Byzantine Army Research Articles

Ritratto di Niceforo II Foca (963-969) nella Grande Piccionaia a Çavuşin.

This article intends to highlight the historical significance and unique aspects of the pictorial cycle in the Great Pigeon House church at Çavuşin, Cappadocia. The church's paintings, commissioned by local leaders, celebrate the Byzantine army's victories over the Arabs and glorify Emperor Nicephorus II Phocas (963-969). Central to the decoration is a large portrait of Nicephorus and his imperial entourageplaced in the prothesis apse, aiming to sanctify the emperor and emphasize his role as God's representative on earth. The ‘image network’ on the northeast wall features unprecedented iconography depicting the triumph of John I Tzimisce and General Melias on horseback, followed by the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste. The relocation of the Baptism scene and parallels with figures like Constantine the Great present Nicephorus as a pious general and New Constantine, reflecting the duality of his personality. Overall, the pictorial cycle stands out as a distinctive artistic creation of 10th-century Byzantine art, set in a local context of military notables who emerge as creators of a sacred space, mediating between central power and provincial reality.

THE MILITARY HISTORY OF THE SELJUQ EMPIRE UNDER THE REIGN OF ALP ARSLAN (1063-1072): A LITERATURE REVIEW

This study is anchored on Schloemers assertion that the Battle of Manzikert in 1071 was a monumental conflict between the Islamic forces led by Alp Arslan and the Byzantine army under Emperor Romanus IV. Alp Arslans tactical brilliance in exploiting the enemys strategies led to the defeat of the Byzantine forces, despite their numerical superiority and sufficient equipment. Consequently, Alp Arslans strategies and cunning, along with the effectiveness of the Islamic forces, became the primary factors behind the Seljuq Empires victory. Based on this premise, this study aimed to conduct a literature review on the military history of the Seljuq Empire during Alp Arslans reign, with a particular focus on his involvement in the Battle of Manzikert. This qualitative study employed historical research and content analysis for data collection and analysis purposes, particularly relying on credible sources. Findings reveal that the literature on this topic can be categorized into three main themes, namely the state of the Seljuq Empire in the 11th century, biography of Alp Arslan, and the Seljuq militarys involvement in the Battle of Manzikert in 1071. Discussions on these three themes facilitate further examination, particularly regarding the Seljuq militarys engagement during Alp Arslans era in the Battle of Manzikert.

Defining “Romans” in the Late Antique Near East: Some Preliminary Thoughts on the “Romans” in Sūrat al-Rūm

Abstract In the opening lines of the sūrah named after the “Romans,” Q Rūm 30, the qurʾānic preacher expresses his solidarity with the “Romans” who had then been defeated by the Persian army. In seeking to better understand these verses, one may start with the question: Who exactly are the “Romans” here? “Roman” was a broad, multifaceted term, as Yannis Stouraitis has lately pointed out, based mainly on sources written after the seventh century and stemming from the Greek-speaking “West” of the Byzantine Empire. In this study, using mainly Syriac sources but also some hitherto unnoticed Greek testimonies coming from the Near East, this semantic variability of the word “Roman” is shown to further expand when going East. Like in most Syriac sources, “Romans” in Q Rūm primarily means members of the Byzantine army (and state apparatus), be they ethnic Greeks, Syrians, or Arabs. At the same time, the “Romans” of this sūrah are all inhabitants, all “citizens” of the Byzantine Empire – not just its armies and magistrates. This latter sense corresponds to the broader sense in which “Romans” is used not only in Syriac, but also in Greek sources (and in other languages of the Late Antique Near East). That broader sense is one that we find in a definition by the Damascene Sophronios of Jerusalem, according to whom “Roman” is anyone “stemming from a city subject to the Romans.” Another qurʾānic passage that refers to the Byzantines (though without naming them), which has very much to do with the same geopolitical context of the Byzantine-Persian wars, Q Māʾidah 5:17, seems to criticize a “Byzantine” confidence in the invincibility of Christ and Mary. Why does the Qurʾān chose to name the Romans when expressing solidarity with them, yet leave them unnamed when criticizing them? Could it be the case that this difference between naming the “Romans” and leaving them unnamed is somehow meant to show that the solidarity with the “Romans,” as declared expressis verbis in the Sūrat al-Rūm, concerns the entire Byzantine world whereas the sharp criticism in al-Māʾidah is not general in the same sense?

