Blockade Of Qatar Research Articles

Positive sentiments as coping mechanisms and path to resilience: the case of Qatar blockade

ABSTRACT Existing research on coping accentuates the role of positive emotions as defensive mechanisms to cope with stressful situations and the ensuing negative emotions. The same literature justifies the long-term effects of positive emotions that help build lasting resilience. Grounded in theories of coping and resilience, this paper (1) identifies the emotions that people actuate to cope with adversaries and (2) evaluates the resulting long-lasting adaptation and resilience. To do this, we examined the emotions felt by Qatar residents due to a land, sea, and air blockade enforced by neighbouring counties. Accordingly, we analysed 160,000 Arabic tweets originating from Qatar between June-2017 and March-2018 using a novel machine-learning algorithm termed Weighted Conditional Probability. Our algorithm achieved state-of-the-art performance when compared with the often-used Support Vector Machine, Naïve Bayes and Deep Neural Nets algorithms. Results show that, while Qatar residents experienced an emotional roller coaster during the blockade, they used positive emotions like love and optimism to cope with adversities and accompanying emotions of fear and anger. Moreover, our analysis reveals that their adaptive resilient capacities gradually strengthened during the nine months of blockade. The study supports the renowned theory of positive emotions using an advanced methodology and a large-scale dataset.

ІДЕОЛОГІЧНА ТА ГЕОПОЛІТИЧНА КОНКУРЕНЦІЯ ТУРЕЧЧИНИ ТА ОАЕ: ТОЧКИ СПІВПРАЦІ Й ЗІТКНЕННЯ

Вивчено еволюцію відносин Туреччини та ОАЕ на тлі комплексу проблем регіону Близького Сходу. Акцентовано на змінах зовнішньополітичного курсу Туреччини, починаючи від 2002 р. (прихід до влади Партії справедливості й розвитку): відродження ідеології пантюркізму (неопантюркізм), розповсюдження ідей неоосманізму, озвучення претензій на регіональне лідерство на Близькому Сході, претендування на роль посередника у вирішенні складних регіональних конфліктів і т. ін. Відзначено, що в ході цих процесів близькосхідна політика Туреччини щораз частіше вступає в конфронтацію з інтересами як провідних акторів міжнародної політики, так і країн регіону. ОАЕ визначено серед тих держав, у відносинах із якими наявна висхідна динаміка розбіжностей та напруги. Відтак мета дослідження – вивчення точок зіткнення інтересів Туреччини та ОАЕ, виявлення принципових відмінностей інтересів двох країн у регіоні Близького Сходу, а також наслідків зіткнень цих інтересів.
 Аргументовано, що нинішні відносини Туреччини й ОАЕ характеризуються мінливим поєднанням доволі агресивної ідеологічної та геополітичної конкуренції, з одного боку, і ситуативної стратегічної співпраці – з іншого. Підкреслено, що ОАЕ є в групі опозиційно налаштованих до нинішнього зовнішньополітичного курсу Р. Т. Ердогана держав. Констатовано зниження від початку «Арабської весни» показників співпраці Туреччини та ОАЕ за одночасного наростання міждержавної конфронтації. Це відбувається попри відсутність в ОАЕ, на відміну від багатьох держав Близького Сходу, османського минулого й трагічно забарвленої історичної пам’яті щодо турків. Відмінності між державами наявні в частині ставлення до руху «Братів-мусульман», військового перевороту 2013 р. у Єгипті, проблеми блокади Катару, створення буферної зони на північному сході Сирії, конкуренції інтересів у країнах Африканського Рогу, відносин зі сторонами громадянської війни в Лівії тощо. Аналіз специфіки відносин Туреччини з ОАЕ дає підставу припустити про відхід Туреччина від курсу на побудову політики «нуль проблем із сусідами», а відтак – посилення геополітичної ізоляції Туреччини.

