Elite Attitudes Research Articles

اتجاهات النخبة الکوردیة نحو دور برامج الحوار التلیفزیونی فی دعم عملیات التغییر الاجتماعی برنامج (Legel Renj) نموذجاً : دراسة میدانیة

الملخص: سعت الدراسة إلى التأکد من دعم البرامج الحواري لإحداث التغيير المعرفي لدى مشاهديها، والکشف عن الإستراتيجيات التي يتم من خلالها دعم البرامج الحوارية لعمليات التغير المعرفي والتأکد من دعم البرامج الحوارية لإحداث التغيير في سلوک مشاهديها، وتنتمي هذه الدراسة إلى البحوث الوصفية ، وقد اعتمد الباحث على أداة استمارة الاستقصاء على عينة عمدية قوامها(100) مفردة من النخب المعرفية في إقليم کوردستان ذکورا وإناثا وبالأخص في مجالات ( التدريس الجامعي والأدب والفن والثقافة العامة والصحافة) في إقليم کوردستان الثلاث ( السليمانية، أربيل، دهوک)، وقد انتهت الدراسة إلى عدد من النتائج أهمها: اهتمام البرامج الحوارية في الفضائيات الکوردية والمتمثلة ببرنامج (Legel Renj) بدعم التغيرات المعرفية المختلفة من خلال جمع المعلومات المتعلقة بمضامين التغير الاجتماعي وتوزيعها على المشاهدين، کشف وتوضيح الأمور الغامضة والخفية التي تحدث في المجتمع، وتفسير مايجري في المجتمع من الظواهر والقضايا المتعلقة بالتغير الاجتماعي وتحليلها. اهتمام البرامج الحوارية في الفضائيات الکوردية بدعم التغيرات في المواقف فردا وجماعات وذلک عن طريق إثارة الشکوک حول مايجري في المجتمع من القضايا والأمور وإفرازاتها الاجتماعية، وإنتاج المعارف والحقائق الجديدة بشأن مايجري في المجتمع ودورهم فيها. اهتمام البرامج الحوارية في الفضائيات الکوردية بدعم التغيرات في السلوک فردا وجماعات وذلک عن طريق تحريک عواطف أفراد المجتمع وإفهامهم بضرورة إحداث التغيرات في سلوکهم، وتحريک العقول لإقناع المشاهد بضرورتهااعتمادا على الأدلة والبراهين الموضوعية والملموسة، وتکرار الرسائل التليفزيونية المتعلقة بقضايا ومضامين التغيرات السلوکية لإقناع المشاهدين بضرورتها. دعم واهتمام البرامج الحوارية في الفضائيات الکوردية بدعم التغيرات القيمية من خلال تقييم القيم السائدة ومقارنتها بالأخريات الأکثر عصرية منها، وتوظيف آليات التخويف وصناعة القلق موضوعيا بهدف إقناع المشاهدين بضرورة التغيرات في القيم العائقة للتغير الاجتماعي. Title: Attitude of the Kurdish elite towards the role of television's talk shows in support of social change processes (Legel Renj) model. Researcher name: Dr. Haimen Majeed Hassan & Dr. Ibtisam Ismail Abdullah Department of Media / University of Sulaymaniyah. Summary: The study sought to ensure the support of talk shows to cause cognitive change among its viewers, and to uncover the strategies through which the dialogue programs are supported to processes of cognitive change and make sure to support the talk programs to make a change in the behavior of viewers, and this study belongs to descriptive research, the researcher relied on a tool The questionnaire was based on a 100-member sample of male and female elites in the Kurdistan Region, particularly in the fields of (university teaching, literature, art, public culture and journalism) in the three Kurdistan Region (Sulaymaniyah, Erbil, Dohuk). And the study concluded to the following results: 1-The interest of the talk shows in the Kurdish satellite channels represented by the program (Legel Renj) to support the various cognitive changes through the collection of information on the content of social change and distribution to viewers, to detect and clarify the mysterious and hidden things that are happening in society, and to explain what is happening in the community of phenomena and issues related to social change and analysis. 2-The interest of the talk shows in the Kurdish satellite channels to support changes in attitudes individually and in groups by raising doubts about what is happening in the community of issues and matters and their social consequences, and the production of new knowledge and facts about what is happening in society and their role in it. 3-The interest of the talk shows in the Kurdish satellite channels to support the changes in the behavior of individuals and groups. 4-By moving the emotions of members of society and understanding them to make changes in their behavior, and moving minds to convince the viewer of their necessity, based on objective and concrete evidence, and the repetition of television messages on the issues and implications of behavioral changes to convince viewers of the necessity.

