Authoritarian Research Articles

Can Autocracy Handle Climate Change?

ABSTRACT Existing literature on climate politics predominantly concentrates on democracies. However, there is a pressing need to examine how authoritarian regimes respond to climate change, given their growing impact on global carbon emissions and their populations’ acute climate vulnerability. Extant research often assumes that authoritarian regimes have inherent advantages in addressing climate change, leading to overly optimistic perspectives on their capabilities. This study highlights the necessity of qualifying those assumptions and evaluates the comparative advantages and disadvantages of autocracies relative to democracies throughout the policy process: policy formulation (or outputs), implementation, and outcomes. I argue that whereas climate-conscious autocracies may efficiently produce policy outputs based on scientific evidence, they often face more challenges related to information about local enforcement during implementation. This may result in greater hurdles than democracies, even with adequate state capacity and monitoring infrastructure. Furthermore, this analysis contends that a country’s developmental stage, rather than its regime type, is related more directly to the effectiveness of translating implementation efforts into tangible policy outcomes. Therefore, this article posits that the political science discourse, which often juxtaposes democracies with autocracies, should expand its scope to better understand how a country’s developmental level influences the success of its climate strategies.

Candles of Change: Nonviolent Resistance in Sudan

Overthrowing dictatorial regimes presents a formidable challenge, as these governments often maintain tight control over state mechanisms and media narratives; this paper explores the concept of nonviolent resistance, particularly within the context of the Sudanese revolution, utilising a qualitative research methodology and gathers qualitative data through interviews and focus groups with key participants in the Sudanese nonviolent movements. These include secondary data from online reports from civil society organisations of members of Resistance Committees and women activists. It also examines the tactics and strategies employed by nonviolent movements, including sit-ins, media campaigns, and the strategic use of the “butterfly effect,” demonstrating how small, coordinated actions can lead to significant societal change. The paper concludes with recommendations to strengthen civil society, enhance the capacity of Resistance Committees, and ensure women’s continued participation in the political process. These measures are essential for preserving the revolution’s achievements and supporting Sudan’s transition towards a more democratic and peaceful future.

The Historical Roots behind the Libyan State Failure

Abstract This paper discusses the phenomenon of state failure in general and uses the current Libyan state as a case study by tracing the historical path of the formation of the modern Libyan state, specifically the impact of the legacy left by the Gaddafi regime on three main variables: authority, legitimacy, and institutional capacity. It addresses the following question: How did the historical legacy of the Gaddafi regime contribute to the crisis of the Libyan state after 2011? The study is based on the hypothesis that personal authoritarian regimes, such as Gaddafi’s, have the most detrimental impact on institutions in relation to the monopoly of violence, legitimacy, and capacity. This is because the ruling elites in personalistic authoritarian regimes are often unable to restrain the decisions and actions of the head of the regime, who often seeks to dismantle institutions that could limit their power. This contrasts with other types of authoritarian regimes (monarchy, military, one-party) that may, to some extent, maintain institutional rules for governance and the transfer of power.

Navigating Tensions between Authoritarian Governance and Human Rights: Towards a Business and Human Rights Regime within China’s Dual-State Context

ABSTRACT This article examines the intricate dynamics between authoritarian governance and human rights within the context of China’s evolving business and human rights (BHR) regime. Utilizing Ernst Fraenkel’s dual-state framework and new institutional theory, the study delves into the mechanisms through which China navigates the tensions between state control and the global human rights agenda. Through expert interviews and analysis of policy documents and digital media, the research uncovers the roles of government-organized non-governmental organizations, NGOs, and businesses in shaping China’s BHR landscape. The findings suggest that despite the challenges posed by China’s authoritarian system, institutional actors are taking a strategic and evolutionary approach to foster a BHR regime. This is characterized by a complex interplay between the normative and prerogative states, reflecting a nuanced adaptation of BHR principles within China’s political and legal framework. The article contributes to broader discourse on the integration of human rights into business practices in authoritarian contexts, offering insights into the potential for institutional change and the advancement of human rights within such regimes.

Shades of authoritarian digital sovereignty: divergences in Russian and Chinese data localisation regimes

ABSTRACT The concept of sovereignty is now referred to in cyberspace-related policy by a range of governments, both authoritarian and democratic. At the same time, the most prominent proponents of state – or sovereignty-centric models of internet governance are Russia and China, whose positions are often characterised as a shared ‘Sino-Russian’ model. This paper subjects this idea of a shared Sino-Russian approach to empirical scrutiny by conducting a comparative analysis of rules, regulations and policies on data localisation in both countries. By delimiting the research question to regulations on data localisation and cross-border data transfers in both countries, we identify an important set of similarities and differences between the Russian and Chinese approaches. They share some features associated with authoritarian regimes, such as uncertainty around the selective enforcement of broadly formulated rules and a centralised assessment of outbound data transfers. However, we also find significant differences in the level of institutional centralisation, degrees of responsiveness within the policymaking process, and economic logics driving data localisation and cross-border transfer regulations. Based on these findings, we argue that despite a perception that Russia and China adhere to a similar model of authoritarian digital sovereignty, there are significant disparities in their data localisation regimes.