The Mercenary Identity in Byzantium: the case of Western European mercenaries

Throughout its history the Byzantine army relied heavily on foreign soldiers of diverse cultural and ethnic background. By focusing on the west-European soldiers who served in Byzantium from the eleventh through the fifteenth centuries, this paper investigates Byzantine ideas about mercenary service, as well as the self-concepts of mercenaries.

Relatıons wıth Byzantıne Empıre Durıng The Prophet’s Tıme (Pbuh)

The period of Muhammad [pbuh] is the most important time period of whole 15-century Islamic history. It is because his sayings and habits had become a source of influence for later periods. As being the head of state of Islam based in Madina, his relations with the two super power states of the world at that time, Sasanids and Byzantines are substantial examples. The north side of the Arabian peninsula, at the time Muhammad [pbuh] was preaching Islam to the people of Macca, were hosting a power struggle between Sasanids and Byzantines. In this time, the polytheist heathen people of Macca were supporting the Zoroastrian Sasanids’ side, while Muslims who embrace the «tawhid» faith were having a sympathy for Byzantine empire, whom were Christians, the people of the book. In the seventh year of hijra towards Madina [AD 628], the prophet had sent letters to many prominent leaders of his time, inviting them to Islam. One of these prominent leaders were the Byzantine emperor, Heraclius, whom accepted the ambassador Dihya ibn Khalifa al-Kalbi during his visit at Jerusalem. The prophet also sent envoys to Byzantine governor of Egypt and emir of Ghassanids, a Byzantine alley, to invite them to Islam. The emir of Ghassanids’ killing the ambassador of Islamic state who was sent to Bosra governor, led to a new crisis. As the emir had called for Byzantines to help against troops that were sent by Islamic state, Muslims had faced up against the army of Byzantine empire for the first time, during Battle of Mu'tah [8/629]. At this battle, the Islamic army was forced to leave the war area due to Byzantine-Ghassanids’ numerical superiority. In the 9th year of Hijra [AD 630] following the reports of Byzantine empire preparing armies to attack to lands of Islam, Prophet went on an expedition as the head of 30.000 people large army. The army had reached towards Tabuk, however, as Byzantine army have had not seen anywhere, the army had returned. Meanwhile, military units were sent to some of the settlements near and the region was taken under control.

Ranobizantijske oklopne lamele sa Gradine u Biogracima kod Širokog Brijega

In this paper named Early Byzantine armored lamellae from the Gradina in Biograci near Široki Brijeg,the subject of determination and identification are the remains of lamellar armor found in 1969/1970 at the LateAntique site of Gradina in Biograci. A part of the armored lamellae from Biograci was published in the workof Irma Čremošnik in 1989, where they were identified as part of a military belt, respectively a fitting for a belt.Identification of materials as armor lamellae was performed on the basis of analogies of lamellae or whole lamellaarmor from geographically nearest localities such as Kranj v Lajh in Slovenia and Svetinja in Serbia, but thereare also some typological similarities of these lamellae with the same material found at Gradac on Ilinjača nearSarajevo in Bosnia and Herzegovina.In addition to the basic issue of identification, special accent is placed on the issue of dating lamellae from Biograci.So far, about a hundred parts or whole lamellar armor has been found throughout Europe from the Caucasus inthe east to Spain in the west. All are mostly dated to the second half of the 6th and the7th century, when lamellaearmor was introduced into Byzantine military equipment and among the Germans and Avars because of a changein war tactics. Due to its convenient position, Gradina on Biograci was constantly inhabited from prehistorictimes to the developed Middle Ages which influenced the mixing of Roman and late antique materials and madeit difficult to identify and date this material during excavations.According to some authors, lamellar armor of the second half of the 6th century is considered an elite militaryequipment and thus a status symbol. Their appearance on Biograci is a rare and unique find in Bosnia andHerzegovina’s early byzantine site.

