Aramaic Inscriptions Research Articles

A Note On the Garni Inscription

This short Aramaic inscription, with its title of son of Wologesus is of certain historical importance, as title MLK RB ZY 'RM[NYNJ found in its Aramaic form helps to solve an old problem. The Iranian title RB' MLK' 'rmn'n of pre-Christian kings of known long time ago,' caused a controversy regarding its translation. This title in its Iranian fonn is a very ambiguous one, because *wazurg Armenan gah,2 or *wazurg gah Armenan3 could have been interpreted as the of Armenia, or the great of Annenia, while Aramaic form of title exludes this possibility.4 The problem, however, is complicated by fact that Armenian form, known only from much later period, being a calque from Iranian, t'agawor Hayoc' Mecac', has only one possible meaning, namely the of Armenia[ns]. In previous literature, there were polemics about this question, without referring to our Aramaic inscription, known only since 1964. The title wazurg Armenan gah' was compared to wazurg K-Uan gahan ?ah, generally rendered as Great of Kings of Kagans,6 or King of Kings of KnSans. It is perhaps of interest in this context that Armenian authors and only they, as Frye 1983, 142, had observed mentioned relationship between Arsacids of and Ktians. Henning 1952, 517, wrote: was in where he held office of Vazurg Armenan gah king of Armenia; ibid., n. 4: not Great king of Armenia (as has often been translated); title equals Arm. t'agawor Hayoc' Mecac', similarly, king of Kushan is preferarble to king of Kushan.' These words were written by Henning in 1952; some years later, Maricq 1958, 318-9, translated du Grand roi d'Armenie Hormizd-Ardachir8 for Greek of 9KZ 48 xcc-L f2ppu8apcpaExpou geycaXXo am)X,co Apgvitac Ka-L... and Middle Persian W 'w(w)xrmzd 'rtx?tr ZY LB' MLK' 'Imn'n W....9 Nevertheless, Lang 1983, 517 n. 2, stated: not King of Armenia... during 1st and 2nd centuries A.D., Armenian throne was regularly reserved for Parthian King's nearest kin, who was known as Great king of Armenia rather as their heir apparent to British throne is called Prince of Wales. This custom, political conditions allowing, continued into early Sassanian times: thus, prior to 293, futue King. Narseh was viceroy of with title of Vazurg Armenan Bah (great of Armenia).10 Historically, was a part of Parthia rather that of Persia; it was after rise of Persianl Sassana dynasty in first half of 3rd century CE that thie Armenians, with their Parthian Arsacid royal family, broke up with Iranian monarchy of Sasanians who were seen by Armenian Arsacids as usurpers, and only after

Palmyrene Aramaic Texts

Divided into three sections - bibliography, texts, and glossary - the work contains the published Aramaic inscriptions from ancient Palmyra (Tadmor) in Syria, as well as Palmyrene inscriptions from elsewhere in the Roman Empire. Most of the individual texts are accompanied by an indication of provenance, present location, genre, relations to other texts in the same group, and bibliographic references. Other features include: related Greek or Latin texts for multilingual inscriptions; an English-Aramaic index to the glossary; and a number of concordances of text references, including museum numbers, to facilitate the relation of this edition to earlier works in the field.

The Tel Dan Stela as a Piece of Royal Historiography

The fragmentary stela found in Tel Dan, erected by Hazael, king of Damascus, is to be understood in the context of Semitic royal historiography of the ninth-eighth centuries BCE. Its text makes sense when confronted with the data and formulae of contemporary Akkadian, Aramaic, Phoenician and Moabite inscriptions, as well as with the Hebrew books of Kings.

On Sherd and Papyrus: Aramaic and Hebrew Inscriptions from the Second Temple, Mishnaic, and Talmudic Periods

On Sherd and Papyrus: Aramaic and Hebrew Inscriptions from the Second Temple, Mishnaic, and Talmudic Periods

The Portrait of Balaam in Numbers 22–24

Balaam is not presented favorably in most biblical texts that allude to him. One notable exception is the Balaam story (Numbers 22–24) and—outside the Bible—a recently discovered Aramaic inscription. The author of Numbers goes so far as to portray this non-Israelite not only as a believer, but even as a prophet of Yahweh.

