Reflexive Binding Research Articles

Unification-Based Parsing Applications for Intelligent Foreign Language Tutoring Systems

This paper is a description of a computer based intelligent tutoring system for French as a second language, and of its ancillary grammar editor, which is built on an object oriented, unification-based natural language processor. First I review some of the considerations that motivate using intelligent tutoring systems in second language education. Second, I discuss the details of object oriented programming and unification grammar. Third, I give some examples of how this software interacts with students and of what sort of grammatical phenomena it is capable of handling. I will show how the parser straightforwardly handles some thorny problems of complex grammatical structures (e.g. conjunctions; reflexive binding; phrase embedding; dislocated, missing, or superfluous parts of speech) which have had an inhibitory effect on CALL parsing applications in the past.

The Russian be-possessive: subjecthood and argument structure

The paper touches upon two aspects of the Russian be-possessive: subjecthood and argument structure. A brief presentation of subjecthood tests (reflexive binding, word order, presupposed reference and substitution by PRO) demonstrates that the PP-possessor is the subject of the construction, although morphological subject characteristics embellish the possessum. A look at the argument structure of the be-possessive constitutes a step towards the understanding of the idiosyncrasies of the construction. I consider a range of the existing analyses of the argument structure of the be-possessive and argue that the construction should be analyzed as a dyadic unaccusative, as proposed in Chvany (1975).

Implicit possessives and reflexive binding in Norwegian

AbstractNorwegian allows implicit possessives with nouns in some cases when the subject is the understood possessor (e.g. Han vasket hendene‘he washed hands.DEF’). The core group of nouns that allow this option is body‐part nouns, but it can be extended to nouns denoting objects in the ‘personal domain’. There are both syntactic and semantic restrictions on sentences with implicit possessives. These restrictions are discussed, and it is shown that the distribution of nouns with implicit possessives follows that of the local simple reflexive seg. An account is given which highlights the connection between reflexive binding and implicit possessives.

Interpretations of Korean Reflexive Binding by Late L2 learners of Korean with English and Chinese L1

Interpretations of Korean Reflexive Binding by Late L2 learners of Korean with English and Chinese L1

A referential/quantified asymmetry in the second language acquisition of English reflexives by Chinese-speaking learners

There has been considerable research that investigates whether reflexives in interlanguage grammars (ILGs) are constrained by Principle A of the Binding Theory. These earlier studies focused on the role of sentence type, including both finite and non-finite test sentences; they did not examine the role of antecedent type, namely distinguishing between quantified antecedents and referential antecedents in the test sentences. This study explores Chinese learners’ acquisition of the locality constraints on the binding of English reflexives from a developmental perspective, focusing both on the role of sentence type and the role of antecedent type. A story-based truth-value judgment task was administered to three proficiency levels of Chinese-speaking learners of English. It was found that the finite/non-finite asymmetry in the learners’ long-distance (LD) judgments was strongest for the intermediate participants but much weaker for the beginners and advanced participants; the referential/ quantified asymmetry in the learners’ LD judgments was strongest for the advanced participants but much weaker for the beginners and intermediate participants. Implications of these findings are discussed.

The on-line application of binding Principle A in English as a second language

We report the results from two experiments investigating proficient Japanese-speaking learners' processing of reflexive object pronouns in English as a second language (L2). Experiment 1 used a timed grammaticality judgement task to assess learners' sensitivity to binding Principle A under processing pressure, and Experiment 2 investigated the time-course of reflexive anaphor resolution during L2 reading using the eye-movement monitoring technique. Taken together, our results show that despite having demonstrated native-like knowledge of reflexive binding in corresponding untimed tasks, the learners processed English reflexives differently from native speakers in that they took into consideration a matching discourse-prominent but binding-theoretically inappropriate antecedent when first encountering a reflexive. This suggests that unlike what has been reported in corresponding monolingual processing research (Sturt, 2003), initial antecedent search in L2 English is not constrained by binding Principle A.