RUGĂCIUNEA BISERICII ÎN VREME DE RĂZBOI, POTRIVIT TRADIȚIEI BIZANTINE

The purpose of this paper is to offer a textual and theological analysis of certain prayers in times of war and for the army, which are part of the Byzantine tradition. The author discusses three types of evidence for such prayers: (a) prayers mentioned in the historical or panegyric writings of Christian authors and those prescribed by the military Byzantine manuals of the emperors Maurice, Leo VI and Nikephoros II Phokas during war campaigns and on the battlefield; (b) prayers in times of fear caused by “barbarian” invasions contained in the ancient Byzantine Euchologia, and (c) a series of model-prayers to be used during enemy destructive raids, composed by prominent ecclesiastical figures of the 14th century (such as Gregory Palamas, Philotheos Kokkinos, Macarius Chrysocephalos, and Symeon of Thessaloniki). The wording of the prayers had, on one hand, a deep penitential character, through which war was understood as a chastisement God allowed to rebuke the sins of Christians, but, on the other hand, framed the war of the Byzantine army as a battle for the Orthodox faith, against the unfaithful and those who do not reckon the one true God. One can find prayers where the dominant idea is the petition for peace and deliverance from the despair of war (an attitude closer to the position of the early Church towards war), but also prayers that contain a more belligerent rhetoric, in which God is asked repeatedly to crush the blasphemous foes and to grant victory to the faithful army. Finally, the paper discusses two rites for the blessing of weapons and of the national/military banner, that are found in the current Romanian Euchologion. These rites are adaptations in a particular manner of the corresponding rites included in the Trebnik of Peter Mohyla. There are however some theological contestations of the use of such rites in the liturgical a

The established location of Smilis (Smήles) by John Kinnamos: Hypotheses regarding the position and name of the gathering centre of the Byzantine army

The established location of Smilis (Smήles) by John Kinnamos: Hypotheses regarding the position and name of the gathering centre of the Byzantine army

Early Byzantine Fortification Buildings on the Eastern Side of the Plateau of Eski-Kermen

The eastern fortification complex of Eski-Kermen consists of a defensive wall between towers IV and VI, towers V and VI, the eastern entrance to the city, a fortress granary, and a siege well. The cave rooms of the towers are cut into 30–44-meter-high rocky promontories protruding from the eastern façade of the plateau. According to N. I. Repnikov, the Goths built the castle atop the plateau of Eski-Kermen in the late fifth century. A. A. Vasiliev, A. L. Yakobson, and M. A. Tikhanova considered that the Eski-Kermen defensive complex, along with other the fortifications of the limes Tauricus, was created in the sixth century to protect the land of Dory from nomads, according to the order of Justinian I. In E. V. Veimarn’s view, the castle appeared in the late fifth century in the course of development of feudal relations among the local Scythian and Sarmatian populations. In contrast to N. I. Repnikov’s and E. V. Veimarn’s interpretations, the fortifications considered in this article show nothing comparable to the Gothic or Taurian techniques of building. It is quite obvious that the castle on the plateau was designed and erected according to a project of an experienced Byzantine military engineer. The date of the construction of the castle is determined by a complex of ceramic ware uncovered in 2006–2007 by the excavations of the layer which developed when the eastern defensive wall had been erected. The construction of the wall and, therefore, the creation of the castle was simultaneous with the age of Emperor Maurice (582–602).

Βιβλιοκρισία:G. HATZELIS, Byzantine military manuals as literary works and practical handbooks. The case of the tenth-century “Sylloge Tacticorum”, Routledge, London and New York 2019

Βιβλιοκρισία: G. Hatzelis, Byzantine military manuals as literary works and practical handbooks. The case of the tenth-century “Sylloge Tacticorum”, Routledge, London and New York 2019

Набор в войска как средство умиротворения византийских окраин: чаны в императорской армии VI столетия

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of integration of territories inhabited by the Tzani into the Eastern Roman empire in the 6th century. They were a people who lived in the Pontine Mountains during Antiquity and the Middle Ages. In the face of the threat posed by Sasanian Iran, Justinian I (527–565) actively sought to integrate Tzanica into the empire. Methods. There is a need not only to determine the nature of the Byzantine presence in the country of the Tzani. It is also important to study the significance assigned to this region in the military system of Byzantium, since its subdual was necessary for the further activity in Transcaucasia. Analysis. There were no Byzantine governors in Tzanica, the tribal leaders retained their power positions. Fortresses were erected in this region, and its Christianization was also actively carried out. Under Justinian I, Tzani were recruited into the imperial army. They served both in regular units and in detachments of tribal militias that took part in battles for Lazica. Results. The author concludes that Justinian I first of all sought to establish control over the warlike population of Tzanica. Service in the Byzantine army was intended to reorientate the military activity of the Tzani in such direction that was beneficial to the empire itself. Nominally, they were considered as the subjects of the emperor, but the real power in Tzanica was in the hands of local leaders, not the Eastern Roman administration.

