Right-wing Populist Research Articles

Individual drivers of toxicity in radical right-wing populist legislative campaigns

Most studies of political rhetoric examine only political leadership or treat parties as unified actors. However, what happens where electoral systems incentivise candidates to diverge from stated party messaging during campaigns? This article uses novel data on political experience and candidate backgrounds from the 2022 French parliamentary elections to explore the individual drivers of campaigning behaviour. The choice of France, with its multiple and prominent radical right-wing parties, allows for the consideration of both within- and between-party differences in individual campaigning. Using the salient example of toxic rhetoric, findings demonstrate that even when party leaders publicly urge moderation, individual candidates do not necessarily follow along. This implies the need for additional focus on the individual-level drivers of political semantics, especially where candidates are apt to campaign independently, using social media platforms to communicate directly with citizens.

A Conservative (R)Evolution? Constitutional–Political Crises, Trumpism, and Long-standing Trends of Conservative Transformations in the United States and Beyond

Starting from the most current developments in the legal and political processing of Donald J. Trump’s (post)presidency, this contribution highlights the persisting challenges to the constitutional, social, and political stability of democracy in the United States (U.S.). In particular, it outlines several dimensions of an enabling environment in which Trump(ism) could thrive. A key feature of this is the thorough and ever-growing asymmetry that has come to characterize the partisan political context in the United States and that directs our attention to the conservative side of the political spectrum: the Republican Party as its major organizational embodiment, as well as broader trends of conservative (trans)formation, including those related to the electorate, policies, institutions, civil society, and the media. Thus, this contribution underlines the importance of the multiple and often longer-term influences, conflicts, institutions, and conditions conducive to current developments, including, in particular, the range of actors that have been relevant in shaping them. Asymmetric polarization, economic inequality, and nationalist and anti-government (authoritarian–populist) tendencies and movements are among the factors that together pose the most serious threat to liberal democracy in the United States—and in “the West” more broadly. The introduction illustrates the importance of studying and reflecting upon the implications of the above trends, actors, and conditions for Germany and other European states, for transatlantic cooperation, and even for the global multilateral system as a whole. It concludes with an overview of the research articles in the special issue, outlining their individual as well as overlapping analytical interests and contributions.

Left Populism and the Education of Desire

AbstractThis paper mobilises the psychoanalytic concepts of desire and enjoyment to better understand how processes of education aimed at extending and defending democratic life might respond to and engage with populist politics. I approach this task by engaging with a particular vector of Mouffe and Laclau’s political philosophy, moving from a critique of liberal democracy’s rationalist pretensions to their insistence that left populism and its passionate construction of a ‘people’ is the central task facing radical politics. This attention to the libidinal basis of political identification locates them in a community of Left Lacanian thinkers who reframe the problems of democratic politics in terms of desire and enjoyment rather than miseducation or its lack. Whilst this position might suggest a binary choice between different analytical frames, I inquire into what insights are generated by theorising left populism as an ‘education of desire’. The paper is organised into four main parts: the opening discussion clarifies my understanding of education by engaging with the literature on educational agonism. The second section lays the groundwork for a critique of the way in which education is fetishized, in different ways, by liberals and radicals as a panacea for populist politics. The third section reframes democratic crisis as an enjoyment problem in order to better grasp the relationship between the liberal democratic disavowal of its own irrationality and the structure of right-wing populist enjoyment. The fourth section applies these insights to develop a critical analysis of what is at stake when we explicitly consider the left populist construction of a ‘people’ as an educational task. I conclude by drawing together and summarising the main features and considerations of left populism understood as an education of desire.

A dilemma of visibility: discursive opportunities, audiences, and anti-migrant protest strategy

ABSTRACT Why do collective actors sometimes choose not to expand their audiences, despite opportunities to do so? Combining Erving Goffman’s micro-sociological concept of audience segregation with social movement theory’s discussions of discursive opportunity, the article suggests that collective actors face a persistent dilemma between the benefits of growing audience reach and the difficulties of maintaining a coherent and credible front vis-à-vis an increasingly diverse audience. The argument is applied to a qualitative analysis of three different cases of anti-migrant protest from Sweden and from the wider EU. The cases consider how local protest campaigns respond to opportunities to reach national audiences, how the right-wing populist party Sweden Democrats (SD) chooses to engage or not engage with local campaigns, and how the pan-European Generation Identity (GI) decides to temporarily expand its communication toward a transnational audience. The analysis shows how actors’ responses to the dilemma generate very different effects out of similar and supposedly favorable discursive opportunities. The results contribute to the literature on anti-migrant protest specifically, and to the discussion of discursive opportunities generally.

