Art In Italy Research Articles

Introduction: No Catlin Without Kane; or, Really Understanding the “American” West

Let me begin by invoking three moments from the history of the North American West. The first occurred in late 1801; the second, in 1842 or early 1843; the third took place in 1881. Together, these three moments set the stage for this volume of essays, an attempt probe the commingling of Canada's West with that of the United States West in history, image, and myth, adapt the phrasing of Henry Nash Smith's subtitle in Virgin Land (1950). Any story, any history, is a combination of verifiable fact, descriptive image, and believed (or disbelieved) mythology, and nowhere has this been more evident that in the North American West it explored, settled, and understood from the sixteenth century the present. Three moments. John L. Allen, author of the excellent Passage Through the Garden: Lewis and Clark and the Image of the American Northwest (1975), has also written of Thomas Jefferson's reaction the publication, in London, of Alexander Mackenzie's Voyages from Montreal, on the River St. Lawrence, through the Continent of North the Frozen and Pacific Oceans in the Years 1789 and 1793 (1801). He says that late in 1801 the President was worried because the publication of Mackenzie's book stirred the imagination of the Western world and jolted Jefferson's thinking on the geography of the western interior of North America (79). As a consequence, Jefferson ordered his own copy of the book from Philadelphia, he began poring his collection of books and maps on western North and he told his personal secretary, Meriwether Lewis, to begin making preparations for an American exploration the Pacific. More than this, Jefferson also informed the Spanish, British, and French ministers the United States of his intentions send Lewis west, as he put it, 'unite the discoveries' of the explorers of Rupert's Land with those of an American party farther south (80). That's just what Lewis and Clark eventually did--unite the versions of the geographical reality of the North American West then understood in Europe, in British North America, and in the United States. This is a first moment. The second occurred sometime over the winter of 1842-43 in London where Paul Kane, who there after studying art in Italy, met George Catlin and Catlin's art on display in Egyptian Hall, Piccadilly. The American then basking in the fame that his for a short time, a notoriety fueled by his best-selling book, Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the North American Indians that had been published in 1841 (see Dippie et al). Kane, inspired by this meeting and by Catlin's images, decided embark on a similar project in Canada. He returned there and made an initial summer sketching trip the northern Great Lakes country in 1845 before securing the support of the Hudson's Bay Company for his transcontinental trip, 1846-48. As J. Russell Harper explains, Sir George Simpson--Inland Governor of the Company--wrote a circular letter all Hudson's Bay Company officers in 'Ruperts Land and Elswehere,' directing that the artist be given free transportation of company boats and 'hospitalities' at all posts. Kane, a guest of the Hudson's Bay Company, could go without cost anywhere in the vast territories it controlled (Qtd. in MacLaren, I Came, 11). It a wonderful deal. Kane, in fact, arrived on the Pacific coast in the same HBC brigade that brought the official news of the Oregon Treaty (1846). That is, he there just vast changes were afoot. The third moment is a brief one, barely mentioned in the biographical accounts of North America's most-famous Western painter, Frederic Remington. In 1881, Remington made his first trip west Montana, the trip from which he sent back--drawn on a piece of wrapping paper--his first illustration appear in Harper's Weekly (in February 1882). During that trip he crossed the Canada-U.S. border on horseback and there, according one commentator, saw his first Mounted Police--bringing in a Blackfoot suspected of murder. …

Les voyages d’artistes français en Italie au XVIIIe siècle : bilan des études récentes et perspectives de recherche

Travels of French artists in Italy in the 18th century : survey of recent studies and research perspectives. Several problems emerge concerning the treatment that historical research devoted to the travels of French artists in Italy at the Enlightenment period : scattered written sources which, together with sketches and drawings, enable us to grasp their travelling experience ; the gap between the notions of travelling and sojourning ; and, finally, incomplete studies on that theme. Some strong points can, however, be sifted out, starting with the will to reconstruct the every day life of artists, to the analysis of artistic productions made during their Italian stay, without forgetting the “ back fire kick ”, once in France. It is clear that these travels of highly professional dimensions lead to totally different studies from those concerning the Grand Tour of the eighteenth century upper classes.