Rus Kaynaklarına Göre Dünya Tarihi Açısından Haçlı Seferlerine Genel Bir Bakış

At the request and promises of the European Catholic Christians of the Pope, VII. The marches they organized to establish military, political and religious authority over the lands of the Middle East, which had been in the hands of Muslims since the 19th century, take place in history as "crusades" or "crusaders". Since Jesus was born in Jerusalem, they called the region and the surrounding lands "holy lands" and declared these marches as holy wars in their way. In addition, Christian soldiers participating in the expedition put the Red Cross on their chests and shields, so they were called "Crusaders". The first and third of the eight crusades left their mark as the heaviest campaign in history. Except for the first and fourth of these campaigns, the kings who dominated all other campaigns also participated. On the other hand, the Crusades were a religious, political, and military operation that started not only against Muslims but also from Western Europe between the XI.- XV. centuries. It started as an effort to save Jerusalem, which they accepted as the Holy city of Christianity in Palestine between 1096-1272. The terms "Crusaders" and "Crusades" in a broader sense are used by the Popes of Rome as a religious-military operation, first against the Seljuk Turks and later against the Ottoman Empire to implement the policy of Christianizing the people of the Baltic states and suppress heretical and anti-religious tendencies in Europe and left its mark on history. The Seljuks, who conquered the Muslim regions of the Middle East, conquered the Byzantine lands, and the Byzantine Emperor IV. The Romans tried to stop the Muslims, but the Byzantine army was crushed in the battle of Manzikert in 1071. After that, the Byzantines no longer had the strength to resist. Slowly advancing westward, the Seljuks continued the Crusades, taking almost all of Asia Minor from Byzantium. In this study, the views and approaches about the crusades in terms of world history were evaluated by examining Russian sources.

The Implementation of Wazır al-Tafwid in the Islamıc World And its Influence on The Foundation of the Ayyubids

XII. yüzyılın ortalarında Mısır’ın Haçlı ve Bizans orduları tarafından işgali tehlikesi ortaya çıkınca Fâtımî halifesi Âdıd-lidînillâh ve veziri Şâver b. Mücîr tarafından Atabeg Nûreddin Zengî’den askeri yardım istenmiştir. Nûreddin Zengî bu duruma kayıtsız kalmayarak en seçkin birliklerini başında Şirkûh gibi önemli bir kumandan ile birlikte destek için göndermiştir. Şirkûh ve beraberindekiler Mısır’a 3 kere sefer düzenlemişler ve son seferde Haçlılar’ı bertaraf ederek Mısır’a yerleşmişlerdir. Bununla birlikte Âdıd-lidînillâh Şirkûh’u Fâtımî veziri olarak tayin etmiştir. Şirkûh diğer Fâtımî vezirleri gibi çok önemli yetkilere haiz olarak devleti iki aya yakın yönetmiştir. Onun ani ölümüyle birlikte Zengî ümerası arasında vezirlik mansıbı için tartışmalar çıksa da Selâhaddin, Ziyâeddin el-Hakkârî’nin desteğiyle vezir olmuştur. Selâhaddin’in 1169 yılında vezir olması daha önceki Fâtımî vezirleri örneğinde olduğu gibi onun tefvîz veziri olmasını sağlamış ve hükmen sultan olmuştur. Selâhaddin Abbasi halifeliği ve Zengîler’den gelen baskılar neticesinde Fâtımî hilafetine son vermiştir. Abbasi halifesi adına hutbe okutmuş, Fâtımî isyanlarını bastırmış ve Haçlılar ile Bizans ordularını yenerek kendisinin ne kadar güçlü olduğunu ortaya koymuştur. Selâhaddin her ne kadar tüm bunları Nûreddin Zengî sayesinde yapsa da ailesinin de desteğiyle birlikte Mısır’da yarı bağımsız bir devlet kurmak istemiştir. Selâhaddin’in bu girişimi Fâtımî devletinde görev alan vezirlerin sınırsız yetkilere hâiz olarak devleti yönetmeleri ile alakalı olup Nûreddin Zengî’nin bir memuru olmak yerine müttefik bir sultan olmanın yollarını aramıştır. Her ne kadar Nûreddin Zengî bu duruma karşı çıkıp Selâhaddin’i kendisinin sipehsaları ve nâibi olarak görse de Selâhaddin onunla bir çatışmaya girmeden devletini kurmayı başarmıştır. Selâhaddin Eyyûbî, Nûreddin Zengî’nin vefatından sonra Abbâsi halifesinden onay alıp Mısır, Suriye ve el-Cezîre’de saltanatını ilan ederek İslâm dünyasının bu iki önemli bölgesini birleştirmiştir. Makalede tefvîz vezirliği kurumunun İslâm tarihindeki serüveni anlatıldıktan sonra Selâhaddin’in Mısır’da vezir tayin edilmesiyle başlayan Eyyûbiler’in devletleşme sürecine tefvîz vezirliği makamının ne ölçüde etkisinin bulunduğu ele alınmıştır. Makalede ayrıca Nûreddin ile Selâhaddin arasında tarihçiler arasında tam olarak anla-şılmayan ve tanımlanamayan hakimiyet meselesi üzerine çağdaş tarihçilerin yapmış oldukları tartışmalar tahlil edilerek bir kanaate ulaşmak hedeflenmiştir. Yöntem olarak tefvîz vezirliği ile ilgili siyasetname müelliflerinin tespit ettiği hususlar çerçevesinde konu kronolojik olarak anlatılmış ve tespitlerde bulunulmuştur.

