Political Autonomy Research Articles

The Conflicting Categorization of Kings and Chiefs in Ghana

This article aims to explore the historical development and contemporary role of the chieftaincy institution in Ghana, highlighting its enduring significance and adaptability. The institution of chieftaincy has been with the people of Ghana for centuries. Chiefs, now known as traditional rulers, are distinct from political rulers. The laws of Ghana require chiefs to maintain neutrality by forbidding their engagement in active politics. Chiefs are royals who have been validly nominated, elected, or selected by their respective kingmakers to be enstooled or enskinned according to the relevant customary law and usage. When Europeans came to Africa to trade, chiefs governed independent states, each with its own laws, courts, police, and military. The chieftaincy institution is organized hierarchically, ranging from the lowest rank to the apex, and among the Asantes, the Asantehene is the apex. Before 1901, when the British colonized the Asantes, the Asantehene served as the political, executive, and legislative head of the people of the Asante Kingdom. The Asante Kingdom covers the Ashanti Region, Ahafo Region, parts of the Bono and Bono East Regions, and a paramountcy each in Ghana’s Eastern and Oti Regions. The traditional capital of the Asante Kingdom, Kumasi, was initially at Kwaman. In the 1670s, Chief Osei Tutu from the Oyoko Abohyen Dynasty became the chief of Kwaman after succeeding his late uncle Nana Obiri Yeboah, who reigned from 1640 to 1680 and united all the Asante chiefdoms, which were independent and had their political autonomy. The occupants of the Golden Stool are designated as kings and have held the title to this day. Although the British succeeded in changing the name of some kings to paramount chiefs, they failed to change the name of the royals responsible for the nomination, election or selection of a person to be enstooled or installed as an Asantehene, paramount chief or chief, who are still called the kingmakers. Keywords: Asante Kingdom; Asantehene; enstooled; fetish-priest; Gold Coast; golden stool; kingmakers; Oyoko clan; paramount chief; traditional ruler.

"Da boca do povo na língua errada do povo, língua certa do povo"

For Antonio Candido and Afrânio Coutinho, artistic nationalism was a trademark of Brazilian letters, as it corresponded to the search for a national identity. At the linguistic level, Brazilian writers defended “the Brazilian language” as an element of political emancipation and cultural autonomy. This work aims to show, through excerpts from newspapers and literary supplements from the 20th century, how after Brazil's political independence in 1822, literature was used as an instrument to forge linguistic independence. These debates that lasted throughout the 19th century culminated in the Modern Art Week. Brazilian modernism changed the way we see and think about literature and language. In the 19th century, the invention of the “Brazilian language” became a flag, as the Portuguese norm became an obstacle to national affirmation. In the 1950s, in Brazilian and Portuguese literary supplements, such debates still found resonance.

‘A window of the world’: itinerant silent cinemas in rural Australia

ABSTRACT Moving pictures connected even the most remote corners of the British Empire with its cultural and economic center. Between 1896 and 1916, transnational silent cinema shaped settler-colonial Australia’s relationship to the British Empire in tandem with the colonies’ move toward federation and political autonomy. Traveling exhibitors were key to this process, bringing moving pictures from the UK, Europe, and the US to Australians who lived outside major cities. This paper explores how itinerant silent cinema shows brought not just the pictures to rural Australian audiences, but also a sense of belonging to an imagined transnational community, through films from the UK, US, France, Italy, Germany, Denmark, and Sweden. Between 1896 and 1905, exhibitors like Maurice Sestier and Wybert Reeve were instrumental in introducing cinema technology, while entertainers like J. C. Williamson, T.J. West, the Marvellous Corricks, and Ettie Wilmott helped maintain the popularity of the cinema in the mid-1900s, in part by incorporating films into variety shows. From around 1910, when permanent cinemas had been established in larger Australian towns, until at least 1914 but in some cases for much longer, itinerant exhibitors and vaudeville shows like Wilmott’s Electric Pictures kept remote rural communities supplied, albeit intermittently, with cinema experiences that connected them to a wider imagined community.

