Australian Prime Minister Research Articles

Australia’s Refugee Policy

The image of three-year-old Aylan Kurdi’s body, washed up on a Turkish beach is only the most visible face among the large number of tragic deaths resulting from the perilous journey of the world’s desperate to reach safety. Over the years, the arrival of asylum-seekers to Australia has been an issue of significant political contestation. In October 2015 former Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott urged European leaders to follow Australia’s example and prevent the recent wave of Syrian refugees from crossing borders. Contrary to Abbott’s appeal, the ‘Australian Solution’ is a model neither Europe nor anyone else should follow. Australia’s refugee policies emerged not in response to the number of asylum-seeker arrivals, but rather as a political appeal to fear and segregation in order to scapegoat the Other. We outline Australia’s refugee policies over the previous two decades (1992–2015), discuss some of their negative consequences and the implications of the Australian model being adopted internationally. Finally, we propose alternative ways forward for both Australia and Europe.

Historical paper: The 2004 Proposal for the Structural Separation of Telstra

A comment by Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull on 23 October 2017 has re-awakened interest in the possibility that lay open in 2004 for the then Coalition government, of which Mr Turnbull was a member, to have preceded New Zealand in reaping the benefits of structural separation of the incumbent carrier. The paper “Revisiting the Stuctural Separation of Telstra”, published in the Spring 2004 issue of the Telecommunications Journal of Australia and republished below, provided not just the policy rationale for structural separation, but also detailed how it could have been achieved.

Historical paper: The 2004 Proposal for the Structural Separation of Telstra

A comment by Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull on 23 October 2017 has re-awakened interest in the possibility that lay open in 2004 for the then Coalition government, of which Mr Turnbull was a member, to have preceded New Zealand in reaping the benefits of structural separation of the incumbent carrier. The paper “Revisiting the Stuctural Separation of Telstra”, published in the Spring 2004 issue of the Telecommunications Journal of Australia and republished below, provided not just the policy rationale for structural separation, but also detailed how it could have been achieved.

The Effect of a Brand Transgression on a Politician’s Brand Resonance: The Case of Kevin Rudd

This study applies the concepts of brand resonance and brand transgression to the brand management of a political leader and, for the first time, proposes a framework linking these two concepts. Qualitative analysis was used to examine the case of Kevin Rudd, a former, once popular, Australian Prime Minister (2007–2010, 2013), and found that Rudd’s brand resonance was harmed as a result of a brand transgression. Specifically, a thematic analysis and semistructured interviews indicated that Rudd supporters’ behavioral loyalty, sense of community, and active engagement declined. This study provides support for the proposed framework and a base for future research in this area.

Ghosting Politics: Speechwriters, Speechmakers and the (Re)crafting of Identity

Despite public awareness of their role, speechwriters occupy an anxiously liminal position within the political process. As the ongoing dispute between former Australian prime minister Paul Keating and Don Watson over the Redfern Speech suggests, the authorship and ownership of speeches can be a fraught proposition, no matter the professional codes. Crafting and re-crafting identity places speechwriter and speechmaker in a relation of intense intimacy, one in which neither party may be comfortable and from which both may well emerge changed. Having written speeches for Jack Layton, former leader of the New Democratic Party of Canada, I know just how complex, uncertain and productive that relation can be. This article conceives of identity as transindividual, formed in the intensity and flux of encounter, and weaves together the personal and the critical to examine politics’ speechwriting ghost.