Nino Migliori

When Nino Migliori (born in Bologna 1926, where he still lives and works) began his career in photography, ideas about visual art in Italy were divided into two main camps. From the end of the Second World War up to 1948, when Migliori's first photographs were produced, a bitter debate continued between those who championed the mirroring function of art and those who were more interested in the exploration of expression, which was made possible by the avant-garde movements. This ideological battle, which pitted groups of artists such as II Fronte Nuovo delle Arti against the II Milione group, the MAC group, and the Corrente group among others,1 was very complex, and involved themes ranging from ideological commitment to purely aesthetic questions. However, we can not reduce these arguments to the mere opposition between realism and abstraction, or between political commitment and fomulism. Nevertheless, the artists themselves were placed in these categories, and the divisions between them have characterized the evaluation of photographic, literary, and film production as well as painting since that time. Immediately after the war, photography in Italy was also burdened by a cultural environment that was deeply influenced by Benedetto Croce's idealism, which maintained that a sharp Jivisiun existed between ‘poetry’ and ‘non-poetry’.2

Ecomanagement quality system: Iso 14000. The state of the art in Italy

Ecomanagement quality system: Iso 14000. The state of the art in Italy

Teatro español del Siglo de Oro (review)

172BCom, Vol. 52, No. 2 (2000) Golden Age specialist could suppose that calzas, mango and capa mean "stockings", "sack," and "hat." But since Gitlitz, inexcusably , gives not a single note, how are those for whom one translates supposed to know? The comedia needs many more scholarly editions and recommendable translations; this book, regrettably, does not meet that need. Victor Dixon Trinity College, Dublin Strosetzki, Christoph, ed. Teatro español del Siglo de Oro. Frankfurt: Vervuert/ Madrid: Iberoamericana, 1998. Studia Hispánica, 7. 381 pp. The Münster symposium focused on two topics: the poetics of the comedia and the moral justification for theater and for the acting profession. A. Egido explicates the topos of Heraclitus the Weeping and Democritus the Laughing Philosopher over more than a century of tragedy-in-comedy, comedy-intragedy , and tragicomedy. She traces the fortunes of this last term from Celestina onwards (76-77), pointing out that it was used of Don Duardos at the very moment (1548) that Francisco de Holanda was reporting on the esteem in which artists in Italy held the grotesque and the monstrous. True tragedy had a short career in the sixteenth century, though the idea survived that man's life was that of an animal de dolor (83). What the comedia nueva revealed was how a closer imitation of "what happens" proved more pleasing to audiences. Egido locates the origin of this and other ideas in the work of G. B. Guarini, well before Lope's Arte nuevo (96). The "realism" of the comedia nuevo then, intrudes in spite of authority's insistence on decorum; Egido repeats Tirso's observation that the grafting process, defying antipathies among trees, produces better fruit (73). The gracioso began to embody the interpénétration of the of the two philosophers (98), and Egido points both to Tello of El Caballero de Olmedo and to the "sad comedy " evoked in such tragedies as Elpintor de su deshonra (90). The contribution of A. de la Granja accompanies photo- Reviews1 73 graphs of the now restored Corral del Carbon in Granada (161, 162, 188), recorded as a theater space from the late sixteenth century. La Granja takes the opportunity to correct things stated recently about the corrales, primarily on the basis of what we know of the atypical Madrid examples. An insistence on separate women's entrances was not universal; structures and accommodations showed great variety (182); there was a relative decorum observed among the mosqueteros, poorly observed, however, among the lindos gesteros showing off in the front seats, and among noble patrons, whose quarrels could be lethal (168). As to women, La Granja points to the vexations actresses could suffer while dressing (169), while on the other side of the "footlights" there were disorders in the cazuela (and there is another attempt made at an etymology ofthe term [175-76]). I. Arellano continues his work on Bances Candamo, focusing both on the Asturian's own plays and on his treatise, to account for his preferences among the genres: comediapalatino comedia historial comedia de fabrica (that is, the sort of play that, if anything, is read of Bances today) and fábulas or mythological pageants. Arellano notices Bances's promotion of the advice-to-prrnces drama, with scenes of gala and of the chase, and on more than one occasion dealing with Queen Christina of Sweden. An obsession with decorum at all costs led Bances to neglect the comedia de capa y espadajust when commoners found it to their taste, while he reduces the gracioso to a nobler but hollowed-out figure, detached from the main action. Only culto poetry and musical accompaniment atoned for this capitulation to decorum. M. Blanco also deals with Bances, who as it happens writes on the Symposium's two topics: poetics and the justification of theater as a moral space. Blanco makes this a preamble to a virtual treatise on how tragedy evolved into tragicomedy, as she studies the Aristotelian theorists from El Pinciano (1590) to González de Salas (1633), giving them a modern coloring in light of the psychology of Charles Mauron: the ludic sustains comedy, the oneiric sustains tragedy. In her historical survey, she notes that El...