Ukraine on Fire Cinema Novel by Oleksandr Dovzhenko: Saving Gesture of the Artist

The years of German-Soviet war (1941–1945) have become a period of special trials for the outstanding film director Oleksandr Dovzhenko. All hopes for the revival of the Ukrainian nation and its culture have turned out to be an illusion. The victory of the Soviet Union in the war has led to the collapse of the remnants of political and cultural autonomy in Ukraine, complete control of the imperial center over the processes of social and cultural life. Dovzhenko writes the film story Ukraine on Fire, which demonstrates the considerable resources of resistance of Ukrainians to totalitarian systems – both Soviet and German. In addition, Dovzhenko as an author reveals the intention of a national prophet who believes in his magical ability to save his people. The author has special sympathy for Ukrainian girls and women. They are killed, raped, humiliated. However, they remain special bearers of the nation mentality, its cultural and artistic memory. Its beauty! Therefore, the images of women are permeated with folklore and literary motifs, those voice out and materialize the world of Ukrainians who oppose the war. The story has drawn a lot of criticism from the dictator Stalin, criticism made public during a special meeting in the Kremlin. The accusations have been reduced to alleged manifestations of nationalism, revision of the very foundations of the Bolshevik empire. The work has been banned from publication and production in the cinema. Today, in the context of the new stage of war of the Russian Empire against Ukraine, the work in which the artist at the time of the disaster, is on the edge of the abyss and the non-existence of the people, comes to its defense, acquires special relevance and worldview expressiveness. Ukraine on Fire is distinguished by the special lyrical nature of the text, it is permeated with folk singing, folklore images and even rhythm. An amazing consonance with the folk melos, a powerful lyric-epic coverage of folk life. The completion of work on the film story has coincided with the beginning of the stay of Dovzhenko’s mother, Odarka Yermolaivna, in Moscow, in Dovzhenko’s apartment (after the end of the German occupation of Kyiv). The artist has recorded a number of folk songs from her, those have a significant impact on the work on the following scenarios – Chronicle of Flaming Years, Enchanted Desna, Poem of the Sea.

Analisis Kerjasama Antara Anggota TNI dan Pemerintah Daerah Papua dalam Menangani Konflik di Papua

The province of Papua has long been affected by conflicts involving political issues, autonomy, ethnic diversity, natural resources, and human rights. This conflict began during the colonial period and continued after Papua became part of Indonesia in 1945, particularly following the 1969 Pepera, which many Papua residents deemed unfair. Violence in Papua persists with numerous casualties, reflecting a severe security situation. Conflict management efforts involve synergy between the TNI and local government, with the TNI focusing not only on security but also on social and economic development. Collaboration between territorial apparatus and local government is expected to create stability but often faces challenges such as differing task perceptions and support for separatist groups. This study employs a qualitative research method with a case study approach, using interviews and literature review to gather data. The findings indicate that handling the conflict in Papua requires strategic measures, including increasing the presence of Satuan Komando Wilayah (Satkowil) at each administrative level, such as Kodim in districts and Koramil in sub-districts. Kodim and Koramil play a crucial role in maintaining security and supporting local development and community welfare. It is also important to map various types of conflicts—armed, communal, and social—and adopt appropriate approaches. Satkowil/Apter serves as a communication bridge between local government and the community, assisting in policy implementation and addressing conflicts proactively. Effective collaboration between territorial apparatus and local government is expected to enhance stability and progress in Papua.

Mapping sovereignism(s) in South America

AbstractSovereignism is said to be on the rise: defending a nation's political autonomy, international borders, and cultural identity and protecting the domestic economy from the perils of globalisation are core demands. What about Latin America? To what extent are sovereignist claims a key component of Latin American parties' platforms and rhetoric? How do these vary according to national contexts and ideological foundations? Is sovereignism truly novel in the region? This article, relying on qualitative analyses of party manifestos from six different countries, as well as on data from the Manifesto Project, aims to map Latin American sovereignism in its different dimensions (political, economic, cultural, international) according to country and party families. As our data show, claims for defending or achieving ‘sovereignty’ are a key component of the (mostly left‐wing) populist idiolect in the region. The Latin American extreme right tends to adopt a sovereignist rhetoric to justify a traditional pro‐market agenda. The article overall calls for a problematisation of the concept of ‘sovereignism’ by proposing a stronger cross‐regional perspective. There are different ‘varieties of sovereignism’ depending on whether state sovereignty is primarily viewed as something to be restored or, alternatively, to be achieved (as is the case in South America).