Art, Cold War Diplomacy and Commonwealth: Australian and Canadian Art at the Tate Gallery 1962–1964

ABSTRACTThis article analyses the formation, presentation and reception of two seminal exhibitions: Australian Painting: Colonial, Impressionist, Contemporary (1962–1963) and Canadian Painting 1939–1963 (1964). The presentation of these exhibitions at London’s Tate Gallery reflected the institution’s support for “old dominion” Commonwealth members. The exhibitions also highlight the differing visions of the Canadian and Australian governments concerning the relationship between art, diplomacy and politics during the Cold War. In Canada, Vincent Massey (Governor General 1952–1959) played a key role in ensuring that all forms of Canadian art were promoted internationally. Massey wanted to connect with the European and American avant-garde and to be part of a multiracial Commonwealth. This contrasted with the rather “old-fashioned” views of the Australian prime minister, Robert Menzies, and the Commonwealth Art Advisory Board. They supported a Commonwealth dominated by the “white dominions” and the initial exhibition plan for Australian Painting recalled previous British Empire art shows. The British response to the Canadian and Australian exhibitions is also discussed. British critics preferred the nationally identifiable “exotic” art found in Australian art to the transnational forms of international abstraction in Canadian art. Eventually, Australia “caught up” with Canadian cultural policy following the establishment of the Australia Council.

Whose Speech Is It Anyway? Ownership, Authorship, and the Redfern Address

Whose Speech Is It Anyway? Ownership, Authorship, and the Redfern Address

Ultra-High Field NMR and MRI—The Role of Magnet Technology to Increase Sensitivity and Specificity

History, of course, is difficult to write, if for no other reason, than that it has so many players and so many authors. – P. J. Keating (former Australian Prime Minister) Starting with post-war developments in nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) a race for stronger and stronger magnetic fields has begun in the 1950s to overcome the inherently low sensitivity of this promising method. Further challenges were larger magnet bores to accommodate small animals and eventually humans. Initially, resistive electromagnets with small pole distances, or sample volumes, and field strengths up to 2.35 T (or 100 MHz 1H frequency) were used in applications in physics, chemistry, and material science. This was followed by stronger and more stable (NbTi based) superconducting magnet technology typically implemented first for small-bore systems in analytical chemistry, biochemistry and structural biology, and eventually allowing larger horizontal-bore magnets with diameters large enough to fit small laboratory animals. By the end of the 1970s, first low-field resistive magnets big enough to accommodate humans were developed and superconducting whole-body systems followed. Currently, cutting-edge analytical NMR systems are available at proton frequencies up to 1 GHz (23.5 T) based on Nb3Sn at 1.9 K. A new 1.2 GHz system (28 T) at 1.9 K, operating in persistent mode but using a combination of low and high temperature multi-filament superconductors is to be released. Preclinical instruments range from small-bore animal systems with typically 600 - 800 MHz (14.1 - 18.8 T) up to 900 MHz (21 T) at 1.9 K. Human whole-body MRI systems currently operate up to 10.5 T. Hybrid combined superconducting and resistive electromagnets with even higher field strength of 45 T dc and 100 T pulsed, are available for material research, of course with smaller free bore diameters. This rather costly development towards higher and higher field strength is a consequence of the inherently low and, thus, urgently needed sensitivity in all NMR experiments. This review particularly describes and compares the developments in superconducting magnet technology and, thus, sensitivity in three fields of research: analytical NMR, biomedical and preclinical research, and human MRI and MRS, highlighting important steps and

‘A Stronger Man and a More Virile Character’: Australian Prime Ministers, Embodied Manhood and Political Authority in the Early Twentieth Century

In 1907 Andrew Fisher was evaluated as a ‘stronger man … and more virile character’ and therefore a better Australian Labor Party leader than Chris Watson. A key aspect of this assessment was his embodiment of respectable working-class manliness. One particularly overlooked aspect in the process of making men visible as men in Australian political history has been the male bodies of political leaders. This article offers the first systematic examination of the bodily practices and strategies of Alfred Deakin, George Reid and Andrew Fisher, three key players in the early formation of a two-party system in the decade following Federation. I seek to alter our understanding of political authority in the early federal period by examining how political contests played out using manhood – specifically, embodied manhood – as a key marker of political legitimacy.