Introduction: The Balkans

This journal has in recent years published the Spotlight series, consisting of articles which each attempt to provide an overview of the historiographical landscape in various European countries and major themes in European history. The articles have highlighted methodological developments, significant debates, and risks and challenges to historical scholarship from hostile political directions. To date, the series has included profiles of Ukrainian, Norwegian, Albanian, Hungarian, Italian, Serbian and French history, as well as insightful overviews of right-wing populism, migration history, and environmental and global history.

Transforming Marginalised Politics into Mainstream Agenda—“Shameless Normalisation”

In this paper, I discuss the swing to the (far-)right in (Austrian) party politics during the election campaign and national election on October 15, 2017. This transformation is caused, I claim, by a process of normalisation, an accommodation to the, sometimes also extreme-right, agenda of formerly right-wing populist parties such as the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). The election campaign of both the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) and the FPÖ focussed primarily on migration and refugee politics, based on a politics of fear and resentment. After first attempting to define the phenomenon of right-wing populism, I trace how tabooed and extreme right contents slowly became acceptable, as soon as the ÖVP shamelessly integrated some (not all) aspects of the FPÖ’s election program.

Digital diplomacy against international stigmatization: the Bukele case

Abstract The article addresses the diversity of digital diplomatic strategies used by governmental actors to fight international stigmatization. Faced with structural limitations, the leaders of small states use it to defend their political project's image or reputation when they come under international criticism for deviating from or transgressing international norms. Borrowing from Erving Goffman, I draw on the idea that social networks can be conceptualized as orders of interaction, in which digital diplomatic strategies can be put in place and international politicization and normative debates can develop. An examination of Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele's Twitter posts from January 2019 to May 2022, during a period of increasing international criticism regarding the authoritarian–populist drift in El Salvador, improves our knowledge of the diversity of digital diplomatic strategies. Consequently, this enlightens us on the constitutive elements of how small states manage their relationship with external actors, their image and status, and eventually how they challenge the international order, international norms and powers.

Opposition in Four Directions The Fragmentation and Polarization of Todays American Democratic Politics

With Donald Trump's defeat in the presidential election, America's right-wing populist and non-establishment political leader lost his former glory and was replaced by Joe Biden, who supported multiculturalism and the establishment. However, the end of the general election does not mean the end of the conflict and struggle between the four directions of right-wing populism and multiculturalism, non-establishment camp and establishment camp. The opposition in these four directions makes the dilemma of today's American democratic politics clear. The phenomenon of social division and political polarization deserves attention, and the study of the background and impact of the conflict can help analyze the social problems existing in the United States. The struggle between the left and the right and the establishment complexly exists between the two parties, triggering a series of chain reactions such as Hillary's defeat, Trump's political moves and the "Capitol Hill" incident, and further intensifying the intensity of the struggle. Relevant concepts about struggle will be elaborated, the historical factors of struggle will be traced, and its profound and widespread impact on American society will be analyzed.

Climbing out from being thrown under the bus: queer faith futures in a transphobic political world

ABSTRACT Since the achievement of marriage equality, culture wars focused on religion have intensified and the political spotlight has turned more sharply towards transgender and other gender-diverse people. Grounded in the experience of Australia’s first out transgender priest, this article explores these developments by focusing on the marginalisation of transgender and queer people of faith in queer activism and mainstream Australian churches during and after the Australian marriage-equality plebiscite. The normative cisgender assumptions underpinning the ‘yes’ campaign reflected the continuing marginalisation of queer people of faith in much secular LGBTIQ + advocacy and organising as well as the lack of progress in addressing gender-diverse people’s chief concerns. A political framework that gives agency to the voices and priorities of transgender and other queer people of faith is urgently needed to challenge the processes of othering and exclusion that predominate in right-wing populist and gender-critical quarters.

On the Psychodynamics of Right-Wing Populism: A Frommian Perspective

ABSTRACT The paper analyzes right-wing populism according to Erich Fromm’s social-psychoanalytic approach and using his social-characterological insights on authoritarianism and narcissism. Right-wing populism can be explained much more plausibly if it is understood as an expression of a reactive narcissistic identity construction rather than as a return of fascism and authoritarianism.