Symbol of (Iranian) Empire: The Sāsānian Imperial Standard (Derafsh-e kāviyān) from Arab-Islamic Conquest Narratives to Modern Nationalist Myths

Abstract: With its capture at the outset of the conquest of Iran in the early seventh century, the imperial Sāsānian standard, known as the Derafsh-e kāviyān , became a metaphor for imperial corruption, underscoring both the righteousness of the Islamic caliphate and the piety of the Arab-Muslim warriors who founded it. Two centuries later, it served as a potent symbol of pre-Islamic Persian splendor and the continuity of its rich tradition. Later still, modern Iranian nationalists raised the "banner of Kāveh" as part of their campaign to foster a sense of national consciousness and pride in the country's ancient heritage. Today, the Derafsh-e kāviyān continues to be a powerful symbol for secular Iranian nationalists campaigning against the Islamic Republic of Iran; for Kurdish nationalists seeking political autonomy; and for Tajik state authorities linking their nation to a mythical past.

Outlining a Democratic Transition in Iran: The Significance of a Non-Dominant Social Contract and the Expansion of Universal Rights

Amidst significant upheavals in Iran, the "Woman Life Freedom" movement has emerged as both a call for social justice and an opportunity for Iranians to discuss a new social contract for the country. This paper draws on Philip Pettit’s philosophy of "New Republicanism" and Danielle Allen’s notion of "Justice by Means of Democracy" to propose a foundation for this new social contract. The central idea is “non-domination”—the principle that a society should be constructed so that no individual or group can exert arbitrary power over another. From this perspective, the “Woman Life Freedom” movement seeks not just the overthrow of the existing regime but the creation of a society where the rights and freedoms of all citizens are equally guaranteed and promoted. Alongside advocating for gender equality including LGBTQ rights, this paper emphasizes the necessity of guaranteeing life with dignity, the freedom of religious practice, and political autonomy for Iran's diverse regions in a new Iran. Achieving this requires a new social contract based on dialogue and collective participation, forming the bedrock for a new Iranian society and political regime. This paper is structured as follows: It begins by defining what a social contract entails and how it differs from a constitution, arguing that constitutions often fail without a preceding social contract. It illustrates this by reviewing constitutional developments in Iran up to the 1979 revolution. The paper then explores how a new social contract can be formulated for Iran and outlines its primary principles. Finally, it discusses the concrete political, social, and economic structures that this new social contract would establish in a post-Islamic Iran.

Public Procurement in Local Government: A Tool for Good Governance, Value Creation, and Sustainable Development

Worldwide, government adopts various methods and strategies for Good Governance (GG), Value Creation (VC) and Sustainable Development (SD) in public sector. One of such methods is Public Procurement (PP), a strategic instrument for public policy initiatives and a tool to stimulate GG, VC, SD, economic growth, and competitive markets. However, in Local Government (LG), PP process is often exposed to fraudulent activities, mistrust, non-competitive, non-transparent and non-accountable or politicized, these hampered GG, VC, and SD. It is against this background, that the study examined PP fundamental principles, mechanism for effective operation, essentials steps for LG PP process, and using fundamental principles as moderating variables in PP process to achieve GG, VC and SD. The study employed exploratory research design. Consequently, the study concluded that PP is a strategic tool to achieve GG, VC and SD in LG. Besides, the moderating variables of PP process in LG is not only prerequisite for GG, VC and SD but a means to guarantee integrity, fair pricing standard, trust, widening SMEs participation, and also to solve societal and climatic problems prevailing at the LG areas. Therefore, the study recommends that LG should have financial, administrative, and political autonomy to drive procurement policy for GG, VC, SD, and societal sustainability. Additionally, professionalizing and adoption of E-procurement in LG will ensure efficient service delivery and seamless procurement process. Furthermore, procurement officials should exhibit efficiency, transparency, accountability and probity in procurement process to avoid bureaucracy and corrupt practices pertinent to award of contract and payment.

Women agency and provincial autonomy: a study of post-18th Amendment local government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan

The 18th Amendment to the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan, a significant milestone in the country's political landscape, granted the provinces certain political and fiscal powers. This included the right to pass local government legislation and hold local government elections. In the 2015 local government elections in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a remarkable number of women were elected to local councils on gender quota seats (33%). This was a clear testament to the empowering potential of the 18th Amendment. However, despite this progress, the underrepresentation of women in decision-making processes remains a pressing issue. This paper aims to answer how provincial autonomy has contributed to the autonomy and agency of women councillors in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The study collected data from purposively selected districts, Nowshera, Haripur, and Kohat, through individual interviews using qualitative approaches. The paper strongly advocates that the participation of women councillors in local government necessitates more stringent policy reforms to make the local councils more inclusive towards women as representatives. This stance is crucial and imperative for women's political autonomy and empowerment.