Tourism Development and Whaling—Heritage as Sustainable Future

ABSTRACTWhaling in Japan suffers from entrenched positions by leadership, resigned to permanent disagreement (International Whaling Panel Discussion), as well as “activist impotence” observed in the failure to create dialogue or change policy. Australian Prime Minister Turnbull sites a difference of opinion rather than culture. There is impasse. A circuit breaker is required so an imaginative tourism-focused strategy is proposed in Taiji, Wakayama prefecture where events are created voicing narratives of tradition and sustainable futures based on a unique and sustainable past. Awareness through interpretive display, restored heritage, living museum, festivals and ceremony turns negative perceptions into positive. A current cultural deficit can be developed into a tourism asset, as Japan reclaims respect and unique industrial heritage. Transition from whaling to whale tourism has precedents (Australia and the US). Japan has its own remarkable place (Taiji), objects (Sekobune), practice (net whaling/drive hunting) and food culture (UNESCO classification) to present.

In the transformation of energy systems: what is holding Australia back?

Australia has had a strong GDP growth rate, is endowed with a diversity of renewable energy resources yet has been unable to unshackle its dependency on fossil fuels. Our study identifies causes underlying Australia’s underachievement in its transformation towards a renewable-energy economy. We apply a combined mixed-methods case-study and multi-criteria analysis to evaluate the greenhouse gas emissions and energy targets, policies and programs of four Australian Prime Ministers between 1996 and 2015. We identify four high-impact factors that contribute to Australia’s underachievement. The Prime Minister’s political stance on climate and energy is critical in setting the direction of government. The absence of target-driven policy frameworks results in less-effective policy outcomes. Orderly and cost-effective energy system transformation requires bipartisan, strategic long-term planning and substantial capital investment to provide policy certainty and stability that can induce new investment in renewable technologies and industries. Energy policy is primarily a political and ideological issue not one driven by underlying economic conditions. Going forward, Australia must achieve a bipartisan position on climate and energy policy at both federal and state levels. This will provide long-term certainty and stability to support investment in renewable energy and so doing achieve international emission reduction obligations.

New(s) Readers: Multimodal Meaning-Making in AJ+ Captioned Video

New(s) Readers: Multimodal Meaning-Making in AJ+ Captioned Video

Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia

Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.

Direito e argumento por um mundo culturalmente diversificado: como não comunicar

This paper reviews the role of discourse in law and public life and identifies threats to the polity from malicious forms of communication. In addition to its role in legal argument, communication is fundamental to public debate in the formation of laws and policies, and it constitutes the social and political fabric through the use of forms of address and recognition of others. This argument builds on aspects of discourse theory and feminist and other critiques of it that suggest that it applies to a narrow community of discourse, and so excludes other cultures. It takes a broad view of participants in public debate, which necessarily crosses national and cultural borders. Responsible communication demands that we argue in good faith, truthfully and coherently, and that we recognize our partners in discussion, both for who they are and for their place in a shared community. The paper argues that public discourse has sunk to dangerous levels in the present century, citing examples of bad faith, provocation and insult from Australian prime ministers (2002, 2015) and presidential candidates in France (2005) and the United States (2016). It concludes that lying, incoherence, self-contradiction, insult and injury fall outside the bounds of public discourse. Rapid communicative intervention is needed to identify each of these malicious forms of communication as a betrayal of the civic public, before it provokes the next vicious response.

The essay as polemical performance: ‘salted genitalia’ and the ‘gender card’