Further Comments on the Use of Tenses in the Aramaic Inscription from Tel Dan

L'A. envisage plusieurs commentaires possibles de l'emploi des temps dans l'inscription arameenne retrouvee a Tel Dan. C'est une inscription qui remonte au IX e siecle avant JC. Les difficultes grammaticales qui relevent de la critique textuelle sur cette inscription epigraphique ont fait deja couler l'encre de nombreux commentaires : l'A. les reprend a la lumiere des decouvertes les plus recentes qu'il a faites personnellement a ce sujet

テル・ダン碑文の動詞組織の特徴について

It has been a vexing problem as to whether Aramaic had from the outset or not. Some insist that Aramaic lacked yaqtul at first, but that it intruded into Aramaic later as a result of the influence of Canaanite languages. Others argue in favor of the original existence of yaqtul in Aramaic.Formerly, three verbs in the Aramaic inscription of Zakkur, king of Lu'ash and Hamath (ca. the second half of the ninth century BCE), found in Afis (KAI202), were regarded as the oldest attestation of yaqtul conjugation. They are _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ (A11) and _??__??__??__??__??_ (A15), all of which are preceded by a conjunction waw. In this inscription, however, both qatala and yaqtulu are dominant in expressing narrative past and future/present tenses respectively. The appearance of the three yaqtul forms is therefore just an exceptional phenomenon. Furthermore, the language and style of the Zakkur inscription is strongly influenced by the Canaanite culture. The yaqtul in this inscription might be borrowed from the Canaanite languages but is foreign to the original language.The newly discovered Tel Dan Inscription, dated around the first half of the ninth century BCE, contains the following eleven finite verbs: _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (B1.1), _??__??__??_ (A1.2), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.3), _??__??__??_ (A1.3), _??__??__??__??_ (B1.3), _??__??__??__??__??_[_??_] (B1.4), _??__??__??__??_ (A1.5), _??__??__??_[_??_] (B1.5), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.6), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.8), _??__??__??__??_ (A1.9), out of which two (_??__??__??__??__??_ [and] _??__??__??__??_) could be absolute infinitive and are definitely not qatala. The rest are minutely analyzed from the lexicographical, morphological, and contextual points of view and it can be concluded that they should be yaqtul. Still more, two yaqtul forms (_??__??__??_ and _??__??__??_) are not preceded by waw. Thus, the yaqtul forms in the Tel Dan inscription regularly function to denote the narrative past, regardless of the precedence or non-precedence of the conjunction waw.The verbs preceded by the conjunction waw in the Deir 'Alla inscription must be the remnant of inherent yaqtul forms. The following forms are found: _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 1), _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 2), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 3), _??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 4/5), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 1), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 4).Although Gibson's assertion that yaqtul exists in Biblical Aramaic is rejected, the 33 examples enumerated as yaqtul by M. S. Smith in the Moabite Mesha inscription (ca. 850 BCE) should be accepted as correct. In this inscription yaqtul, along with qatala, plays a leading role in the narrative past tense.In conclusion, yaqtul should have been inherent in both the Tel Dan inscription and the Mesha inscription. The Tel Dan inscription is, therefore, the oldest solid attestation of yaqtul in Aramaic. The six examples in the Deir 'Alla Aramaic inscription also affirm the original existence of yaqtul forms in Aramaic itself.

The Aramaic pantheon of Taymā'

This article discusses the origin of three Semitic deities which are attested in the Aramaic inscriptions in the North Arabian city of Tayma'. These are Salm, Sangila and Ašīmā. Together they comprise the pantheon of Taymā'. The etymology, identity and the attestation of these deities in Aramaic and other sources are investigated. After studying these three deities within their Semitic background, this paper suggests that these deities, which had been adopted by Arabs in Taymā', are of Aramaic origin and were introduced to North Arabia from North Syria.