Referendum w opinii elit politycznych III RP

This draft was inspired by the intention to describe the attitude of the political elites of contemporary Poland to referendums at the national level. To this end, reference is made to the opinions voiced in the period 1989–2011. Consequently, the analysis spans the experience of twenty two years, which is a sufficient period to identify certain regularities. The surveys conducted indicate that Polish citizens have the right to participate in a referendum, but they do not have a right to referendum, that is to initiate a public vote. This shape of the legal foundations for national referendum is a consequence of the fact that political elites are inclined to apply this institution of direct democracy only provided that it is beneficial to them. Therefore, at the national level there is only a top-bottom referendum (supervised by the political elite). It appears that it contradicts the possibility of treating this institution of direct democracy as equal to representative forms of governance.

Elite Attitudes on the Centralization of Power in Canadian Political Executives: A Survey of Former Canadian Provincial and Federal Cabinet Ministers, 2000–2010

Abstract.In contemporary Canada, the idea of the powerful first minister is widely acknowledged. The recent debate has focused on Donald Savoie's thesis that the concentration of power to the centre has accelerated and ministers have effectively lost their influence on decision making in cabinet. This article identifies two research gaps. First, the study combines both the experiences of federal and provincial cabinet ministers to construct an understanding of Canadian cabinet decision making at both levels of government. Second, the research investigates the new generation of cabinet ministers; no study has yet consulted ministers of the 2000–2010 decade.Résumé.Dans le Canada contemporain, l'idée du premier ministre puissant est largement reconnue. Le débat récent s'est fixé sur la thèse de Donald Savoie que la concentration de pouvoir au centre a accéléré de le et les ministres ont perdu efficacement leur influence sur la prise de décision dans le cabinet. Cet article identifie deux écarts de recherche. Premièrement, l'étude combine les deux les expériences de ministres fédéraux et provinciaux pour construire une compréhension de prise de décision ministérielle Canadienne aux deux niveaux de gouvernement. Deuxième, la recherche examine la nouvelle génération de ministres – aucune étude a consulté pourtant des ministres de la 2000–2010 décennie.

The Structure of Issue Attitudes Revisited: A Dimensional Analysis of Austrian Voters and Party Elites

In this article we analyze how issue attitudes of Austrian voters and political elites are ideologically structured. Our mass and elite data are based on the Austrian National Election Study (AUTNES) and allow for direct comparisons of the demand side (voters) and the supply side (party elites). Testing four different models from the literature with Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA), we find that politicians' attitudes correspond to two- as well as three-dimensional configurations with quite strongly correlated economic and cultural dimensions. Voters' attitudes, by contrast, are not explained by any of the four models. This result casts some doubt on the existence of any strong ideological structure of attitudes in the mass public and therefore also questions the use of abstract concepts such as left–right to study the attitudinal congruence of representatives and voters.

Russian political mentalities: a Psychosemantic study of the political mind of the contemporary Russian political elite.