Illusory licensing effects across dependency types: ERP evidence

A number of recent studies have argued that grammatical illusions can arise in the process of completing linguistic dependencies, such that unlicensed material is temporarily treated as licensed due to the presence of a potential licensor that is semantically appropriate but in a syntactically inappropriate position. A frequently studied case involves illusory licensing of negative polarity items (NPIs) like ever and any, which must appear in the scope (i.e., c-command domain) of a negative element. Speakers often show intrusive licensing effects in sentences where an NPI is preceded but not c-commanded by a negative element, as in ∗ The restaurants that no newspapers have recommended in their reviews have ever gone out of business. Existing accounts of intrusive licensing have focused on the role of general memory retrieval processes. In contrast, we propose that intrusive licensing of NPIs reflects semantic/pragmatic processes that are more specific to NPI licensing. As a test of this claim, we present results from an ERP study that presents a structurally matched comparison of intrusive licensing in two types of linguistic dependencies, namely NPI licensing and the binding of reflexive anaphors like himself, and herself. In the absence of a potential licensor, both NPIs and reflexives elicit a P600 response, but whereas there is an immediate ERP analog of the intrusion effect for NPI licensing, no such effect is found for reflexive binding. This suggests that the NPI intrusion effect does not reflect general-purpose retrieval mechanisms.

Working memory and syntax interact in Broca's area

Comprehension of filler–gap dependency relations (as in this isthe manwho the woman is touching □) is supported by Broca's area. There are two views regarding the processing role of this brain region in comprehending these dependencies. Specifists hold that Broca's area plays a specific syntactic role in processing filler–gaps. Generalists maintain that as the on-line linking of fillers and gaps taxes Working Memory (WM) resources, Broca's area supports a domain general WM. The current fMRI study tested these two views in a grammaticality judgment task, where participants were presented with two syntactically distinct dependency relations: (a) Filler–Gap and (b) Reflexive Binding. The distance between the dependent elements within each of the constructions was varied, to parametrically vary WM demands. The Generalists would expect parametric variation of distance in both dependencies to lead to a linear increase in activation of Broca's area. Our results support the specifists' view, however: the left inferior frontal gyrus demonstrated an interaction between distance and dependency type with a positive linear effect only for Filler–Gaps. A positive linear effect of distance across both dependencies was only found in the bilateral parahippocampal/fusiform gyri. Therefore the role of Broca's area in WM is syntactically specific to filler–gap relations.

Complex grammar in Williams syndrome

This study investigated knowledge of binding and raising in two groups of children with Williams syndrome (WS), 6–12 and 12–16‐years‐old, compared to typically developing (TD) controls matched on non‐verbal MA, verbal MA, and grammar. In typical development, difficulties interpreting pronouns, but not reflexives, persist until the age of around 6, while raising is not mastered until about the age of 8 or 9. If grammar in WS is delayed, but develops in a fashion parallel to TD population, similar patterns of difficulties may be expected, although it has not been established whether the grammatical development is ever complete in the individuals with this disorder. Knowledge of the principle of binding which states that a reflexive must have a c‐commanding antecedent, was found to be intact in all the participants, in line with previous reports in the literature. In contrast, children with WS younger than 12 showed a poorer performance on personal pronouns, like two groups of younger matched TD controls, suggesting a previously unreported delay in the acquisition of constraints regulating coreferential interpretation of pronouns. Both groups of children with WS showed an extremely limited comprehension of raised, as opposed to unraised structures. The revealed patterns indicate that, like in unimpaired populations, different aspects of grammar mature at distinct stages of language development in WS: reflexive binding is acquired earlier than constraints governing coreference. However, development of raising seems exceptionally delayed, and perhaps even unattainable, as data from several adults with WS studied in Perovic and Wexler () show. If, as hypothesized by Hirsch and Wexler, the late development of raising is related in TD children to lack of maturation of the knowledge of A‐chains or defective phases, it seems reasonable to hypothesize that the even later development of these structures in WS is related to an even later (if ever) maturation of the knowledge of these grammatical forms.

Binding in picture noun phrases: Implications for Binding Theory

This paper investigates the binding of pronouns and reflexives in picture noun phrases, and focuses on data showing that reflexives and pronouns are not in complementary distribution in picture NPs with possessors. In particular, we discuss data showing that whereas reflexives can take either the possessor or the subject of the sentence as antecedent, pronouns are restricted to an antecedent other than the possessor phrase. We suggest that this asymmetry can be straightforwardly explained if we assume that (1) the possessor of a picture NP is not part of the head noun's argument structure and (2) Binding Theory is stated over dependents structure, the representation encompassing both a head's argument structure and other phrases dependent on it in various ways. If the possessor of a picture NP (PNP) is not part of the head's argument structure, it follows that reflexives in PNPs with possessors will be exempt from Binding Theory, which paves the way for an analysis of the reflexive data. Furthermore, we also show that if BT is regarded as defined over dependents structure, it follows that a pronoun in a picture NP with a possessor must be disjoint from that possessor phrase.