Two cult-statues from Hatra

The documentary evidence, namely the Aramaic inscriptions, discovered during the excavation of a small shrine at Hatra testifies to its dedication to the worship of Gnd', the god of Fortune. The façade of the lintel of the cella's entrance is incised with an inscription [406] asking that a certain Nšryhb, son of Tymly, and Bdy, son of šmšgrm, be remembered before (the god) Gnd' of Rmgu. The lintel of the niche is carved with a similar inscription, which prays that Hywš' the priest and R/Dbby' be remembered in the presence of Gnd' (the great). On the evidence of the lintel this god was thus endowed with two titles: the one indicates the association with Rmgu, and the other is the epithet “great” (rb'). Another important inscription [408] labels him with both appellatives: gd' rb' dy rmgu, “great Gd' (Gnd') of Rmgu“. As to the identity of Rmgu, a very important but damaged stele was found in situ in the niche of the cella. The stele portrays two adults and a boy in the process of feeding incense on to a fire altar. Three short accompanying inscriptions, two of which are incomplete, inform us that these persons are Rmgu, his son Šmš'qb and his grandson Tymlt. So apparently Rmgu was the chief of a wealthy tribe who had built a shrine and dedicated it to his favourite divinity, Gnd'. In due course this god became known by the name of his benefactor, probably to distinguish him from other similarly designated deities. It was a common religious practice at Hatra for tribes, chiefs and nobles to build and consecrate shrines and temples to particular gods. Among the well-known examples are: the shrine of Iššarbel (V), constructed by Nsru Mry', the Lord of Hatra in the years between A.D. 114 and 135; the shrine of Nergal (VIII), built by two tribes, Taimu and Bl'qb; and the shrine of Nebo (XII), erected by Šmš'qb, an architect.

The Inscriptions from Failaka and the Lapidary Aramaic Script

The article suggests a new reading of the Aramaic inscription from Failaka (kuwait) and dates it, with the Greek inscriptions found on the island, to the third century B. C. This date is corroborated by the revision of the generally accepted view of the latest use of the Lapidary Aramaic script.

על חרס וגומא: כתובות ארמיות ועבריות מימי בית שני המשנה והתלמוד [On Sherd and Papyrus: Aramaic and Hebrew Inscriptions from the Second Temple Mishnaic and Talmudic Periods.] (review)

