new journey toward "real" democracy. While the formal process of democratization began in 1987, when the Rho Tae Woo government was sworn in under the new, fairly democratic Constitution amended consensually by the ruling and the opposition parties without much fuss, though, the inauguration of the first "civilian" president Kim Young Sam in three decades was to mark a genuine beginning of the democratic era in Korea. The very characterization of new government as "civilian" and the somewhat overdrawn distinction between the Rho's and the Kim's government was nothing but the manifestation of the Korean people's strong desire to break with the deplorable past of the 32 years' authoritarian-military rule. Although the people's expectations toward the new government were shot up high, it was far from certain, however, what they really wanted it to achieve. President Kim's election campaign slogan, "change and reform," had been so equivd as not to indicate the degree and extent of reform that his government would undertake. Economic reform, in particular, of the new government was only in the making even at the time of transition.

The impact of a media campaign on public action to help maltreated children in addictive families

Developed because of the need to promote public understanding of the link between addictions and child maltreatment, a multimedia campaign helped to increase by 62% the average monthly number of people who called a telephone service for information about how to aid abused and neglected children. The campaign was supported by market research and professional experience that indicated the campaign should focus on easy action a citizen could take, avoid inducing fear or blame, and target third party helpers and younger families-at-risk. Campaign exposure was promoted through the support of corporate partners. A random household survey found that 61% of the general population had seen or heard the campaign slogan. The average monthly calls to the child maltreatment information service regarding alcohol and other drug abuse tripled and the requests regarding at-risk children almost doubled. An auxiliary project provided interprofessional education to increase the probability that people seeking help would get it when referrals were made. The project yielded several lessons for future public awareness campaigns: focus on helping action rather than the problem; use of client-based market research; a strategic plan to assure necessary exposure; reliance on public-private-nonprofit sector partnerships; preparation of the service system; promotion of personal ways of helping.

Health System Reform

As early as 1990, the American Medical Association recognized the imperative for health system reform and advanced its own program called Health Access America.¹Yet it was not until the campaign slogan of Harris Wofford and the promises of President Clinton that the great health system reform debate of the 1990s began. Many felt the need to extend insurance coverage, flatten the rise of health care expenditures, and to find new and innovative ways of providing cost-effective health care with an emphasis on preventive medicine. Public polls overwhelmingly indicate that the public believes the current system requires change, albeit without a clear indication of how. The medical profession as much as anyone sees the defects in the current system along with the intrusion of entrepreneurial giants and continues to declare the status quo unacceptable. Anticipation regarding possible reforms was high, activity frenetic, and expectations rampant, but the whole reform

Money Managers Are Unraveling the Tapestry of Nursing

f Caring Were Enough, Anyone Could Be A Nurse... Remember that campaign slogan? It was developed several years ago by the Advertising Council and the National Commission on Nursing Implementation Project to promote nursing's image. Now it's coming back to haunt nursing. Today, anyone, it seems, can be a nurse. Or, to be more precise, a assistant or patient care technician or multiskilled caregiver. All across the country, hospitals are trying to contain costs by replacing experienced RNs with unlicensed assistive personnel. Worst of all, this trend is being promoted by nurses who have ties to large management consulting firms. Nursing vice-presidents are implementing these changes, and staff nurses are training and supervising their own replacements. And nursing leaders, distracted by White House promises to expand the role of advanced practice nurses, aren't raising strong enough objections to this alarming development.

Spain: Setback for anti-AIDS campaign

The Ministries of Health and Social Affairs of Spain launched a campaign in November 1990 to promote condom use for the prevention of unplanned pregnancy and contracting sexually transmitted diseases. The campaign targeted youths and cost 600 million pesetas. Despite the campaign being completed some time ago it has been declared illegal by a Spanish high court. Criticized from the start by several Spanish groups especially the Roman Catholic Church and the Catholic Confederation of Schoolparents (CONCAPA) it was argued that the campaign slogan encouraging condom use actually encouraged free sexual relations among youths. CONCAPA charged in court that the campaign not only breached the laws on advertisements but that it falsely claimed that condoms protect against unplanned pregnancy and AIDS. Ruling judges agreed on the basis that the campaign did not send the message that sexually active individuals may be absolutely protected from contracting HIV only through abstinence or mutual fidelity between noninfected monogamous partners. With the support of many groups and associations including the Spanish Confederation of Association of Spanish Schoolparents the Ministries appeal to the Spanish supreme court. It is important that this verdict be overturned so that subsequent campaigns on condom use in health promotion are not hindered. Moreover Supreme Court affirmation of the legality and validity of condom promotion programs would send a powerful positive message to Catholics who fight government measures which they find offensive to their traditionally conservative religious beliefs.

The Israeli Labor Party: Peacemaker or Likud II?

It vwas around 10:45 P.M., 20 February 1992. The polls had just closed following a mild winter day in which 70 percent of 150,000 members of the Israeli Labor party had voted in an American-style primary for the leader of the country's largest opposition party. In a few hours Israeli television would announce the results of the primary-the first ever held in Israel-which pitted Shimon Peres, the incumbent party chairman, against his rival of nearly two decades, former Army Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin. The two former prime ministers and party elders were battling for primacy for the fifth time in eighteen years. At Peres's Tel Aviv election headquarters, Member of Knesset (MK) Abraham Burg, one of the party chairman's young advisors and the one who coined his campaign slogan, We Win With the Best Man, pointed to the results that had just arrived from Labor's branch in Ramle, indicating that Peres had won there with a 56-percent majority. The 68-year-old Peres, sitting under a painting of Israel's founding father and his political patron, David Ben-Gurion, wrote down the new figure, trying to calculate whether the totals might bring the 69-year-old Rabin below the 40-percent threshold, forcing a runoff. In that case, many of the votes that went to the other candidates, especially to Israel Keisar, the secretarygeneral of the Israeli trade union (Histadrut), could fall to Peres, making him a more formidable opponent in a two-way race with Rabin.1

Being SunSmart: Changes in Community Awareness and Reported Behaviour Following a Primary Prevention Program for Skin Cancer Control

This paper evaluates the impact of a large scale campaign to encourage increased protection from solar ultra violet radiation (UVR). Broadly representative household surveys were conducted both before and after the campaign. The initial survey showed high levels of awareness of a skin protection message. The survey following the campaign showed large increases in awareness of the campaign slogan. There were high levels of reporting about taking extra precautions for sun protection and of encouraging other people, particularly children, to increase their sun protection. Within the limitations of the design, the results are interpreted as demonstrating an impact of the campaign. There is high community awareness of the need to take precautions against overexposure to solar UVR, coupled with high knowledge of appropriate behaviours and increased reporting of actually taking these precautions.