Phases and binding of reflexives and pronouns in English

This paper proposes a distinct approach to local binding effects for reflexives and pronominals in English whereby the nature of local binding domains is a by-product of the incremental interpretation of syntactic derivations (Uriageraka 1999, Chomsky 2000, 2001), emphasizing the role of the Conceptual /Intentional interface and the computational system (i.e. bare output conditions) in shaping general principles of grammars. A significant development of the Minimalist framework is the proposal that derivations operate through phases or multiple spell outs, which allows to reduce the strict cyclicity of derivations, and related locality effects of movement, to interface (bare output) conditions and economy conditions. In this paper I propose that incremental interpretation can further capture local binding domains effects of conditions A and B of Chomsky's (1981, 1986) Binding Theory. Basically, local binding domains are shown to correspond to accessible phase domains. Our proposal hence contrasts with standard analyses (e.g. Reinhart and Reuland 1993, Pollard and Sag 1992) that define co-argumenthood as the core factor from which binding conditions are developed. Our proposal also provides a new perspective on the core contrasts between A-chain and A-bar chain w.r.t. binding and scope reconstruction effects and argues that checking of the uninterpretable feature Case is what defines potential phase domains.

Implementing Norwegian reflexives in an HPSG grammar

The paper reviews basic patterns of reflexive binding in Norwegian, and explores a possible implementation of them in an HPSG grammar using the LKB platform. Norwegian has two reflexive elements, with distinct constraints and corresponding 'anti-binding' effects; they can cooccur but also occur independently. As over-all strategy for resolving reflexive binding we use one resembling the 'slash' procedure for wh-dependencies. Binding constraints are imposed partly through lexical specification, partly through phrasal combination rules. Challenges are noted residing in the possibility for sentences to contain an unbounded number of reflexives.

Binding by Phase: (Non-)Complementarity in German

This paper explores areas of reflexive and pronominal noncomplementarity in German Accusativus cum Infinitivo (AcI)-constructions and other configurations that involve embedding of a subclausal (smaller than IP) constituent. The main empirical finding is that there are several non-complementarity-inducing contexts that have not been noticed before. In examples with embedded AcIs or complex DPs, a reflexive may be bound across an intervening subject, and a pronominal may be free even if its antecedent is only a vP-, DP-, or PPboundary away. The proposed account of these facts is based on the claim that vP, DP, and PP are all potentially phase-defining categories (Chomsky 2000). The expected “regular” cases of complementarity are accounted for by postulating as the relevant binding domain for both reflexive and pronominal the minimal phase containing the anaphoric element. Newly discovered cases of non-complementarity that exist at least for some speakers stem from the ability of reflexives, but not pronominals, to covertly raise to the edge of their phase (Safir 2004). Finally, well known cases of non-complementarity in AcIs where the anaphoric element is embedded in a PP can be explained if θ-independent (that is, internally saturated) PPs are adjoined high, to the AcI (vP)-phase-edge. This then achieves a unified account of both the well established binding facts documented in the literature and the surprising long-distance binding of reflexives reported as acceptable for some speakers.My thanks to Judith Aissen, Jorge Hankamer, and especially Jim McCloskey, who have helped me with and greatly contributed to the various drafts of this paper. Thanks also to my JGL reviewers for their helpful feedback. (Any remaining errors are my own.) Finally, I am indebted to all my native speaker consultants.

On Reflexive Binding in North Sami

Principle A of the Binding Theory states that an anaphor must be A-bound in the local domain containing it, its governor and an accessible subject. However, if the anaphor is contained in an infinitival complement clause, it may, in North Sami, be bound either by the clause-mate subject or by the subject of the tensed clause. Thus, it appears that there is a larger binding domain for anaphors in addition to that determined by the condition A of standard binding theory. This domain can in some languages, as in North Sami, be defined by the notion of Tense whereas in other languages this need not be case, as in English. This supports the approach that the characterization of binding domains is parameterized and that languages pick different values of the parameter.

Out of control

In this paper I develop a unified analysis of the Japanese passive, which provides a uniform syntactic/semantic representation of the alleged varieties of passives (direct, indirect, possessive) as a complex predicate that encodes the triadic relation of "lack of control" among an agent, undergoer and event. Various differences among the direct, possessive, and indirect passives (the adversative effect implicature, the possibility of reflexive binding, the animacy constraint on the subject, etc.) are explained as cooperative effects of the core syntactic/sematic properties of the passive morpheme -(r)are and functional/pragmatic factors like conversational implicature and empathy constraints.