Hebrew Studies 35 (1994) 194 Reviews All in all, these three volumes contain an uneven assortment of articles and, as a whole, are not necessarily the best reflection of the competency of Hebraists in Spain today. Renee Levine Melammed Harvard University Cambridge, MA 02138 "o?nm mWOil 'JW n':l '0'0 n"':l,U' n"o,~ n':l1M::> :~om C-m ?,U [ON SHERD AND PAPYRUS: ARAMAIC AND HEBREW INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE SECOND TEMPLE MISHNAIC AND TALMUDIC PERIODS.] By Joseph Naveh. Pp. 239. Jerusalem: Magnes Press. 1992. Cloth. As the subtitle indicates. the present volume deals with inscriptions and documents from late antiquity. thereby complementing other monographs which deal with writings from earlier periods in Israel (e.g., Hanoch Reviv. A Commentary on Selected Inscriptions from the Period ofthe Monarchy in Israel [Jerusalem: The Historical Society of Israel. 1975] in Hebrew. and Klaas A. D. Smelik. Writings from Ancient Israel [Louisville. KY: Westminster/John Knox. 1991]. translated by G. I. Davies). The author is Professor of Epigraphy and West-Semitic Palaeography at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and a well known scholar in these fields. The title of his book pertains to some of the materials used for writing in antiquity. although it also deals with inscriptions on stone and metal. The documents discussed in this book. which does not include any literary texts, reflect daily life of people from all walks of life. Following a foreword. the book is divided into eight chapters followed by a summary. bibliography, list of illustrations, and four indices. The first, introductory chapter. on script and language, is subdivided into parts dealing with the Hebrew. Aramaic, and Samaritan scripts; Hebrew and Aramaic language ; distribution of scripts and their styles; and dating writings by script. The second chapter, inscriptions from daily life, is also subdivided. Its nine sections focus on seals, "lottery" tokens, short notes, instructions, letters, other personal texts, writing exercises. inscriptions on jars. and contributions marked on jars. The third chapter is devoted to legal documents. It analyzes papyri-all written in Aramaic, the language of legal affairs-which were discovered at Hebrew Studies 35 (1994) 195 Reviews several sites in the Judean wilderness. Here, Naveh presents promissory notes, bills of sale, marriage contracts, divorce agreements, and lease contracts . The Bar-Kochba letters are discussed in the fourth chapter, which presents documents discovered in the caves of Wadi Muraba'at and Nahal Hever. Most of these are papyri written in Aramaic, although one document was written on a wooden plank. The next chapter, synagogue inscriptions, contains a selection of dedicatory inscriptions and literary texts, the latter not original, but copied from other sources. The inscriptions were done in mosaics or incised in architectural elements such as pillars and door posts made of limestone and basalt. Chapter 6, incantations, presents magic texts from Palestine. Syria. Babylon, and Egypt, written in either Hebrew or Aramaic on bowls, amulets, and in books. Finally, chap. 7 is devoted to Samaritan inscriptions and amulets, while chap. 8 presents burial inscriptions written on ossuaries, sarcophagi . and other elements of the burial site. All the inscriptions presented in this book have been previously published . but Naveh adds his own understanding and interpretation. These very succinct presentations are done in a basic outline form, without expanding on linguistic analysis. The interested reader will need to look into the previous publications in order to understand some of the analyses fully. However, this process is facilitated by extensive footnoting of previous publications and a very helpful bibliography. In the summary, or afterword, Naveh outlines his approach to the study of ancient written evidence. In light of the scarcity of written sources and the need to extract maximum information, he calls for caution against farreaching conclusions that cannot be supported or justified. He describes the five elements which should guide the epigrapher: a) Correct reading, that is, only those words and letters which are clear. Letters which are partially visible should be marked. It is permissible to make suggestions for reading unclear letters or completing lacunae, but Naveh suggests that this should be done in the discussion and not in the presentation of an inscription. He also suggests that we admit when we...

The Jar of the Gate

Two Aramaic inscriptions from Deir ʿAlla and a Hebrew inscription from Tel Kinrot provide evidence for a system weights and measures of the Gate that existed in ancient Palestine. Along with the local systems (of the Gate and, similarly, of the Temple) there were two additional systems in the ancient Near East, that of the Country and that of the King. These systems emerged from and functioned in different levels economic and political organization.

‘Erigir una estatua’ en las antiguas dedicaciones arameas

El análisis de las frases principales de las dedicaciones de estatuas en el arameo antiguo nos hace ver que ya en el s. IX a. C. Existían unos esquemas propios arameos frente a los asirios, como demuestra una comparación de los textos asirio y arameo de la estatua de Hadyiṯ‛i de Tell Fekherye. Dentro de estos esquemas arameos resalta el uso de šm [śym] qdm y šm l-, seguidos del nombre divino o de persona, y que deben de indicar dos situaciones diferentes en cuanto a la dedicación de una estatua dentro o no de un templo. Por otro lado, tenemos atestiguados como verbos principales, que crean esquemas paralelos de dedicación, los verbos šym, kwn, yhb, qwm, siendo el verbo šym el usado casi exclusivamente, en tanto que qwm sólo se encuentra atestiguado una sola vez, situación que contrasta sorprendentemente con el empleo casi exclusivo de qwm en dedicaciones de estatuas en el arameo posterior: el bíblico y el de Hatra y Palmira, donde no encontramos nunca šym.