Populism, post-Marxism and Iran: an essay towards a decolonization of knowledge

This essay is an exposition of the philosophy of populism, a philosophy by and large inspired by Michel Foucault to herald the New Discourse called ‘post-Marxism' a term made famous by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe which would lay the foundations for not so much the secular New Social Movements comprising multiple issues like gay rights and environment, but ironically would be an apologia for right-wing populist movements based on messianic theologies. It claims that while post-Marxism wanted to jump over Marxism, in actuality it became partner to radical messianic politics as in the case of Foucault's ardent support for radical Shiite Islam in Iran. This essay concentrates on the theory of populism and connects it to the politics of messianism in Iran claiming that these theories of populism are theories created in Western universities comprising Eurocentric ideas based on the uncanny combination of the theory of the ‘essential spiritualism of Asia' and ‘biopolitics'. This essay claims that the contemporary politics of Shiite Islam in Iran have less to do with the internal history of Iran, and more to do with a form of ‘manufactured Islam' where Islamic radicals picked up Ali Shariati's existential rendering of ‘authenticity’ as jihad and martyrdom (shahadat) in order to mobilize the masses first against the shah and then in the bloody war against Iraq. It argues for a decolonization of knowledge that leads to the decoupling of the nineteenth and twentieth century European ideas of spiritualism and biopolitics in order that one is able to see non-Western societies as they are and not as they are imagined by Orientalist scholarship.

“Speed Matters”: Ontario’s strong-mayor reforms and the populist inversion of municipal democracy

This article explores how a Right-wing populist discursive ­framework, which mobilized popular resentment against progressive neoliberalism, secured consent for strong-mayor reforms in Ontario. A discourse analysis of the Hansard records reveals that a form of “Ford Nation” populism—which reconceptualizes the essence of democracy as being constituted by a strong executive with the speed and flexibility to respond to market demand—functioned as a necessary moment in a broader effort to preserve neoliberalism’s hegemony by situating it in a minoritarian institutional shell.

"Right-Wing Industrial Policy and Authoritarian Populism"

"Right-Wing Industrial Policy and Authoritarian Populism"

ІСТОРИЧНЕ ПІДҐРУНТЯ ТА СУСПІЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНІ ПЕРЕДУМОВИ СТВОРЕННЯ ПАРТІЇ АЛЬТЕРНАТИВА ДЛЯ НІМЕЧЧИНИ

Based on the analysis of sources, such as programmatic and pre-election documents of the Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland –AfD) party, materials of civic-political initiatives and formations that preceded its establishment, processing a range of informational, feature and statistical materials, taking into account the works of German, British, Swiss, and American researchers, authors aim to illuminate the historical preconditions and direct socio-political and socio-economic reasons of the emergence, stages of formation, and achievements of the AfD’s first electoral successes on the German political arena. It is established that in Germany, after the Second World War, alongside liberal-conservative and social-reformist parties, several right-wing populist or right-radical parties emerged. Their development occurred in three waves and was marked by legislative restrictions from the state, stigmatization from society, weakness of internal organizational structure, and competition from ruling parties, leading only to temporary electoral successes at the local level. The formation of the new right-wing populist party AfD was primarily influenced by the European debt crisis of 2010 and the Eurozone rescue policy of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government. The article extensively examines the main stages of the party’s genesis and development: the formation of the “Plenum der Ökonomen” in 2010, the “Bündnis Bürgerwille” in 2012, the political alliance “Wahlalternative 2013” and the actual establishment of the party in 2013. The main foundational and programmatic documents are analyzed, highlighting the idea of Germany’s exit from the Eurozone and return to a national currency as a recurring theme. Another important factor in the success of AfD in the early stages of its history was the party’s ability to unite those segments of German society that were skeptical of the integrationist European policies of the ruling parties. Undoubtedly, the refugee crisis that engulfed EU countries and Germany in particular in mid-2015 provided a powerful impetus for the party’s further development. By radicalizing its programmatic demands, AfD achieved sustained electoral success not only at the regional but also at the federal levels over several years.