On October 9, 2012, the then Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard rose to her feet in Canberra’s Parliament House, and, in response to a motion tabled by Opposition Leader Tony Abbott, delivered her blistering Misogyny Speech. Although Gillard’s speech was met with cynicism by the Australian Press Gallery, some accusing her of playing the ‘gender card’, it reverberated around the world and when the international coverage poured back into the country, many Australians stood up and listened. One of them was author, essayist, classical concert pianist and mother, Anna Goldsworthy. Shortly after the delivery of The Misogyny Speech, Quarterly Essay editor Chris Feik approached Goldsworthy to write the 50th essay for the Black Inc. publication with his idea to view this event through a cultural lens. It took several months to research and compose the characteristically long-form (25,000 word) essay that Quarterly Essay publishes every three months as a single volume; ‘Unfinished Business: Sex, Freedom and Misogyny’ was launched at the Wheeler Centre in Melbourne on July 1, 2013, five days after Julia Gillard was deposed from her prime ministership by Kevin Rudd. This paper takes a look back at the 50th issue of the Quarterly Essay, to discuss with its author her essay-writing process and the aftermath of publication. Goldsworthy is erudite as she looks at the construction of the essay, its contents, and her love of essay writing. Although she confesses to not having a definition for the form, she believes it does not matter; that its fluidity is a basic constituent element. Her love of language and music inform both the breadth of her essay, as well as its narrative – there is lyricism to her sentences and a musicality to her structure. This paper also contextualises ‘Unfinished Business’ as an example of the crucial longform essay contribution that Black Inc.’s Quarterly Essay performs in the Australian literary/political/cultural/intellectual environment. There were critics of Goldsworthy’s essay, and these are assessed as a component of how ‘the essay’ potentially can function in a liberal First-World society, as demonstrated by the Quarterly Essay periodical.

Mediatising politics and Australian Indigenous recognition: a critical analysis of two landmark speeches

ABSTRACTThis article examines the way in which Australian political discourse and the mediatisation process has contributed to the communication of Indigenous recognition in Australia. In particular, it draws upon two key Prime Ministerial speeches from the past 25 years which dealt specifically with issues of colonisation and maltreatment of Australia’s First Nations peoples. We use Strömbäck’s four phases of mediatisation as a conceptual framework. The first speech is then Prime Minister Paul Keating’s 1992 ‘Redfern Park’ address in which he descriptively acknowledges the invasion of the land by white settlers and its impact on Indigenous peoples; the second, the 2008 ‘Apology’ speech of then newly elected Prime Minister Kevin Rudd in which he apologised to the country’s ‘Stolen Generations’ of First Nations’ people for previous government policies which removed Indigenous children from their families and placed them into white care. These speeches represent significant moments in Australian history and will be examined as case studies, cast within the developing theory of mediatisation. It is our proposition that the two speeches are situated at different entry points of the four-phased continuum of mediatisation and, as such, provide illustrations of the theory in action. Further, these case studies provide an original lens to examine the communication of Indigenous maltreatment and disadvantage – through the ways in which two Australian Prime Ministers presented these issues, through the media, to the Australian public.