Abstract This article presents an analysis of political attitudes of the Russian political elite. The study includes a typology of the spectrum of political ideas and values which are actually existing in the Russia. The aim is to reveal problems on the basis of which consensus and harmonization of different political groups can be reached. In the framework of a psycho-semantic approach there was developed a special questionnaire. Different methods of multivariate statistics were used for studying the structure of political thoughts, to construct a typology of political points of view, and to classify respondents according to their political attitudes. Keywords: Political consciousness – political attitudes – psycho-semantics – multivariate statistics. ----- Bibliography: Mitina, Olga/Petrenko, Victor: Russian political mentalities: a Psychosemantic study of the political mind of the contemporary Russian political elite., PCS, 1-2013, pp. 35-50. https://doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v4i1.19789

Were political elite attitudes toward immigration securitized after 11 September? Survey evidence from the European Parliament

Were political elite attitudes toward immigration securitized after 11 September? Survey evidence from the European Parliament

Reconciling custom, citizenship and colonial legacies: Ni‐Vanuatu tertiary student attitudes to national identity

AbstractNation‐building remains a key challenge in Vanuatu. From the origins of this new nation in 1980, it was clear that creating a unifying sense of national identity and political community from multiple languages and diverse traditional cultures would be difficult. This paper presents new survey and focus group data on attitudes to national identity among tertiary students in Vanuatu. The survey identifies areas of common attitudes towards nationalism and national identity, shared by both Anglophone and Francophone Ni‐Vanuatu. However, despite the weakening ties between language of education and political affiliation over recent years, the findings suggest that there remain some key areas of strong association between socio‐linguistic background, and attitudes to the nation, and national identity. These findings cast new light on the attitudes of likely future elites towards regional, ethnic, intergenerational and linguistic fault lines in Vanuatu and the challenges of building a cohesive sense of political community and national identity.

Pautas de orientación socioeconómica y perfil ideológico de los senadores en el cono sur

En el artículo se comparan el autoposicionamiento ideológico de los senadores en cuatro países sudamericanos –Argentina, Brasil, Chile y Uruguay– en una escala izquierda derecha y sus opiniones sobre diferentes temas socioeconómicos. Se confrontan las actitudes a nivel de la élite parlamentaria (incluyendo los diputados) con resultados de encuestas de opinión pública.

The Constitution Before the Judgment Seat: The Prehistory and Ratification of the American Constitution, 1787-91 by Jürgen Heideking (review)

The Constitution Before the Judgment Seat: The Prehistory and Ratification of the American Constitution, 1787-91. By Jurgen Heideking, ed. John P. Kaminski and Richard Leffler. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012. Pp. 584. Cloth, $45.00.)Reviewed by David J. SiemersThe Constitution Before the Judgment Seat is a revised version of Jurgen Heideking's award-winning 1988 book, which was originally published in German. Heideking was preparing the manuscript for release in English in 2000, the year he died tragically in a car accident. Twelve years later, thanks to editors John P. Kaminski and Richard Leffler, Heideking's work is finally available in English.The long delay in the appearance of this book prompts some unusual questions: Can a book nearly a quarter-century old make fresh contributions to the study of the ratification of the Constitution? Have its arguments been replicated (or refuted) by other scholars? Can a book retroactively achieve the status of a classic work in the field if few scholars have ever had a chance to read it? In short, what is the status and utility of a book which, because of very unusual circumstances, appears before us as if out of a time machine?Gladly, this book shows few signs of wear. The Constitution Before the Judgment Seat instantly becomes the most definitive one-volume account of the Constitution's ratification. It becomes so not just for its accuracy but also because of its scope. Heideking admirably sets context, providing background information on conditions in the immediate postRevolution period, on public and elite attitudes and ideologies, and on the nature of private correspondence and public dialogue during the era. He also extends his analysis forward, including chapters on the festive culture that celebrated ratification and on the process that eventually produced the Bill of Rights. In between are two long chapters on Party Formation and Convention Elections and State Ratifying Conventions.In each matter it tackles the book is full of original quotes from a breathtaking array of sources. Heideking was among the initial set of scholars to take advantage of the compilations offered by several modern documentary history projects, and it shows. His own observations are rigorously backed by the documentary record, rarely speculative, and almost always sound. Because it appears now, however, the book is not particularly path breaking. With few exceptions Heideking reinforces what we already know (or at least what we think we know) about the ratification era. Thus established scholars may find this book's use primarily as a quicker reference to essential source material than the Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution and as a source of clear, sound summary quotes.Nevertheless, a generation of graduate students will be reading this book with great profit. They will also, no doubt, be assigned projects that will outline the subsequent historiography of one of the topics it treats and then define a new project of their own in that area. The work's sheer breadth opens many such avenues. By contrast, recent scholarship has tended to break down the Constitution's founding into smaller constituent pieces. That is a logical historiographical progression, as scholars produce more fine-grained analyses. The appearance of The Constitution Before the Judgment Seat is a reminder of the significant integrative value of more comprehensive approaches.So many works pertaining to the subject matter of this book have been written since 1988 that it is impossible to do justice to them. …

