Reviewed by: South Side Girls: Growing Up in The Great Migration by Marcia Chatelain LaShawn Harris SOUTH SIDE GIRLS: Growing Up in The Great Migration. By Marcia Chatelain. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. 2015. Historians studying the African American experience have written extensively on the complexities of the First and Second Great Migrations. Studies by Darlene Clark Hine, Joe Trotter, James Grossman, Luther Adams, and others demonstrate the various socioeconomic and political and personal factors drawing millions of black southerners to urban northern, southern, and midwestern communities. Much of what scholars already know about African Americans’ migratory journeys and adjustment to urban terrains is indeed well documented and primarily centered on the experiences of adults. Filling a much-needed historical gap within the subfields of African American, urban, and women and childhood studies, scholar Marcia Chatelain’s South Side Girls provides a nuanced interpretation of black migration. South Side Girls situates African American girls at the center of the Great Migration, unmasking their less familiar accounts of settlement to one of the nation’s most fascinating cities. Focusing on Chicago between 1910 and 1940, Chatelain maintains that the city’s shifting socioeconomic and political landscapes, as well as black city dwellers’ real and imagined anxieties about city living, impacted African American parents, community leaders, and social scientists’ perceptions of black girlhood. Constructing vulnerable images of urban black girls, “Chicago community leaders scrutinized black girls’ behavior, evaluated their choices, and assessed their possibilities as part of a larger conversation about what urbanization ultimately meant for black citizens” (2). For middle-class leaders black girlhood, often discussed within the context of racial uplift and respectable politics, symbolized both promise and problems. In turn, adults’ concerns about adolescent females shaped reform campaigns and programs aimed at employing, educating, and protecting girls. Chatelain makes several important interventions. She offers a thorough examination of Chicago’s less familiar African American political reformers. Profoundly committed to the socioeconomic advancement of black girls, social workers and activists—such as industrial school founder Amanda Smith, black sorority members, Black Camp Fire Advocates, and National Youth Administration Resident School for Girls employees—launched educational, vocational, and recreational programs. These reform movements situated black girls’ socioeconomic needs at the center of broader African American political agendas focusing on the construction of respectable families and communities. Reform-minded individuals asserted that a solid education, decent employment, recreational activities, and displays of outward respectability would transform less privileged and sophisticated girls into poised race women and mothers. Connecting girls to race motherhood, leaders grounded black girls’ usefulness to the African American community and the era’s materialist politics. At the same time, for urban leaders the “strategy of focusing on future race mothers denied girls of their child status, did not address the sexual stereotyping of girls in integrated spaces, and failed to create a concrete vision of black girlhood” (169). Another significant intervention that Chatelain makes lies in her discussion of how black girls, particularly those entering the urban labor force, interpreted and participated in Chicago’s burgeoning commercial and religious markets. Earning a living wage granted girls the opportunity to financially contribute to their households and become urban consumers. Chatelain writes that: “migration transformed [girls] into shoppers, and more importantly, choosers, and provided the experience of choice, pleasure, and rebellion” (169). Intrigued by city life and dismissing parents’ and reformers’ warnings about mass culture, girls adorned their bodies in fashionable attire, cosmetics, and hairstyles, [End Page 169] they purchased records and magazines, and they frequented popular nightclubs. Those not enthralled with popular culture became members of Chicago’s New Negro inspired storefront churches and non-Christian institutions, including the Moorish Science Temple. Their involvement in both commercial and religious marketplaces demonstrated urban girls’ capacaties to choose their own social and religious activities, and it illuminated how they intended to map out their lives as urban citizens. South Side Girls renders a fascinating interpretation of the African American migration. Marcia Chatelain has produced an engaging study that challenges historians to re-conceptualize ideas about urban migration, African American reform, and black girls’ thoughts about family and community, consumer culture, and religion. She offers provocative insights on the diverse ways African American...
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