Manipulation of translation in hard news reporting on the Gulf crisis: combining narrative and appraisal

This paper explores the manipulation of translation for propagandistic purposes in the Gulf crisis, which has led to the economic blockade of Qatar since June 2017. It focuses onAl-Ittihad, an Arabic daily newspaper owned by the United Arab Emirates. The data under analysis is extracted from a hard news daily section thatAl-Ittihadhas dedicated to Qatar since the outbreak of the crisis. Combining Narrative Theory with the Appraisal Framework provides an insightful account of the ideologically motivated manipulation and weaponization of news translation. Going beyond the reductive claim of domestication in News translation studies, this dual theoretical approach allows for further articulation of the socio-political context with translation strategies, by combining macro- and micro-analysis. This approach also uncovers the workings of propaganda inAl-Ittihad’s translational news reporting. From the transediting of foreign attributions to the intersemiotic design of the newspaper’s layout, translational news reporting involves embedding personal and shared narratives into the micro- and macro-levels of the hard news section to construe a negative evaluation of Qatar. Behind a façade of detachment and neutrality, hard news reports and the translation on which they rely feed into the propagandistic discourse of hawkish parties.

Viewing the Middle East big three (MEB3) carriers as heterogeneous

This paper considers the Middle East big three (MEB3) carriers – Emirates Airline, Etihad Airways and Qatar Airways – from the perspective of heterogeneous strategic decisions and future trajectories. This paper is based on an ongoing doctoral research project covering the topic. The rise of the MEB3 and their growing global impacts have seen the three major carriers very often analysed together, with little scholarly focus on differences and individual airline strategic decision-making. Emirates has typically dominated discussion and analysis, not surprising given its sheer size and global influence, but with Etihad and Qatar simply presented as imitators and followers alongside. Likewise, the ongoing blockade of Qatar by neighbouring countries including the United Arab Emirates (UAE), has tended to be viewed as a regional political dispute and not as something likely to fundamentally change the MEB3’s apparent collective strategic goals and aspirations. The strategic analysis underpinning this paper is predicated on events and trends up to the end of 2019 before the COVID-19 pandemic became a global challenge. Each of the MEB3 is analysed individually and against a set of core strategic forces and factors in order to identify the extent to which there is homogeneity and heterogeneity in their respective strategic and business propositions. These carriers are also compared with each other; this allows for an evaluation of the strategic path of each airline, as opposed to mere profiling. This strategic analysis de-links each individual airline from the typical group analysis which occurs when the MEB3 acronym is employed and it critically challenges a common analytical approach which tends to perceive each carrier as part of a homogenous bloc. Key insights surrounding strategic differences are arguably as salient as when derived from viewing all three carriers as essentially the same or similar.

The Legal Impact of the Blockade on Qatar as to Contractual Obligations According to International Trade Law (The CISG 1980 and UNIDROIT 2016)