Territorial Conflict in the Spotlight: Unveiling Paths to Territorial Clarity

Abstract The tensions between centralization and autonomy inherent in territorial conflicts can give rise to entrenched positions and stalemate. This Federalism Monitor article describes an attempt in Catalonia to find new ways to resolve the Spanish-Catalan conflict over self-determination, which culminated in a referendum and unilateral declaration of independence in 2017, followed by a backlash by the central authorities, including the suspension of political autonomy. We summarize the context, contents, and potential impact of the Report on the Clarity Agreement (2024). Our analysis draws on our experiences as members of the plural and independent council of academic experts appointed by the Catalan Government to produce the report. This experience, we argue, can guide and inspire other experiences of conflict resolution by offering a description and analysis of this case, which has many generalizable features.

Assessing regulatory governance for the water and sanitation Agencies in Brazil

This paper focuses on evaluating and benchmarking the governance of regulatory agencies in Brazil's water and sanitation sector. Using a unique database obtained through the application of a questionnaire, we developed an index of regulatory governance and ranked all the agencies in Brazil that participated in the study. The index is an aggregate number of the evaluation of four key governance characteristics: Autonomy, Transparency, Accountability, and Tools & Capacity, including not only formal aspects of regulation but also indicators related to actual implementation. Based on 18 different indices, we analyze the positions of agencies with regard to different aspects of their regulatory governance, considering not only performance in each variable but also scores in the different components of each category. This evaluation identifies particular agency shortcomings regarding governance and indicates needed improvements. Although Brazil has strived to consolidate the governance design of its regulatory agencies, implementing the independent regulator model still faces several challenges. Various aspects of governance can be improved to pursue greater efficiency and quality in providing services, particularly in Accountability and Political Autonomy, where the country shows the largest number of regulatory agencies with the lowest scores. Conversely, almost half of the participating agencies show optimal scores in the Regulatory Autonomy aspect of governance. The results, for the most part, corroborate the institutional theory, in which the role of institutions is paramount for greater efficiency in providing public services, as it reduces information asymmetries and transaction costs and maximizes economic incentives.

The EU at War: After Two Years

The paper explores the role of the European Union (EU) in the war in Ukraine, from the run-up of the war to its impact on the EU’s future structure and functions, within Europe and globally. It begins with an account of the condition of the EU before the war, which it describes as overextended and stagnant with respect to the EU’s proclaimed finalité, the “ever closer union of the peoples of Europe.” Next, it recounts the use of the EU in early American attempts to include Ukraine in the East European enlargement of NATO, with EU membership as a reward for Ukrainian Westernization. To the EU leadership, this presented an opportunity to revive older, by then largely failed attempts at supranational unification and centralization, by offering to the United States to serve as its transatlantic base for its Ukrainian strategy. Following this, the paper explores the consequences for the EU and its stronger member states of the impending American withdrawal from the Ukrainian war theater, as the US turns to its conflict with China. The final section discusses the conditions under which Europe, the European states, and the EU can hope for some kind of strategic and political autonomy in the emerging new New World Order.

지역소멸의 위기에 따른 민주주의의 약화와 대응 방안

In today’s Korean society, the crisis of rapid decline in local population, coupled with a decreasing population, poses one of the biggest challenges in preparing for future generations. Moreover, the issue of rapid decline in local population may present a significant threat to democracy, a foundational principle of the Constitution, beyond just being a concern at the level of industrial or administrative policies for balanced regional development. This article points out that democracy is also weakening due to the crisis of rapid decline in local population, and proposes solutions in terms of the implementation of democracy, focusing on institutions such as elections, political parties, and direct democracy. Firstly, from the perspective of localities and regional populations, there are issues with the proportionality of electoral districts and regional representation. As an extreme imbalance in population between metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas forms, the citizens of the latter experience weakened representation in the election of their legislators, leading to the emergence of large electoral districts or the abnormal setting of a single district for areas lacking regional homogeneity or community cohesion. Under the current small constituency plurality system, maintaining strict population proportionality presents a difficult challenge to overcome. To harmonize the proportionality of electoral district populations with regional representation, considering a constitutional amendment to transform the unicameral legislature to a bicameral system where the upper house has regional representation, or adopting a regional proportional representation system for legislative elections, are potential institutional changes that should be explored. Secondly, recognizing regional political parties as a way to promote local democracy could help enhance local political autonomy. Current Party Law recognizes only national parties, and the Constitutional Court has upheld these provisions. However, the essential function of a party is to participate in the formation of political will of the people, which does not necessarily have to be nationwide. Recognizing regional parties could bolster local democracy and should be considered for enhancement. Thirdly, in response to regional issues more actively and flexibly, the diversification of local government structures should be actively recognized, and strengthening direct democracy measures is necessary to address issues in areas experiencing extreme population decline.