Byzantine Army: The concise 10th-11th century AD imperial infantry and cavalry soldier

Byzantine Army: The concise 10th-11th century AD imperial infantry and cavalry soldier

Reconsidering the Fort at Civetot (Kibotos) and the Recent Discovery of a Submerged Building Complex in Nicomedia Bay

ABSTRACT This article proposes a new approach to debates over the fort’s location at Civetot (Kibotos), known to have been built by Emperor Alexios in the eleventh century before it disappeared from the historical record after the thirteenth. The crusades significantly changed the political and cultural structure of Asia Minor so understanding the early period of the crusades is important for gauging their impact in the region. The siege of Nicaea is referred to in many historical documents but earlier events are less frequently mentioned. The victory of the crusaders and the Byzantine army resulted in the conquest of Nicaea, which led to less emphasis being placed on previous struggles and the crusaders’ defeat at Civetot, although it was a milestone for the crusaders and the Sultanate of Rum. This article combines historical sources, aerial photography, satellite images and underwater archaeological surveys to clarify details of the fort at Civetot.

The Klimata of Cherson in the Theme Period

The theme period in the Klimata of Cherson started in 841. Using the Khazars’ dependence on the Eastern Roman Empire military assistance, Emperor Theophilos returned the towns and forts located on the Inner Range of the Crimean Mountains and established there a new military and administrative unit, the thema (θέμα). The strategos of this theme controlled the fortress of Cherson and neighbouring Klimata, the latter were governed by local archontes. The strategos held supreme power in the region. The archontes were recognized as the Empire’s officials. The strategos was in charge of judicial, financial, and tax affairs of the province; he was responsible for maintaning order in the territory entrusted to him. Apparently in 850 or 860, the theme was called the theme of Cherson by the seals. According to the materials of archaeological excavations, fortifications in the κάστρον and πολίσματα on the plateaux of Mangup, Eski-­Kermen, and Bakla were partly restored, and a new fort atop of the high plateau of Suiren’ was constructed following the establishment of the theme. In the late tenth century, the theme of Cherson was divided into the tourmai of Cherson and Gothia, and the Klimata were reorganized into the topoteresiai. The officers of the Byzantine army were charged with commanding the tourmai and topoteresiai. The tourmarches of Gothia had the title of spatharios, typical of the Byzantine tourmarchai. His residence was in the fortress atop of the plateau of Mangup. There is an inscription informing that the topoteretes commanded his troop and also supervised the reconstruction of fortifications. In the second half of the eleventh century, the town of Sougdaia was included into the theme of Cherson. Probably a few years after, the theme was transformed into the katepanate. The limits of the katepanate of Cherson remain obscure. It comprised of the theme of Cherson with the topoteresiai of the tourma of Gothia, Sougdaia, and Khazaria. From the seals of Byzantine aristocrats originating from the territory of the Klimata and the materials of archaeological excavations of the towns and forts located on the Inner Mountain Range, there are reasons to suppose that the Eastern Roman Empire kept control over Gothia as long as it was defeated by the Crusaders in 1204.

Between Rebellion and Statesmanship: Attempting a Biography of Ivanko, 1196/1200 (?)