يناقش هذا البحث أثر حصار قطر على عقود البضائع والخدمات المبرمة ما بين تجّارٍ في قطر وآخرين في دول الحصار أو خارج دول الحصار، وذلك وفقًا لأحكام منظومتين من منظومات التشريعات الخاصة بالتجارة الدولية هما اتفاقية الأمم المتحدة في العقود للبيع الدولي للبضائع 1980(اتفاقية فيينا) ومبادئ الينيدروا 2016. وفقًا لاتفاقية فيينا، يُعتبر حصار قطر عائقًا يؤدي إلى استحالة تنفيذ العقد، حيث تتوافر في الحصار جميع شروط العائق المنصوص عليها في المادة 79 من الاتفاقية المذكورة، وتلك الشروط هي: كونه خارجًا عن الإرادة، وعدم التوقع المعقول وقت انعقاد العقد، وعدم القدرة على تجنب أو التغلّب على عواقبه. أما الأثر القانوني المترتب على القول بأن الحصار عائق – وفقًا للمادة 79 من الاتفاقية ذاتها – فهو إعفاء الطرف الذي لم يتمكن من تنفيذ التزامه من التعويض، مع بقاء العقد قائمًا وإمكانية لجوء أي من طرفيه للفسخ إذا توافرت شروطه التي أهمها المخالفة الجوهرية. أما ما يخص مبادئ اليونيدروا في عقود التجارة الدولية 2016، فيعتبر حصار قطر – وفقًا للمادة السادسة منها – ظرفًا شاقًا يخلق حالة من اختلال جوهري في التوازن العقدي، كما تتوفر في الحصار شروط عدم التوقع وخارج عن الإرادة وحدث عام سابق على التعاقد وغير مفترض ضمنًا في العقود السابقة على حدوث الحصار. أما الأثر القانوني المترتب على اعتبار حصار قطر ظرفًا شاقًا فهو حق الطرف الذي أصبح التنفيذ شاقًا بالنسبة له في طلب إعادة التفاوض، وفي حال لم تنجح المفاوضات أو نكل عنها الطرف الآخر، يمكن لأيٍّ من طرفي العقد اللجوء للمحكمة التي قد تعدّل في بنود العقد لإعادة التوازن العقدي، وكذلك للمحكمة أن تحكم بإنهاء العقد.  خرجت الدراسة بجملة من النتائج أهمها: أنه، وبعد رفع الحصار سيصبح تكراره أمرًا متوقعًا، يجب على المتعاقدين أخذه بعين الاعتبار في عقودهم اللاحقة مع ما يترتب على ذلك من آثار قانونية واقتصادية. كذلك فإن الجزاء الذي قررته المادة 79 من اتفاقية فيينا بخصوص العائق هو أمرٌ غير منطقي، إذ قد تبقى عقودًا معلقة بدون فسخ بالرغم من أنها مستحيلة التنفيذ. أما بالنسبة للمبادئ فلم تحدد معيارًا للاختلال الجوهري في العقود يبرر إعادة التفاوض أو اللجوء للمحكمة، مما يجعل العديد من العقود خارج نطاق الحماية القانونية ويظل أطرافها ملزمون بها رغم ازدياد تكلفة الوفاء.

The Blockade of Qatar: Where Coercive Diplomacy Fails, Principles of Law Should Prevail

شهد القانون الدولي العام تطوّرًا موازيًا وحذرًا لتطوّر العلاقات الدولية، وخصوصًا فيما يتعلّق بالدبلوماسيّة القسرية القائمة على استخدام الدول للعقوبات الاقتصادية، في شكل مقاطعة أو حظر أو حصار، لدول أخرى ذات سيادة. إنّ استخدام مثل هذه التدابير القسرية بشكل أحادي، أو بشكل جماعي لكن بغياب قرار أممي بذلك، باء بفشل تحقيق الأهداف المرجوّة منه في معظم الأحيان، حيث لم تنتج هذه السياسات القسرية أي تغيير يذكر في منهج أو سياسات الدول المستهدفة. وعلى وجه الخصوص، أثبتت العقوبات الاقتصادية عدم فعاليتها في تحقيق النتائج المرجوة منها، متسببة بدلًا من ذلك بعواقب جسيمة على مسرح الاقتصادي العالمي وإن كانت غير مقصودة. فعلى سبيل المثال، ثبت أنّ للعقوبات الاقتصادية آثار سلبية شديدة على التجارة الدولية ما أدّى في معظم الأحيان لانتهاك الركائز الأساسية لحقوق الإنسان ولركائز السياسة والأخلاق، في الوقت الّذي يظهر فيه أنّ اللجوء إلى مثل هذه العقوبات لا يحقق إلّا نجاحات ضئيلة لا تذكر في تصحيح الأمور المتنازع عليها بين الدول. في هذا الإطار، يأتي هذا البحث لنقاش مدى إمكانية وضع إطار قانوني محدد بشأن استخدام العقوبات الاقتصادية وبالذات في ضوء الأزمة الخليجية المتمثّلة بحصار دولة قطر، وتبيّن أن العقوبات الاقتصادية المفروضة على قطر هي تمثيل واقعي لعقوبات دولية اقتصادية وتثير جدلًا سياسيًا وقانونيًا لا بد من سبر غوره، وذلك باعتباره يمثّل حصارًا فعليًا (نظرًا لجغرافية المنطقة وشدة الإجراءات المتخذة)، ويمثل خرقًا للمبادئ القانونية الدولية العرفية والتعاقديّة.&nbsp

Effect of Qatar diplomatic and economic isolation on GCC stock markets: An event study approach

This study undertakes a comparative analysis of the impact of the Qatar blockade on seven stock markets in GCC countries using event study methodology. Qatar’s economy shows resilience, with its indices significantly reacting negatively to the crisis over the shorter event windows, but less so over longer event window. Saudi Arabia’s banking industry, Dubai’s real estate industry and Abu Dhabi’s energy industry registered positive abnormal return, indicating no serious economic stress to the leading blockading countries. Our findings suggest economic considerations alone is unlikely to be the compelling factor for the feuding parties in the quest for a solution.