Economic and Ethical Issues Regarding Therapeutic Procedures in Interventional Cardiology: State of the Art in Italy

<b>Economic and Ethical Issues Regarding Therapeutic Procedures in Interventional Cardiology</b>: State of the Art in Italy

082071 (E43) Risk management: the State of the Art in Italy : Tagliavini P.,The Geneva Papers on Risk and Insurance, 20 (No. 76, July 1995) 315–324

082071 (E43) Risk management: the State of the Art in Italy : Tagliavini P.,The Geneva Papers on Risk and Insurance, 20 (No. 76, July 1995) 315–324

Art and capital: An ironic dialectic

Martha Woodmansee's The Author, Art, and the Market misunderstands the concept of autonomous art: it does not deny art's instrumental role in life, but rather reconceives this role as essentially psychological. The work of art becomes an emblem of self‐control, and as such of great social import. But as Richard Goldthwaite's Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy suggests, this role is traduced by the tendency of capitalism increasingly to eschew the high art exemplified by the Renaissance when there is money to be made in unchallenging, trashy popular culture.

Risk Management: the State of the Art in Italy

Risk Management: the State of the Art in Italy

Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300–1600

(1995). Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300–1600. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 77-78.

:Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300-1600

Why did produce so much art in the Renaissance? In this book, historian Richard Goldthwaite finds new answers to this question by focusing on the demand for art as an economic phenomenon. Offering a broad interpretation of the forces behind the economic and cultural event known as the Renaissance, Goldthwaite shows how the extraordinary increase in artistic production arose out of circumstances unique to Italy. It was only in Renaissance he writes, art was separated out of material culture in general as something distinct in its own right. Goldthwaite begins by exploring the ways in which Italy's special place in the economic world of late medieval Europe led to the generation of surplus wealth among both merchant and noble families and religious institutions. He shows how the unprecedented founding of new religious institutions and organizations contributed to the demand for art simply because their new buildings had to be decorated and furnished. And he explains the role of secular patrons, the newly rich merchants and nobility, who purchased works of art for homes and public places to consolidate their new-found status and power. and the Demand for Art in Italy represents a new departure from previous studies, both in its focus on demand and in its emphasis on the history of the material culture of the West. By demonstrating that the roots of modern consumer society can be found in Renaissance Italy, Goldthwaite offers a significant contribution to the growing body of literature on the history of modern consumerism - a movement which he regards as a positive force for the formation of new attitudes about things that is a defining characteristic of modern culture. Richard A. Goldthwaite is the author of Private Wealth in Renaissance Florence: A Study of Four Families and The Building of Renaissance Florence: An Economic and Social History.