THE SOVEREIGNTY OF STATES OVER NATURAL RESOURCES AND THE RIGHT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES TO SELF-DETERMINATION FROM THE INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW

This paper focuses on the analysis of the principle of State sovereignty over natural resources (PSNR) from the perspective of International Human Rights Law. The United Nations Declaration and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which recognize their right to self-determination and the right to collective property, raise the hypothesis about the extension of the PSNR towards the recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples to exercise jurisdiction over their ancestral lands and territories. A documentary study of the origin and development of the PSNR has been carried out in relation to the right of self-determination of peoples and it is concluded that in a non-colonial context, indigenous peoples are holders of that right and that the right to their territories, to Land and natural resources are elements of the PSNR, which is the basis of its political and economic autonomy. The failure of States to respect and guarantee these rights promotes the risk of secession.

The good intentions of federalism

The article is devoted to substantiating the controversial thesis that federalism is not an autonomous type of political structure. Federations are interpreted as a set of specific failures of different origins in the course of following the basic modern scenario of the formation of a unitary nation-state with a consolidated (civil) political identity. The article has for theoretical basis the actor approach, which interprets the political form of the federation as a derivative result of a conflict pact between the central and peripheral elites. In this methodological perspective, the history of the concept of federalism is examined and a comparative historical analysis of the world federal experience is carried out. As a result, a number of interrelated author's conclusions were formulated. First, it is shown that the original Kantian project of a world federation of states has little in common with federalism, which refers to the description of the internal structure of individual societies. Secondly, the conclusion is substantiated by the fact that in the modern theory of federalism a harmful mainstream tradition has developed, which scales as a normative successful experience the centralizing federalism in the United States. Thirdly, the cultural and historical features of the formation of two families of federations are highlighted and analyzed, one of which is associated with the acquisition of independence by offshoots of the West, and the other was formed by the later processes of the collapse of the colonial empires of the West and the liberation of colonies in Africa and Eurasia. Fourthly, it is argued that the federal political structure at the theoretical level was intended to reconcile, at the basis of the political project of Modernity, the liberal utopia of a universal and culturally homogeneous civil nation and the actual cultural diversity of any modern states, which is a permanent source of erosion of its political sovereignty and differentiation of collective identities. Fifthly, it is proved that all derived political, legal, economic and other signs of federalism are due to one initial problem - the legitimation and subsequent institutionalization of the conflict between the central elite and regional elites, challenging the indivisibility of political sovereignty and demanding political autonomy. Sixth, federalism as a changeable pact of elites in specific historical societies does not provide convincing grounds for its qualification as an autonomous political form compared to a unitary nation-state. The final conclusion is that the political format of federalism in most states is a long-term way of formalizing the political divorce of cultural communities that could not create a common political nation.

Sensemaking and medical professional identity within the context of strategic change

Objective of the study: To identify how the physicians of a major Brazilian hospital perceive the proposed change in payment models for services provided and whether the proposed change affects elements of the professional identity of the physicians interviewed. Methodology / approach: This study draws on the sensemaking theory, medical professional identity and implementation of strategies in complex organizations. It was carried out a qualitative research through semi-structured interviews with a group of physicians who works in a large Brazilian hospital that was facing changes in the reimbursement model. Originality / Relevance: Research addressing the reasons why physicians tend to resist is important to help strategists to design an approach to obtain professional adherence. Main results: The research participants perceive threats to their autonomy in two attributes, Clinical Autonomy and Financial Autonomy. Regarding the change in the payment model for services rendered, some interviewees perceive their need, but demonstrate a desire for more active participation in the discussion and elaboration of new models, thus configuring the need to maintain their Political Autonomy. Theoretical / methodological contributions: This work contributes to the literature by advancing the process of understanding sensemaking triggers and demonstrating how and why threats to professional identity can hamper the process of implementing strategies in complex organizations. Social / management contributions: The implementation of strategies in hospital organizations is a topic of great relevance for the managers of the healthcare industry, due to its multiplicity of actors and interests, in addition to exponential technological evolution.