Who Dominates the Coalition? Frame Salience and Public Support for Policy–Democracy Protest Coalitions under Authoritarian Rule

Abstract How does the public support a coalition in which pro-democracy advocates and policy-based protesters join forces in street protests? When policy-based and pro-democracy groups protest together, they create a collective action frame that includes a policy component and a democracy component. In this article, I develop the frame salience theory, arguing that support for a policy–democracy protest coalition depends on which component of the joint frame is perceived to be more dominant. I argue that in authoritarian regimes, the policy component typically dominates the coalition because it is more accessible and available to the public. This perception shifts public support for the alliance towards the baseline level of support for the policy movement. In other words, public support for the alliance defaults to the baseline level of support for the policy movement. I find evidence for my argument using a survey experiment administered to 1,209 Vietnamese respondents. This article highlights a dilemma pro-democracy groups face: joining policy-based movements may boost support, but sustaining democracy after the protest becomes challenging.

Leaked email data: a new source for the study of authoritarian regimes

Leaked email data: a new source for the study of authoritarian regimes

How institutionalized feedback works: Online citizen complaints and local government responsiveness in China

AbstractThe prevailing view that authoritarian regimes primarily respond to threats of instability is challenged by our research, which posits that such regimes also take citizen complaints seriously, even when they do not pose a direct threat. Based on 238,835 citizen claims from China's largest national online petition platform from 2020 to 2021 and 793,119 citizen claims from Wuhan's local petition website, this study reveals that online complaints result in greater governmental responsiveness, compared to non‐complaints. This institutionalized feedback mechanism is driven by a mix of factors: the upper‐level officials' expectation for negative feedback, combined with bureaucrats' efforts to preserve themselves and avoid punitive consequences. Our findings thus enhance the understanding of what drives authoritarian responsiveness and signal a caution that an overreliance on managing complaints may deepen a stability‐maintenance mechanism, potentially impeding substantial reform.

You scratch my back, and I scratch yours: Autocratic reciprocity in the politics of naming and shaming

What drives some authoritarian states to engage in more naming and shaming of human rights violations than others? The Universal Periodic Review is a unique process requiring all UN members to participate in peer review on human rights issues. It has already finished its third cycle with active participation from all members since 2008. Although both democracies and authoritarian regimes have engaged in peer reviews on human rights issues, few studies explore the influence of different regimes on naming and shaming behavior on human rights issues. In this paper, we argue that authoritarian states use the peer review process as a means of legitimation. We expect authoritarian states to be more lenient towards other authoritarian regimes to increase their legitimacy, while democracies are likely to be impartial to shame human rights abusers. This paper examines how the relational politics of naming and shaming behaviors on human rights issues change as a function of political regimes. We test our expectations using a large-N sample of dyads. We compare the peer reviews of the Universal Periodic Review between 2008 and 2020 with different dyads of democracies and authoritarian regimes.

Sustainable development as the basis of a strong and long-term peace

The purpose of this paper is to suggest some ways and mechanisms for creating long-term peace based on sustainable development of the world and the purpose of the work is to develop recommendations aimed at counteracting the emergence of dictatorial regimes that were legitimately established. Five common features of such dictators have been identified, namely: coming to power in a legitimate way, using manipulative technologies, openly declaring their aggressive intentions, gradually implementing their aggressive intentions, creating a military potential with the active participation of developed countries, including those with established democracies. The reasons for the creation of dictatorial regimes are substantiated, namely: the imperfection of electoral legislation, excessive conservatism of legislation, insufficient determination and timeliness of countering the strengthening of dictatorships, “national egoism”, the unscrupulousness of dictators in their foreign and domestic policies. It was determined that in order to actively oppose dictatorial regimes, it is necessary to: improve the system of elections to the highest positions and to the legislative bodies of the state, put a strong barrier against manipulative technologies and fakes, through the improvement and effective application of international legislation with the involvement of artificial intelligence, determine the strategy of relations with dictators in all directions in advance: economic, diplomatic, sports, scientific and technical, etc., establish the scope of relations in direct proportion to the index of democracy in a country with an authoritarian regime and, in order to prevent negative consequences on the economy and social condition of the society of one’s country, determine and carefully regulate import and export activities. It is proposed to start an indicator of the effectiveness of the head of state and an internal truth index of the head of state, as well as measures for moral stimulation of heads of state. As a result of the study, two root causes of threats to the existence of humanity were additionally identified, which directly affect the formation of dictatorial regimes. 1) The emergence on the basis of modern information technologies of a powerful system of manipulative technologies, the use of which leads to the power of future dictators. 2) Belated opposition of the democratic world to the formation of dictatorships. This is expressed in condescension to the initial illegal actions of future dictators, uncontrolled cooperation in the economic, political and humanitarian spheres. Two key mechanisms for achieving sustainable development and long-term peace are proposed.