Fulvia Giuliani: Portrait of a Futurist Actress

Despite the importance of Italian Futurism to the modernist movement in Europe during the early inter-war period, it has suffered a bad press – initially because of its association with the emergent fascist movement, and more recently because of the feminist concern with apparently misogynistic elements in the writing of the acknowledged leader of the movement, F. T. Marinetti. However, Günter Berghaus argues that this is to ignore not only the roots of Marinetti's own anti-feminism – in contempt for the very aspects of subservient womanhood now condemned by feminists themselves – but also the support that Futurism enjoyed from a number of women artists in Italy at the time. Certainly, the early career of the actress Fulvia Giuliani affirms both her strong endorsement for and participation in the movement, and her contempt for women who passively accepted the roles assigned to them by the patriarchy. Günter Berghaus, who teaches in the Drama Department of the University of Bristol, here outlines Giuliani's role in the Futurist movement and documents it from previously unpublished sources.

Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300-1600.

Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300-1600.

The pictorial arts of the West, 800-1200

Between the ninth and thirteenth centuries the Western world witnessed a glorious flowering of the pictorial arts. In this lavishly illustrated book, C.R. Dodwell provides a comprehensive guide to all forms of this art-from wall and panel paintings to stained glass windows, mosaics, and embroidery-and sets them against the historical and theological influences of the age. Dodwell describes the rise and development of some of the great styles of the Middle Ages: Carolingian art, which ranged from the splendid illuminations appropriate to an emperor's court to drawings of great delicacy; Anglo-Saxon art, which had a rare vitality and finesse; Ottonian art with its political and spiritual messages; the colorful Mozarabic art of Spain, which had added vigor through its interaction with the barbaric Visigoths; and the art of Italy, influenced by the styles of Byzantium and the West. Dodwell concludes with an examination of the universal Romanesque style of the twelfth century that extended from the Scandinavian countries in the north to Jerusalem in the south. His book-which includes the first exhaustive discussion of the painters and craftsmen of the time, incorporates the latest research, and is filled with new ideas about the relations among the arts, history, and theology of the period-will be an invaluable resource for both art historians and students of the Middle Ages.

Surrealising the Baroque: Mexico's Spanish Heritage and the Work of Alberto Gironella

Surrealising the Baroque: Mexico's Spanish Heritage and the Work of Alberto Gironella

The demand for live performing arts in Italy

W • t . a t is the role of demand in the definition of public policies for he performing arts? Empirical research on consumers' behavior and the efficiency of public expenditure in the performing arts is likely to expand in Italy in the near future as an effort to find answers to the above question. The work we present here, where we try to model and estimate a demand function for live performing arts (1), has to be understood as one of these first attempts.

The Inaugural Conference for the Ricasoli Collection: Patrons, Politics, and Art in Italy, 1738-1859 University of Louisville 14-18 March 1989

Research Article| October 01 1989 The Inaugural Conference for the Ricasoli Collection: Patrons, Politics, and Art in Italy, 1738-1859 University of Louisville 14-18 March 1989 Caroline S. Fruchtman Caroline S. Fruchtman Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Journal of Musicology (1989) 7 (4): 549–554. https://doi.org/10.2307/763781 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Caroline S. Fruchtman; The Inaugural Conference for the Ricasoli Collection: Patrons, Politics, and Art in Italy, 1738-1859 University of Louisville 14-18 March 1989. Journal of Musicology 1 October 1989; 7 (4): 549–554. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/763781 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentJournal of Musicology Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1989 Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

The Inaugural Conference for the Ricasoli Collection: Patrons, Politics, and Art in Italy, 1738-1859 University of Louisville 14-18 March 1989

The Inaugural Conference for the Ricasoli Collection: Patrons, Politics, and Art in Italy, 1738-1859 University of Louisville 14-18 March 1989

Abstracts

Abstracts

The Macchiaioli: Art or History?

It was perhaps inevitable that the art of Italy during the nineteenth century, a century that saw the Risorgimento and the political emergence of the modern Italian state, should be added to those periods—like France during the Revolution—which are nowadays favored by both Marxist art historians and those prone to value works of art solely as reflections of political and social history. Such a concern with issues of social history rather than with those of traditional art history apparently motivated the recent exhibition of the art of the Macchiaioli—The Macchiaioli: Painters of Italian Life, 1850–1900—at the Frederick S. Wight Art Gallery at UCLA and certainly permeates the catalogue that was assembled by the American host institution to accompany that show.