Crisis, State Legitimacy, and Political Participation in a Non-Democracy: How Qatar Withstood the 2017 Blockade

This article uses rare, nationally representative survey data collected before and after the blockade of Qatar that began in June 2017 to assess its impact on citizens' orientations toward the Gulf Cooperation Council, relations with key foreign countries, and domestic politics. The study illuminates a critical element missing from existing explanations of Qatar's unforeseen resilience in the face of the blockade, namely the role of ordinary Qataris, who mobilized in defense of the political status quo.

Blue Bridges, Blue Peace: Transboundry Planning for Peace and Biodiversity Conservation in the Gulf

This paper addresss border conflicts in the Gulf, in particular the recent blockade of Qatar by its neighbouring countries in 2017. In coastal conflict areas, effective systems and planning strategies to preserve ecosystems and biodiversity must go beyond national and political borders and need to be translated and implemented by authorities, planners, environmental scientists and coastal management experts. This paper suggests an ecological and bottom up approach to connect ecosystems and protected areas across political boundaries in the Hawar Islands area between Qatar and Bahrain, highlighting the historical dispute and recent crisis, focussing on future visions and practical proposals for comprehensive planning projects towards sustainable urban futures. The result is an approach to peace-building that refers to scientific diplomacy and that can contribute to mitigating the negative impact of the crisis, as well as preparing revitalisation design strategies focussed on ecology, development, social responsibility and resilience that foster collaboration between diverse sectors of community, organisations, and stakeholders to inspire holistic vision of the problems and opportunities for the future.

Achieving Green Building in Qatar through Legal and Fiscal Tools

In the midst of both a multi-State blockade of Qatar and the urgency to complete major building projects in time to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup, the limits of Qatar’s resource sustainability have been tested. The State of Qatar is the world’s highest per capita consumer of water and emitter of CO2 emissions. Qatar is also at considerable risk of becoming an unlivable nation if the global temperature change targets of the Paris Agreement are breached. National law and policy seek to address this by promoting sustainability and focusing on reducing consumption, though such efforts are commonly overwhelmed by the enormity of the construction projects. 
 
 This article considers how the advancement of green building can provide multiple dividends in Qatar by enabling reduced resource consumption and producing less waste. LEED® certified “green” buildings consume between 10% and 25% less energy and 11% less water and emit 34% lower greenhouse gases than similar conventional buildings. The article analyses Qatar’s law and policy approaches and available options. It further examines comparative law and policy models in the UK to explore how compatible such measures would be in Qatar. It concludes with possible legal and policy options available, assessing how effective such measures may work if transplanted into and/or adapted by Qatar.

Understanding the expression of grievances in the Arabic Twitter-sphere using machine learning

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to discuss the design, application and findings of a case study in which the application of a machine learning algorithm is utilised to identify the grievances in Twitter in an Arabian context.Design/methodology/approachTo understand the characteristics of the Twitter users who expressed the identified grievances, data mining techniques and social network analysis were utilised. The study extracted a total of 23,363 tweets and these were stored as a data set. The machine learning algorithm applied to this data set was followed by utilising a data mining process to explore the characteristics of the Twitter feed users. The network of the users was mapped and the individual level of interactivity and network density were calculated.FindingsThe machine learning algorithm revealed 12 themes all of which were underpinned by the coalition of Arab countries blockade of Qatar. The data mining analysis revealed that the tweets could be clustered in three clusters, the main cluster included users with a large number of followers and friends but who did not mention other users in their tweets. The social network analysis revealed that whilst a large proportion of users engaged in direct messages with others, the network ties between them were not registered as strong.Practical implicationsBorum (2011) notes that invoking grievances is the first step in the radicalisation process. It is hoped that by understanding these grievances, the study will shed light on what radical groups could invoke to win the sympathy of aggrieved people.Originality/valueIn combination, the machine learning algorithm offered insights into the grievances expressed within the tweets in an Arabian context. The data mining and the social network analyses revealed the characteristics of the Twitter users highlighting identifying and managing early intervention of radicalisation.