The Arab Gulf States: Balancing Regional Security and Domestic Political Changes

This essay discusses two recent books about the Arab Gulf states that focus on regional security and domestic political change, respectively. The books are evaluated in light of the 2011 Arab uprisings, with an eye toward raising several new questions for future research: Regarding the Gulf’s regional security, have the 2011 uprisings changed attitudes among the Arab Gulf states’ ruling elites concerning the possibility of moving away from separate U.S. security guarantees toward a more self-reliant collective security mechanism? Regarding domestic political change, how have the 2011 uprisings reshaped popular and elite attitudes about popular participation? These two volumes are valuable resources for any future research related to these issues.

Политическое переосмысление советского прошлого: установки и действия литовских элит

Different political elite groups of post-communist Lithuania offer different accounts of the Soviet past. Even twenty years later, after the collapse of communism Lithuanian politicians (with the exception of certain conservative anti-nostalgic leaders allied with some populists) still do not have a unified and coherent view on the Soviet political and social practices, truths, and methods. However, conservatives are very consistent in their restrictive views about the past and are willing to engage in propagating decision-making that prevents them from repeating the actions of the past. Social democrats, liberals, and populists are much more internally divided and tend to display lukewarm attitudes towards the Soviet past and its political reconsideration. Yet, the present analysis of the adopted laws and public policies, alongside a study on the attitudes of political elites make it possible to conclude that anti-nostalgia, the negative assessment of the Soviet life-style, criticism of it and attempts to keep the former Soviet decision makers out of Lithuania’s public administration are key ways of treating the past in Lithuania. All efforts to accommodate a more permissive attitude towards the Soviet past and civil servants whose career began under the Soviets do not find much support within the Lithuanian elite.

Wpływ kryzysu Kościoła powszechnego na społeczeństwo polskie w pierwszej połowie XV wieku. Wybrane zagadnienia

The author, on the basis of chosen examples, discusses the influence of the crisis in the Universal Church in the 15th century on the conduct of the inhabitants of the Polish Kingdom. A particular emphasis was put on the analysis of the period of so called the Schism of Basel between 1439 and 1449, nevertheless, the period of Pisa and Constance Councils have not been omitted. The author does not only focus on the conduct and attitudes of secular and church elites but also tries to investigate how the religious condition in the Universal Church affected common subjects of Polish monarchs. The author uses examples from the life of townspeople and various monastic communities or religious orders. He extensively elaborates on pardons granted by councils, popes, cardinals and bishops. The author also emphasises the difficulties in interpreting some source documents. The documents dating from the time of the Council of Basel have been subjected to closest scrutiny. The issue so far has not been extensively discussed in subject literature, which motivated the author to try and get some insight into the problem. This is why in effect, only the most interesting aspects for the author have been reflected in the work. Undoubtedly they require further analysis and research especially including manuscript sources.