Cultural Censorship and Institutional Trust in Africa

What are the consequences of cultural censorship on trust? Previous literature on institutional and political trust informs this article which extends the work to consider the importance of artistic spaces for shaping political attitudes. These spaces may allow individuals to form trust relationships with each other. The importance of these cultural spaces is highlighted when, in both democracies and autocracies, we observed cultural censorship. While the rationale for censorship may differ across regime types, some of the effects look strikingly similar. Using survey data from the Afrobarometer and measures of censorship from Varieties of Democracy, this article suggests that trust in executive and legislative institutions among regime supporters is increased, when autocracies engage in cultural censorship. Additionally, this article argues that trust in the ruling party increases and trust in the opposition party decreases with more cultural censorship in both autocracies and democracies. Taken together this descriptive initial test of the theory, consistent with the theory presented, offers additional insights about how authoritarian regimes might use cultural censorship to maintain system support, but also suggest reasons why even democratic regimes can be motivated to engage in censorship for political gain.

Beyond regulatory capture: Policy entrepreneurs' strategies in regulatory policies under authoritarianism

AbstractThis article examines the role of policy entrepreneurs in countering regulatory capture, a phenomenon whereby regulatory bodies influenced by industry lobbying often prioritize private over public interests. The study employs an abductive process‐tracing approach to investigate the 2013 drug pricing reform in Morocco, illustrating how substantial policy shifts can occur even in authoritarian contexts susceptible to regulatory capture. The findings underscore the pivotal role of Houcine El Ouardi, the former Minister of Health, whose strategic leadership exemplified policy entrepreneurship. His capacity to navigate and surmount industry resistance was instrumental to the reform's success, culminating in a significant reduction in drug prices. This case challenges conventional wisdom regarding regulatory capture, demonstrating that individual agency can reshape regulatory outcomes despite opposition. By elucidating how policy entrepreneurs can drive transformative change in resistant regulatory environments under authoritarian regimes, the study contributes to the literature on policy entrepreneurship and regulation.

Exile and Inner-Exile in Euclides da Cunha

In this essay, I analyze the relationship between literature and exile from the point-of-view of the renowned Brazilian engineer and writer Euclides da Cunha (1866-1909). I chose this author for his unique use of the concept of exile pertaining to his own human condition, but also for his paradoxical perspective on the Amazonian rubber tappers during the 1900s. Da Cunha himself did not experience personal displacement in the conventional sense of being expatriated. However, his work and ideas often touched upon the notion of exile, especially in the context of cultural, emotional, and intellectual separation. As a writer, sociologist, and journalist in Brazil, Euclides da Cunha was always critical and provocative. He also held various academic and governmental positions, as his work continued to explore themes related to Brazilian society, history, and culture. And while not a traditionally exiled individual during two dictatorial regimes, his ideas and perspectives sometimes put him at odds with the predominantly intellectual and political norms of fin-de-siècle Brazil. His analytical and critical approach to Brazilian society, as evident in his magnum opus Rebellion in the Backlands (1902), challenged prevailing beliefs and led to conflicts with established authorities. His book exposed the brutality of the government’s military campaign against Canudos and raised questions about the treatment of marginalized communities in Brazil. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: journal@transformativestudies.org Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2024 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.]

Economic growth, largest-party vote shares, and electoral authoritarianism

Cross-national research on electoral authoritarianism has a limited understanding of the role of economic growth in bolstering ruling parties due to its focus on hegemonic or dominant-party regimes, which bases conclusions on ruling party success and eschews comparisons with other regimes. This paper demonstrates the importance of growth-induced election gains in electoral authoritarian regimes by comparing the impacts of growth on largest-party vote shares across all regimes. Examining legislative and executive elections for a sample of roughly 130 countries between 1945 and 2020, we show that growth consistently increases largest-party vote shares and that this relationship is stronger in less democratic regimes. The results highlight economic performance as an important channel through which parties in autocracies can legitimate their authority and consolidate control over future elections. We conclude by discussing several ways that growth supports increased electoral dominance by a ruling party.

Etatization of the Latvian song festival

ABSTRACT Based on Szymon Chodak’s macro-sociological theory of etatization, the article explores the dynamics of the etatization of the Latvian Song Festival across four historiographical periods: Russian Empire, the Republic of Latvia, the USSR, and the restored Republic of Latvia. The findings confirm Chodak’s argument that the increasing intervention of the state in a wide range of socio-economic processes is a general trend in Western civilization, showing that the most complete etatization of the Song Festival is taking place now, under democratic regimes, rather than under totalitarian and authoritarian regimes. For the descriptive analysis, a model of the three production fields (symbolic, practical, economic) of the Song Festival was created, which could be used to conduct more detailed empirical research in the future.