Future of GCC in the Aftermath of Qatar Blockade

The de-facto effectiveness of GCC has been reinvigorated after the Qatar diplomatic crisis for both Middle East in and the Gulf countries. The question however remains quite pertinent about the future of this organization for cooperation of the signatory actors in economic, security and socio-cultural domains particularly after the Washington's unsatisfactory retort to the KSA in response to alleged Iran's drone attack on Saudi oil installments on the UAE coast. In order to deconstruct the upcoming possible sustainability or instability of the GCC, the context in which the GCC was formed in the first place in 1981 is one of the most important prerequisites to understand. What led to the formation of GCC has extensively been written about, but what stands next in the future for the organization is the motivational factor of this study. Therefore, this paper attempts to draw the implications for the GCC in future and to analyze how Qatar Blockade by troika of KSA, UAE and Bahrain have affected the geopolitical balance of the region.

In the Heart of the Storm: How Al Jazeera is Contributing to Changing the Gulf and the World

This paper is based on the central thesis that Al Jazeera is the core of the current Gulf crisis, not terrorism or any other issue of concern to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the Kingdom of Bahrain and Egypt. The regimes of these countries seem to have realized that public awareness, through socially responsible media enterprises, such as Al Jazeera, will change the political dynamics in the region (to the detriment of the ruling elites). The paper will trace back the impact of Al Jazeera during the Arab Spring in brief. Subsequently, it will discuss the socioeconomic conditions that preceded Al Jazeera’s contribution to the Arab Spring. It will then discuss the role of Al Jazeera in showing and magnifying news stories untouched by any Arab media prior to the advent of this medium. Al Jazeera claims to be “the voice of the voiceless!” While Al Jazeera doesn’t give voice to “all” the voiceless, we believe this claim to be largely true, as it was clearly proven during the Arab Spring. Al Jazeera has been a powerful voice to many of the voiceless and a platform for transformative change. It has reported on the socio-economic miseries of Tunisians and helped spark the revolution in Tunisia after Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest. Al Jazeera has been doing the same about Egypt as its socio-political crises deepens. It has been reporting about the economic miseries of the Egyptians, which earned the ire of the regime in Cairo. Hence the behind the scenes role of Egypt in orchestrating the current Gulf crisis. (A quick discourse analysis of Al Sisi’s address during the American Islamic summit in Riyadh of late makes it clear that Qatar was its main target. And, Al Jazeera is the main target within this target.) The paper will also discuss, in brief, the broader impact of Al Jazeera on reconstructing not only the Gulf and regional political dynamics, but also its impact on redefining global communication ethics. The paper will use discourse and framing analyses of Al Jazeera content to prove its main thesis. Keywords: Al Jazeera, Arab Gulf, Qatar Blockade, Arab Spring, Networked Journalism, Public Diplomacy

Lessons and Legacies of the Blockade of Qatar

Lessons and Legacies of the Blockade of Qatar

Helium shortage looms

The blockade of Qatar that started on June 5 has shut down the source of 30% of the world’s helium, threatening another round of shortages and price increases for scientific instrument users. Helium is used to cool nuclear magnetic resonance magnets and as a carrier gas for gas chromatography and mass spectrometry. The element is also used in medical imaging and electronics manufacturing, as well as to float dirigibles. Supply limitations and maintenance projects in the U.S. and overseas led to a quadrupling of helium prices and even scientific instrument shutdowns between 2011 and 2013. Some helium users may be better positioned to cope this time because they installed recycling equipment during the most recent shortage. Qatar halted helium production after the blockade severed helium’s main route out of the country: by truck through Saudi Arabia to the Port of Jebel Ali in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Saudi Arabia and