Muslims and Religious Liberty in the Era of 9/11: Empirical Evidence from the Federal Courts

In our continuing empirical study of religious liberty decisions in the federal courts, American Muslims were at a distinct and substantial disadvantage in raising free exercise or accommodation claims between 1996 and 2005. Holding other variables constant, the likelihood of success for non-Muslim claimants in religious free exercise claims was 38 percent, while the probability of success for Muslim claimants fell to 22 percent (with the disparity being even higher among court of appeals judges). In sum, Muslim claimants had only about half the chance to receive accommodation that was enjoyed by claimants from other religious communities.Drawing on insights from legal studies, political science, and social and cognitive psychology, we discuss alternative explanations for this result, including (1) a cultural antipathy to Muslims as a minority religion outside the modern American religious triumvirate of Protestants, Catholics, and Jews; (2) growing secularism in certain sectors of society along with opposition to groups holding traditional religious values; (3) the possibility that claims made by Muslims are weaker and deserve to be rejected on the merits; and (4) the perception that followers of Islam pose a security danger to the United States, especially in an era of terrorist anxiety. As a new threat to religious liberty, the persistent uneasiness of many Americans about Muslims appears to have filtered into the attitudes of such well-educated and independent elites as federal judges.

Global Prospects for the Development of Unconventional Gas

The fast and large-scale development of unconventional natural gas in North America created a new geopolitical and economic situation in the world. Discovery of large deposits of shale gas triggered a quiet revolution on the local market. Unconventional gas in its various forms has also been found in other parts of the world, giving an opportunity for many countries to lower their import dependence and strengthen their energy security. The rise of unconventional forms of oil and gas and a fast shift from the traditional producers to plentiful domestic resources could present the beginning of a new era in global energy affairs. But the extraction of these resources has also been marked by different attitudes of political elites, business representatives and the public, mostly because of their economic and environmental impacts. In this paper, we will focus on the global perspective of the development of unconventional gas based on the assessment of relevant risks and implications on a global scale.

PARTISIPASI PRIA DALAM PROGRAM KELUARGA BERENCANA (KB)

This article discusses the factors influence man participation in family planning program by using Preced of Green Behavioral Approach. The limited man participation in family planning because of the factor of predisposing actors which consist of knowledge, attitude, confidence, value, curltural, and perception, with reference to someone motivation or group to act. Enabling factors like personal or community resource and skill. The reinforcing factors is the determining factor whether the health action obtained support or not. This factor is a represent factor (incoming after) like attitude and behavior of elite community, religion figure, behavior and attitude all the officer including officer of health.

‘One country, three systems’: The recruitment of administrative elites in Portugal, 1999–2009

Abstract What is the position of the Portuguese administrative elites in terms of professional autonomy and politicization recruitment patterns? In Portugal there prevails a pattern of professional autonomy at central government; however, this pattern has certain clientelist traits at the local administrative level. The Portuguese case also reveals a new kind of politicization in public administration agencies – in line with what happens in other Western democracies. Portugal has a hybrid administrative elite recruitment pattern, containing elements of professional autonomy at the central government, elements of political control at the agencies level and even clientelist elements at the state local branches.

Constructivism, Social Psychology, and Elite Attitude Change: Lessons from an Exhausted Research Program

Over the past decade, constructivist students of international relations have argued that national preferences are shaped at least in part by socially constructed norms and understandings at the international level. Students of the European Union in particular have argued that national officials may be socialized in the EU’s deeply institutionalized setting into new understandings of their own preferences and identities, and EU scholars have begun to test these claims empirically. The aim of this paper is simply to serve as a sort of prologue - and a warning - to this new generation of empirical researchers. More specifically, I demonstrate how, four decades before constructivist analyses became well known in international relations, students of social psychology predicted that participants in international organizations like the United Nations and the European Community would become socialized into new international roles, and as a result would experience cognitive and affective attitude changes making them more 'international' or “European” in outlook. In the 1960s and 1970s, these social psychologists and integration theorists undertook a collective, decades-long research program, extensively surveying participants in both global and regional organizations. Yet these scholars, in spite of the range and sophistication of their empirical research methods, found little or no evidence of the predicted attitude changes, and the generally positive attitudes toward international organizations found among many such participants could be attributed to self-selection rather than socialization in those organizations.