<b>The Imposition of Authoritarian State Sexualism:</b> <b>Theoretical Analysis of State Repression of Sexual Minority Groups Globally</b>

Numerous countries globally have governments who act to repress alternative sexual lifestyle groups. Such governments’ motives to rule in this manner are authoritarian, they wish to promote state controlled sexualism. Authoritarian state sexualism is the government's creation of a homogenized population who all think and act the same way, decided by the dominant ideology. This would include conformity with an authoritarian government of the day’s choice of sexual preference, which is virtually exclusively heterosexuality. This paper discusses covert and overt social engineering that takes place within authoritarian, socially repressive societies, which effectively drive sexual minority groups underground. Imposition of authoritarian state sexualism on people who live in sexually repressive societies, begins in their early years.

Democratic self-determination and the need for deliberation

I offer in this paper a new conception of democratic self-determination. My proposal defends Rafanelli's peaceful reform intervention from the concern that we should not promote justice abroad, because it would interfere with the self-determining choice of other people to select an authoritarian government. I challenge this influential view of authoritarian self-determination. I argue instead that self-determination should be democratic in its input, or the procedure deliberating and voting on the constitution. Self-determination should also be democratic in its output, or the constitution's rules. Democratic self-determination offers three important advantages: it joins self-determination indivisibly with other inalienable human rights, such as the human right to racial non-discrimination. Second, it guards against the problem of the false mandate, or authoritarians attempting to legitimate their autocratic rule using rigged referenda and suppressed debate. Third, democratic self-determination reduces the risk of ethnic conflict given the diversity of actual states. Democratic self-determination passes the a ctual deliberation test, since it has been vindicated by inclusive deliberation with people from diverse cultures.

Beyond Order and Progress: Legitimacy and Nation-Building in Military Brazil

Abstract Between 1964 and 1985, a military dictatorship in Brazil combined an arsenal of political instruments—surveillance, violent repression, and propaganda, among others—to justify its illegal rule. How did the Brazilian military regime attempt to justify its claim to power for more than two decades? What discursive strategies did it use to win popular support, despite the violence it perpetrated? This paper investigates how discourse is used to legitimize power and create meaning in authoritarian regimes. Using ethnographic content analysis of archival materials, I pinpoint and analyze three key discursive frames employed in regime propaganda: “defenders of democracy,” “Great Brazil” and “model citizenship.” I argue that the Brazilian military regime used these frames to justify its authority, forge national values and social norms, and redefine the boundaries of the national community. These findings not only contribute to our understanding of authoritarian power that is wielded and legitimized through discourse, but also speak to the enduring consequences of authoritarianism in sociopolitical subjects.

From public health to political repression: COVID-19 lockdown measure in Hong Kong's opposition districts

Repression comes with costs, such as reducing regime legitimacy and citizen conformity. The COVID-19 pandemic was an opportunity and a pretext for authoritarian regimes to repress their populations at a low cost. This paper examines the case of Hong Kong, where restriction-testing declarations (RTDs) were used as a lockdown measure to facilitate mandatory testing for the virus from January 2021 to September 2022. Despite the government's claim that RTDs were implemented for public health reasons, statistical analyses showed that Hong Kong districts that opposed the regime or those with a mobilization legacy were more likely to be subject to RTDs, with the opposition district effect present only when COVID-19 infections were low. These RTDs highlight the authoritarian regime's tradeoff in using a nonpolitical measure to achieve its political aims and illustrates the enduring impact of past election and mobilization activities on the choice of selective repression sites in Hong Kong.

Issues and Debates Surrounding the Cold War era in Africa

This paper examines the issues and debates surrounding the Cold War era in Africa, examining the impact of superpower rivalries on the political and social atmosphere of the continent. The research problem centers on understanding how Cold War politics impacted state-building processes and governance in African states. The primary objectives are to analyze the influence of U.S. and Soviet support on authoritarian regimes, assess the implications for human rights and democracy, and investigate the enduring legacy of these interventions in post-colonial Africa. The research argues that external interventions prioritized geopolitical interests over local sovereignty, fostering corruption and political instability. Utilizing historical methodology, the study relies on secondary sources, including books, journals, and online resources, to provide analysis. The findings reveal that Cold War patronage not only entrenched dictatorial regimes but also hindered the development of independent political institutions, leading to persistent challenges in governance. The paper concludes that understanding the implications of Cold War for Africa is germane for addressing contemporary issues of democracy, human rights, and development, emphasizing the need for a reassessment of external influences in influencing African political trajectories.