Acquisition of binding of English reflexives by Turkish L2 learners: A neo-gricean pragmatic account

This study looks at how pragmatic constraints affect the acquisition of the binding of English reflexives by adult Turkish L2 learners. Pragmatically biased and pragmatically netural sentences are compared to find out whether pragmatic bias towards a non-local antecedent overrides the parameter setting of English and causes learners to choose as possible antecedents NPs outside the binding domain. Both group and individual results indicate that pragmatically biased sentences lead the subjects to consider pragmatic information to the extent that it can override their syntactic knowledge. Therefore, this study incorporates the pragmatic theory of anaphora in which the interpretation of a reflexive is subject to the I-principle, a pragmatic strategy which finds an antecedent for the reflexive that gives the most informative, stereotypical interpretation in keeping with our knowledge about the world. The I-principle seems to be operative for Turkish speakers in selecting an actual antecedent among several possible ones both in their L1 and their L2.

The role of pragmatics in reflexive interpretation by Turkish learners of English

This study investigates the effects of pragmatic principles on the acquisition of the binding of English reflexives by adult Turkish second language (L2) learners. The study compares pragmatically biased and pragmatically neutral sentences to determine whether pragmatic bias towards a non-local antecedent overrides the parameter setting of English and causes learners to choose as possible antecedents NPs outside the binding domain. Both group and individual results indicate that pragmatically biased sentences compel the subjects to consider pragmatic information to the extent that it can affect their choice of local antecedent. Acquisition theories should account for the role that pragmatic information might play in the assignment of possible antecedents for reflexives.This study incorporates Huang's (1994) ‘pragmatic theory of anaphora’ in which the interpretation of a reflexive is subject to the I-principle, a pragmatic strategy which finds an antecedent for the reflexive that gives the most informative, stereotypical interpretation in keeping with our knowledge about the world.

Underdetermined binding of reflexives by adult Japanese-speaking learners of English

In this article I report on an experimental study of the acquisition of English reflexives by adult Japanese-speaking learners of English. I argue that, consonant with a review of previous studies on binding in second language (L2) acquisition, the results of my experiment yield no evidence of an interlanguage grammar that is illicit with respect to Universal Grammar (UG).Moreover, I argue that a particular asymmetry in the nonlocal binding of English reflexives exhibited by the learners in this study is underdetermined with respect to both the L2 English input and learners' L1 Japanese competence in such a way as to suggest that these learners had direct access to Condition A of UG binding theory.

Theta role assignment, internal structures of reflexives and reflexive binding

In Chinese, there are three kinds of reflexive: the simplex reflexive ziji (self'), complex reflexives such as taziji (himself') and the double reflexive construction ziji-benshen (self-self)'. Based on Yu (1996), this paper will show that under certain conditions all sets of reflexives can show the full range of local and non-local binding possibilities and argue that there are two distinct systems of anaphoric resolution at work. When a reflexive is locally bound, its interpretation is constrained by the Binding Theory as implemented via head-to-head movement. When a reflexive is either long-distance bound or fails to have a syntactic antecedent in the sentence, its interpretation is constrained by the interaction between the morphological structure of the reflexive itself and the predicates which license it in the syntactic structure. The role of the predicates is fundamental and determines the logophoric subject - the referent from whose point of view the clause containing the reflexive is evaluated

The Researcher Gave the Subject a Test about Himself: Problems of Ambiguity and Preference in the Investigation of Reflexive Binding

There are methodological difficulties in investigating second language (L2) learners' knowledge of reflexive binding, particularly in the case of potentially ambiguous sentences where the learner or native speaker may have a preference for one interpretation over the other. In this paper, we compare two truth‐value judgment tasks, one involving stories and the other pictures. In both tasks, we provided contexts for different interpretations of potentially ambiguous sentences. We tested a variety of sentence types, including monoclausal sentences with subject or object antecedents (ambiguous in English) and biclausal sentences with local or long‐distance antecedents (ambiguous in Japanese). Participants were intermediate‐level Japanese‐speaking and French‐speaking learners of English as a second language (ESL), as well as native speaker controls. The story task yielded a significantly higher proportion of correct acceptances of object antecedents for reflexives, both in the case of ESL learners and native speakers. These results suggest that certain tasks can lead to an underestimation of learners' L2 competence and that one must be cautious in making assumptions about the nature of the interlanguage grammar on the basis of single tasks.