The Campaign of the Solomonic Monarch Yǝsḥaq (r. 1414–1429/30) as a Turning Point in Betä Ǝsraʾel History: Its Commemoration in Solomonic and Betä Ǝsraʾʾel Sources and Holy Sites

Following the rise to power of the Christian Solomonic dynasty (1270–1974) in Ethiopia, Christian rule expanded to encompass the regions inhabited by the Betä Ǝsraʾʾel (Ethiopian Jews). This process was accompanied by military campaigns (fourteenth–seventeenth century), during which the Betä Ǝsraʾʾel gradually lost their political autonomy. The Betä Ǝsraʾʾel oral tradition remembers the campaign waged by the Solomonic monarch Yəsḥaq against them as the most decisive in their history—because of it, their political power was greatly reduced, and their continued existence was jeopardized. This campaign is also commemorated in Solomonic texts, and both Christian and Betä Ǝsraʾʾel holy sites are associated with it. This article will examine the ways in which this campaign and its aftermath are depicted by the two respective communities and reflected their religious sites and in landmarks in Wägära and the Sǝmen Mountains. Based on the sources at hand, it will attempt to trace the geographical aspects of the campaign.

Ignorance As Political Instrument? Integration Discourses on Migrant Welfare Recipients in Switzerland

ABSTRACT Agnotology, the study of doubt and ignorance in areas where knowledge can be possessed, altered, hidden, and reclaimed, offers multiple insights into the working of states. This article explores the role of ‘ignoring’ as an active strategy of ignorance; a practice used by local governments to disregard certain knowledge and the production of alternative framings. Studying the intersection of welfare and migration policy based on an example of policy making and implementation in Switzerland, this work shows how resistance can be built by not paying attention, thus ignoring certain rules and policies, while actively shaping alternative frameworks to increase migrants’ rights. The cases build on the newly introduced Federal Act on Foreign Nationals and Integration, in which integration requirements exclude social assistance reception for foreign nationals in case they intend to retain or stabilise their residence status. Any financial dependence will thus cause a potential loss of residence or settlement permit. Focusing on the deficit of migrants individually and as a collective, therefore allows governments to exclude them, making ‘knowledge production’ and ‘ignoring’ fruitful concepts to explore such bordering processes. Yet, two city initiatives contested these restrictions, developing alternative financial support for foreign nationals, even if one of them was ruled unlawful. The examples show how authorities create sanctuary policies and choose to circumvent laws through an active ignoring of national policy intentions, reframing them on the local level. Linking ignorance to such local scales and their sanctuary support provides an asset in understanding local and practical endeavours of municipalities to secure political autonomy and increase resistance strategies. Hence, a restrictive understanding of integration at the national level foregrounds a one-sided view of non-citizens as costly and potential abusers of allegedly generous welfare support. Migration and social policy laws support such a one-sided perspective by allowing assessments to consider mainly economic integration, thereby excluding those who are not active in the labour market. However, local responses can challenge this one-sidedness by choosing to ignore an overly restrictive framework and try out potentials to resist.

A Literature Review on the Identity Construction of the Simulacra Subject in Jean Genet’s The Balcony

Jean Genet's The Balcony explores the fundamental elements of subject identity construction and identification within a framework of double paradoxes. The reconfigurations of simulacra activities challenge the traditional political model of theater, redefining the nature and expression of the subject's identity and endowing theatrical representation with political potential. The subject of simulacra exists in a constant state of internal and external constitutive difference, emphasizing the essential incompleteness and antagonistic dimension of identity construction, which resonates with the political realm. The dual nature of the other renders the construction of the subject's identity an insurmountable task, while the perpetual opposition of the dual relationship converges into tertiary natures, exposing the failure point of impossibility and necessity in subject identity construction. The trinity mode of the subject continually replaces power relationships through negation, engendering space for reflection. This paper employs Deleuze's theory of in-itself difference and Mouffe and Laclau's theory of antagonism and hegemony to analyze the foundational structural strategy of subject identity construction and identification in The Balcony. It elucidates how this strategy establishes the necessary conditions for the autonomy of politics within Genet Theatre.