Roundtable: The Trump Presidency and Southeast Asia

The accession of Donald Trump to the US presidency has triggered serious discussion within Australia's policy community over the future of Australia-US security relations and Australia's role in Southeast During his first days in office, President Trump pulled out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade deal, an integral part of his predecessor's pivot strategy towards Asia and an initiative strongly supported by the Australian government. The United States' withdrawal from the TPP has led various Australian commentators to question Washington's commitment to maintain a viable economic and strategic presence in the Asia Pacific. (1) Such uncertainty is aggravated by Canberra's growing disquiet over intensified tensions between China and the United States in the South China Sea. President Trump's posture of challenging Chinese sovereign control over its man-made islands in the South China Sea has increased Australian concerns that it could soon face the nightmare of being compelled to choose between its largest trading partner--China--and its long-term security ally--the United States--if the two Great Powers were to clash militarily in Southeast Asia's critical maritime littorals. (2) ASEAN Fragility and Australia's Concerns Shortly after Trump's election victory, former Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating called for Australia to cut the tag of unmitigated support for US foreign policies and recognize that our future is basically in the region around us, in Southeast Asia. (3) Since its inception in 2011, successive Australian governments had extended unqualified backing to the Barack Obama administration's pivot strategy which was largely designed to reassure members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that Washington was committed to playing a vigorous and sustained strategic and economic role in Southeast Asia in the face of China's rising power. (4) Trump's decision to withdraw America from the TPP undercut Australia's commitment to regional order-building by pursuing multilateral free trade arrangements and promoting an inclusive approach to shaping future rules for security conduct in Comments by Trump's nominee for US Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, during his confirmation testimony before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee--that the new administration would reserve the prerogative to resort to military force to oppose Chinese territorial claims and would ask US regional allies to provide backup for any such military operation--exacerbated Australian uncertainties about future US policy directions. Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop reiterated that her government's position would remain consistent: the South China Sea dispute should be settled by international law. For the Australian government to respond to such hypothetical situations prematurely, Bishop noted, would not be appropriate. (5) However, Keating and other Australian critics warned that any such US action would be tantamount to initiating a Sino--American war that would disrupt Australia's vital sea lines of communication (SLOCs), devastate its economy, and render global security null and void. Australia, he insisted, should tell the Trump administration from the get-go that it would not be a part of such adventurism. (6) ASEAN's brittleness in the absence of a regionally engaged United States ranks as perhaps Australia's most fundamental concern about Southeast As ASEAN's self-appointed locomotive, Indonesia's willingness to push back against China's maritime expansion southwards--in conjunction with China's territorial claims embodied in the so-called line--is viewed by Australian policy planners as increasingly critical. While Indonesia is not formally involved in the South China Sea dispute, and its control of the geographically critical Natuna Islands has not been formally challenged by Beijing, some Chinese maps have demarcated Indonesia's 200 nautical miles exclusive economic zone (EEZ) as being partly inside the nine-dash line. …

The first 50 years of the JPPR – a proud journey

The first 50 years of the <scp>JPPR</scp> – a proud journey

Evaluating an enrichment program in early childhood: a multi-methods approach

This article reports on the evaluation of one topic in an enrichment program designed for children in their early years of learning. The program is responsive to an increased understanding of the benefits for very young children of programs that not only take advantage of the sensitive periods for learning but that also assist parents to a take a proactive approach to their children's early learning (Australian Prime Minister's Science, Engineering and Innovation Council, 2009).The program being evaluated was delivered to a group of pre-preparatory students in five sessions over a period of two weeks. Data were collected using questionnaires, photographic and film recordings and field notes to ascertain the effectiveness of the program with regard to students demonstrating increased interest in the topic, in this case flowers, as well as to provide basic concepts of the topic. The term 'brain file' is introduced to encompass evidence of both interest and a basic concept or understanding. The findings reveal that participation in the enrichment program had a positive impact on students' interest in flowers. The instruction received through the enrichment program curriculum increased students' basic concept of flowers. In addition, the enrichment program had a positive impact on parental involvement in the learning process as measured by parent feedback. This research points to the potential of young children to develop brain files, which incorporate the notion of incr eased interest in and greater understanding of the topic. An enrichment program based on the principle of providing young children with starting points for learning has the potential to make a unique and valuable contribution to early learning.International Research in Early Childhood Education, vol. 6, no. 1, p. 38-61

Explaining the Turmoil at the Top of Australian Politics and the Implications for India

Five Australian prime ministers have come and gone in the past five years. The turbulence at the top, however, is likely over because Malcolm Turnbull, the leader of the conservative Liberal Party, is likely to remain in the prime minister’s office for several years. This article first provides some background to the Australian political system before explaining why so prime ministers came and went between 2010 and 2015. It then considers the implications of all this for Australian foreign policy. The argument is simple: despite the constant personnel changes at the pinnacle of power there are actually few ‘deep’ differences between the two parties – or their leaders – in the realm of foreign policy. There are some differences, of course, so the final section considers the potential for changes in several policy-areas – climate change, national security, trade policy and asylum seekers – but any potential changes are judged likely to be minor and incremental. The article then finishes with consideration of what all of this means for India and, again, the conclusion is simple; it is likely to be ‘business as usual’ as Canberra tries to steadily improve the bilateral relationship in both security and economic terms.