From Military Prestige to Fragmented Prestige: Jair Bolsonaro and Authoritarian Populism in Brazil

From Military Prestige to Fragmented Prestige: Jair Bolsonaro and Authoritarian Populism in Brazil

"Look at My African American": On Authoritarian Populism, Blackness, and Celebrity

"Look at My African American": On Authoritarian Populism, Blackness, and Celebrity

Postmodern Interpretation of the Rise of Populism in Italy in the Context of the Offensive Against Liberal Democracy

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the rise of populism in Italy against the background of the crisis of liberal democracy. The aim of the work is to determine the influence of postmodern phenomena described by such scientists as J.F. Lyotard, J. Der Derian and J. Baudrillard, on the rise of populist parties and movements in Italy. The object of the study was the phenomena of the postmodern world. The subject of the work is their influence on the rise of populism and disillusionment with liberal democracy in Italy. Special attention is paid to the new challenges of the 2020s for Europe and especially for Italy, where populists have achieved particular success. Against the background of these challenges, the phenomena characteristic of the postmodern era made Europeans doubt the liberal democratic paradigm, which led to the strengthening of right-wing radicals and populists. The novelty of the study is directly highlighting the connection between the rise of populism in Europe and the crack of the liberal democratic paradigm against the background of the migration crisis, the coronavirus pandemic and the deterioration of relations with Russia due to the situation with Ukraine through the prism of the works of postmodern philosophers. In the course of the study, the author came to the conclusion that the postmodern processes of the modern world, such as the collapse of meta-narratives, global surveillance, the creation of myths, images and simulacra, are not correlated with the traditional representation of liberal democracy. Against the background of new challenges and threats, it discredits itself, which gives rise to the spread of populists who skillfully take advantage of the situation that has arisen. According to the results of the content analysis, it was confirmed that the opinion of populists depends on the current agenda. It has been hypothesized that the image of liberal democracy imposed by Europe does not correspond to the image of liberal democracy in the eyes of ordinary Italians, so they see the salvation of their roots and identity in populists.

Populist Neo-Nationalism: The Example of Austria

This article aims to analyze the phenomenon of populist neo-nationalism in Austria and answer the following research questions: 1. How can populism and its type of populist neo-nationalism be characterized?; 2. What are the determinants of populist neonationalism in Austria? 3. What are the ways populist neo-nationalism has been utilized in Austria? The Chantal Mouffe thesis was verified, according to which the development of populism is a response to the shortcomings of liberal and deliberative democracies. The research process used a methodology typical of the social sciences, especially the political sciences. Since the 1980s, we have addressed the growing importance of radical right-wing populism in European politics. Some researchers refer to this phenomenon as new populism or populist neo-nationalism. The party’s growing importance since 1986 was related, among other things, to the principles of Euroscepticism it proclaimed and its demands to limit or even ban immigration. The FPÖ’s achieved the most tremendous success under the government of Jörg Haider. Its entry into the ruling coalition has confused international relations.

Ein weiterer Erdrutschsieg: Die britischen Parlamentswahlen vom 4. Juli 2024

After 14 years in opposition, Labour is back in power . A governing party in conflict with itself, big and unresolved economic problems, and a Scottish National Party that managed to steer itself in a political cul-de-sac made change possible . The size of change is not least the result of the first-past-the-post electoral system and its disproportionality effects . These allowed the Labour Party to take 63 .4 per cent of the seats in Parliament with only 33 .7 per cent of votes . The British party system is more divided than ever before . The Liberal Democrats experienced a political comeback as alternative to the Conservatives, and the Green party made progress as an alternative to Labour . Reform UK, the party of the right-wing populist Nigel Farage, came third in the electoral contest with regard to vote totals . The lower turnout is surprising given the broader and stronger competition among parties . It reflects widespread disillusion among voters concerning politics, and the distancing of a growing number of people from the political process .

Taking Populism Seriously: A Focus on Global Economy and the International Organizations

The focus of this article is to explore the role of populism as a defining feature of the geo-political landscape in the 21st century. This review article examines the theories of populism exclusively and investigates the effects of populists’ backlash against the global economy and international organizations. By engaging in an in-depth review of the literature on the subject, this essay analyzes the various forms of populist backlashes against international organizations. First, I observed the various conceptualizations of populism and adopted the use of Qualitative Data Analysis software to analyze the contents of speeches and political statements of some populist leaders around the world. Second, this essay developed three ideal types of populism and illustrates the condition under which each of these typologies can exist or co-exist. Third, I assess the current literature on the populist backlash against international organizations and argue that although nationalism plays an essential role in the right-wing populist parties and governments in Europe, it is insufficient to explain the backlashes against the global economy and international organizations. Fourth, I combined the theories of populism with the literature on the backlash against international organizations and proposed three forms of backlash available to populist governments. Lastly, I developed a framework for the interaction between the three typologies of populism and these forms of backlashes. I concluded that compliance problems have increased in the face of the current waves of populism.