Managing the Prospect of Famine: Cape Verdean Officials, Subsistence Emergencies, and the Change of Elite Attitudes During Portugal's Late Colonial Phase, 1939–1961

In early 1959, Luiz Rendall Silva, Cape Verdean administrator of the concelho (district) of Fogo, on the volcano island of that name in the Sotavento group (Leeward Islands), wrote a very energetic report to his Portuguese superiors. He complained to the Governor of Cape Verde about the lack of decisiveness in Portugal's colonial welfare policy, and about the absence of clear programmes for the future of the islands. In his words, he wished “for the improvement of the Cape Verdean land and for the benefit of its populations, and for a more visible advancement of the civilising mission.”

Current state of public sector performance management in seven selected countries

PurposeThis paper seeks to extend the analysis of performance management regimes by Bouckaert and Halligan to other countries in order to contribute to the developing theory of forms and challenges in public sector performance management.Design/methodology/approachThe state of performance management and the context in which it has evolved is assessed in seven different countries using dimensions drawn from Bouckaert and Halligan's work along with elements from earlier work by Pollitt and Bouckaert. These are summarized in a table and comparisons made to generate additional insights into the factors that influence the shape and speed of public management evolution.FindingsThe paper finds that the Bouckaert and Halligan framework for analyzing public sector performance management is useful, albeit with some modifications. Specifically, it finds that administrative culture is a key factor influencing the speed of reform and that the attitude of elites (politicians and civil servants, in most cases) is also a vital piece of the puzzle that was not included in Bouckaert and Halligan, but did appear in the earlier framework of Pollitt and Bouckaert. It also finds evidence that economic and political crises occurring together accelerate the introduction of integrated performance management systems, but that trust in government does not appear to be a significant factor. Finally, the paper observes that, absent political crisis/commitment, governments will prioritise “external” performance measures such as customer service, participation and transparency objectives over “internal” performance measures such as financial, staff management and whole of government reporting.Originality/valueThe countries studied provide a rare insight into lesser‐known performance management regimes and the use of the Bouckaert and Halligan framework allows for comparisons to earlier (and future) research. The findings will be of interest to scholars in public administration reform and performance management.

TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AS AN ELITE DISCOURSE

Nepal's Maoist insurgency emerged out of a highly unequal society in which indigenous, lower castes, and women were subject to systematic social, political, and economic exclusion. This study seeks to understand how post-conflict agendas to address Nepal's violent past emerge, and it compares the agendas articulated by indigenous victims of the conflict from a remote rural district with the agenda of civil society, which is dominated by Kathmandu-based elites and uses the language of “transitional justice.” An empirical study has been made of the needs of transition of families of those disappeared during the conflict in the midwestern district of Bardiya, the worst affected by disappearances during the insurgency. The agenda of families that surfaces from this study is then compared and contrasted with that articulated by those leading advocacy for transitional justice in Nepal, namely, national and international human rights agencies. Indigenous rural victims remain ignorant of rights and articulate an agenda of addressing basic needs and demanding political change that empowers them. Elite-led civil society, notably human rights agencies, has adopted a legalistic agenda that coincides with the dominant global rights discourse in which prosecutorial process is prioritized and the inequalities that led to conflict are considered to be beyond the remit of transitional justice; issues of social and economic rights are ignored. Victims remain marginalized from both the transitional process and from those agencies that purport to represent them. The author argues that a global rights agenda that uses the language of giving agency to the marginalized actually serves to maintain a status quo that guarantees the position of ethnic and caste-based elites.