The paper analyses the actions of Ivanko, a Bulgarian nobleman, possibly a member of the ruling family of the Asenides, who in 1196 killed the ruling tsar, Asen, and escaped to Constantinople once his plan to take control of the country failed. Owing to the benevolence of Alexios III Angelos, he joined the Byzantine military and very quickly rose through its ranks until he became the military commander of the region of Philippopolis. In 1198 or 1999 he defected and created an independent dominion on the slopes of the Stara Planina massif, precariously balanced between Bulgaria and the empire, exploiting to his own advantage the constant state of warfare between the two polities. His adventure was short-lived: in 1200 he was captured through deception by the Byzantines, taken prisoner, and presumably executed. While his political career was very short, his importance for the history of medieval Bulgaria is not to be underestimated. It is a testimony of the fluidity of the political situation at the Bulgaro-Byzantine border, whose instability often allowed ambitious and cunning local commanders to carve up autonomous dominions, and of the difficulties experienced by the central power in keeping control of the peripheral areas of the state. It is also proof of the constantly shifting ethnic and cultural allegiances of the citizens of those polities, entangled between different and often conflicting identities, usually regarded as irreconcilable but that were actually the object of a continuous negotiation and adjusting. Ivanko is an interesting case study in regard to all of those factors, especially when considered within the larger phenomenon of provincial separatism in the imperial (and Bulgarian) lands between the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century.

Book Review: Byzantine Military Rhetoric in the Ninth Century. A Translation of the Anonymi Byzantini Rhetorica Militaris, London -New York 2021

Byzantine Military Rhetoric in the Ninth Century. A Translation of the Anonymi Byzantini Rhetorica Militaris, trans. Georgios Theotokis, Dimitrios Sidiropoulos, London – New York 2021.

Persians-Khurramites in the Byzantine Military Service During 833–839/840: Military Rank and Functions of Persian Military Units

Introduction. The scope of this paper is 1) to consider the forms of military service of the Persians within the Byzantine army during the first half of the 9th c., 2) to arrange the chronological order of events related to the involvement of the Persians in Byzantine military service as precisely as possible. The author means the Persians called Khurramites who were representatives of the anti-Islamic and anti-Arabic national movement at the north-west of Iran (territories of modern provinces of East Azerbaijan and Khamadan in the Republic of Iran). Methods. The author considers the single events (Byzantine military campaigns, in which the Persians took part, and also the facts of Persians’ arriving in Byzantium) in a more or less strict chronological order. The researcher turns to an analysis of event history and makes a step-by step, consecutive representation of the process of Persians’ arriving to Byzantine military service. The sources were works of Arabic, Armenian, Georgian and Greek authors (chroniclers, geographers, hagiographers) and seals (evidence of sigillography). Analysis. In 833/834 Byzantine Emperor Theophilos received a group of Persian refugees, who escaped from the Arabs and came to Byzantium. These Persians were headed by two chiefs, Theophobos and Naser, obviously, Naser was Theophobos’ father. Part of the Persians with Naser as a chief located in the Byzantine theme (a military-administrative and territorial district) of Anatolikoi, while another part subordinated to Theophobos located in the theme of Armeniakoi. In 837 Theophilos hosted another group of the Persians, who were commanded by Babek. Conclusions. The analysis shows that both in 833/834 and 837 Theophilos established regular military units of the Persians called thourmai, while Persian leaders mentioned above became Byzantine military officials, that are tourmarchoi, i.e. that were those Persian leaders who commanded over Persian ethnic tourmai. These ethnic units continued their existence up to the mid-10th c.

Military Manuals, Masculinity, and the Making of Christian Soldiers in Late Antiquity

As Christianity was adopted as the religion of the Empire over the course of the fourth and subsequent centuries, texts about military training began gradually to articulate more forcefully the idea that Christianity was the religion of the state and that it should be protected by force of arms. Yet the army also played a significant role as an institution within which Christian men were formed in the late Roman and early Byzantine empires. This article explores the intersection of military training and Christianity in the late Roman and early Byzantine military. It examines the largely untapped evidence that late antique military manuals provide for the role of Christian praxis in the making of two kinds of military men: first, the generals to whom such manuals were directed; second, the soldiers that they were meant to lead and on whose training the manuals focus much of their attention. The military manuals articulate a clear and evolving vision, heavily influenced by precedent, of how men were to be formed into ideal Christian soldier-subjects who were proficient soldiers and able to keep God on their side in order to prosecute Christian warfare. The manuals provide a model for the formation of hyper-masculine Christian subjects who were able simultaneously to make their subordinates submit to their authority and to act submissively to their superiors, especially the emperor and his generals.