Two palmyrene aramaic inscriptions in american collections

Examination of published photographs of two dedicatory inscriptions accompanying two different Palmyrene funerary reliefs now in American collections made it seem desirable to reedit these two brief texts, offering improved readings of some of the personal names they contain. The present study is based on photographs made available by the Portland Art Museum of Portland, Oregon, and by the Ackland Art Museum of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.2

Excavations at ed‐Dur (Umm al‐Qaiwain, U.A.E.) — Preliminary report on the second Belgian season (1988)

The results of seven weeks of research in 1988 by a Belgian team from Gent University at ed‐Dur, in the Emirate of Umm al‐Qaiwain, are presented. Excavations were conducted in the southern part of the site. Close to the temple (area M) were found a well, three free‐standing altars, and a stone basin with a long Aramaic inscription. It is suggested now that the temple was dedicated to the sun‐god Shamash. The graveyard (area N), 100 m to the north of the temple, provided important information on burial rites. A large, free‐standing grave still contained many incised bone/ivory plaques. Around this tomb were found several smaller graves, five of which were unplundered. Finds included glass vessels, bronze objects (rings, bracelets, bells, etc.) and a great variety of beads made of semiprecious stones, glass paste, and frit.

Literary Sources for the History of Palestine and Syria: Old Aramaic Inscriptions

The language of the Arameans, Aramaic can be traced back to about 1000 B.C.E. By the beginning of the sixth century B.C.E. it was the lingua franca of the ancient Near East.

Petitionary Formulae in the Aramaic Inscriptions from Hama

Petitionary Formulae in the Aramaic Inscriptions from Hama

Palmyrene Sculptures Found at Hatra

The excavations by the State Organization of Antiquities at a small shrine at Hatra proved to be important in various aspects. The shrine, which is located to the east of the Great Temple, is oriented towards the west. The excavator believes, on architectural and archaeological grounds, that it has two building phases. In the first, the shrine consisted of a broad cella built of ashlar masonry with three entrances on the west side; the middle opening is the widest and is decorated with an arch. The facade with three entrances is also found in shrines V, IX, X. The lintel of the central entrance bears an Aramaic inscription stating that certain persons had constructed the shrine and dedicated it to the worship of GND’, the Arab god of Fortune. The narrow staircase, which led to the roof, is enclosed in the thickness of the southern wall. This architectural feature was not found in the rest of the small shrines, the staircases of which were built along one side wall, but it is common in the larger temples, i.e. Saḥiru, Samas, and the Great Iwans in the Great Temple enclosure. The floor of the rectangular niche, which had the same function as the cella, is reached by a few marble steps. The excavator has found fragments of a cult statue, an inscribed relief of a priest, and an altar. Like most of the small shrines, in its early phase the shrine had a low bench, made of marble, running along the inside of the broad cella's wall.

Ammonite and Aramaic Inscriptions from Tell El-Mazār in Jordan

Three inscribed pottery fragments and four ostraca were found in several seasons of excavations at Tell el-Mazār in the Jordan Valley. Although the pieces had been damaged by fire or by exposure to heat and moisture, it was possible to read significant portions of the script and to assign dates.

Three Aramaic seals of the Achaemenid period

This seal, of unknown provenance, has an Aramaic inscription which is engraved on a scaraboid hematite pierced lengthwise. It measures 17×13 mm, with 9 mm of thickness. The oval surface, which is slightly damaged at one point, is divided by a double line into two registers. Six letters are engraved in the upper, and five in the lower register, giving the following reading:The letters are fairly large and fill the whole space. All the letters in the upper register stand at the same height on the double line. Normally, however, lamed is higher than the ceiling line of the other letters, while nun and taw are usually drawn with a stroke which goes below the bottom line formed by the other letters. In the lower register the taw and the two nuns seem to go farther down than the alef and the dalet.