Anti-terrorism Policy Research Articles

Press performance amid threats of terror: Exploring reporting thresholds and criticism in elite coverage of an Identity Cards Bill

It is now commonplace to suggest that acts of terrorism on home soil impact the media’s ability to challenge the anti-terror policies that follow immediately from them. Still, complex contexts can emerge, and this article focuses on one that shapes a media response to a proposed UK anti-terror policy in 2006. It observes how proposed legislation for an identity card scheme, following closely after the 2005 London bombings, is reported in the elite press according to different ‘thresholds’. Emerging from an initial (1) observing of political conflict and a (2) detailing of claims made about the policy are (3) moments of performed criticism of the policy as a ‘threat’ to the British public’s ‘civil liberties’ by these newspapers. This verbally ‘empowered’ coverage provides an important exception to the previously observed media passivity in response to anti-terror policies/propaganda. Furthermore, the article argues that this is instigated by a complex context of political contest and reproduced cultural associations that encourage the performance of these newspapers’ ‘fourth estate’ role.

The changing policy of the U.S. in Afghnistan after the September 11th. Of 2001 (From Offensive realism point of view)

The occurance of September 11th. Of 2001 is regarded as a turning point in the international policy.The U.S, in reacting toward it, by which even today world is affected, took some practical actions against terrorism.The focus of the U.S. attention has been on fighting against terrorism in Afghanistan. In this trend, its first reaction to that caused its military presence in Afghanistan which has resulted in the start of state-nation making, democracy establishment and also supporting the governance process and fortifying stability ans security.In recent years, the U.S. anti-terrorism policies have been variated from front war to peace prioritization. As, the project of anti-terrorism combat and establishing peace in Afgjanistan and the region have not finished yet,this question is raised that what have been the basics of the U.S. changing foreign policy in Afghanistan and their effects: To answer this question, it seems that the systematic tendency and power balancing in the region and the world have directed the U.S. policy; So, its longstanding presence in Afghanistan, based on the region' world conditions and priorities, should be studied from the U.S. security and policy strategies points of view.This study, by using some documental and library sources and a descriptive-analytic method, tries to explain the tie between the systematic order and the U.S. power balancing in the region and the world with its reversing foreign policy in Afghanistan.The research findings show that the Russian recen re-empowerment and China emergence as agreat power have affected the U.S foreign policy in Afghanistan.The systematic requirements have been toward the conditions of anti-terrorism actions in Afgjanistan and the region.

Связь террористического риска и национального дохода

The paper discusses the relationship between the increased risk of terrorism and the level of economic development of the country. The author assumes that wealthy countries have wide opportunities to enhance their anti-terrorist policies, promote coun-ter-terrorist activities, and ensure national security in comparison with the low-income states. That is why the level of economic development should signifi-cantly affect the level of terrorist risk in the country. The researcher takes quantitative approaches to assessing data, conducts regression, logit, and pro-bit analysis. The hierarchical cluster analysis and non-parametric tests are used as well. The study reveals that the national income is linked to the ter-rorist risk even if other determinants are taken into account.

The Terrorism Threat to Japan: Real Danger or Costly Overestimation

<p>Celem poniższej pracy jest ocena realności oraz stopnia zagrożenia terroryzmem dla państwa japońskiego. Główny nacisk został położony na problemy powiązane z działalnością Państwa Islamskiego jako zjawiska niejako definującego postrzeganie przez nas całość problemu, jak i tego, które na przestrzeni ostatniego roku miało największy wpływ na działania rządu premiera Abe odnośnie terroryzmu. Rozpatrzona zostanie również obecna polityka władz Japonii, jak i jej potencjalne implikacje oraz osadzenie tego aspektu polityki w całości polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego tego państwa. Przedstawione zostaną również prognozy dotyczące przewidywanej drogi rozwoju problemu oraz ewentualne możliwości jego przezwyciężenia.</p>

Assessment of South Korea’s Countermeasure System and Activity for Overseas Hostage Terrorism: With Reference to the Kidnapping Incident in Afghanistan

2007년 7월 19일 아프가니스탄에서 한국인 봉사단 23명이 납치되어, 2명이 피살되었고 43일 만에 21명이 석방된 충격적인 사건이 발생하였다. 아프가니스탄 피랍사건 당시 비록 2명이 살해당하였으나, 한국 정부는 범정부적 석방노력을 통 해 생존한 21명을 무사히 석방시켜 국제사회에서 인질협상의 성공사례로 평가되기도 한다. 그러나 테러방지법의 부재로 인한 미흡한 대테러 체계 및 여행금지국 늑장 지정, 인질협상 전략 부족, 테러단체와 직접협상, 석방금 지급 논란 등의 문제점이 나타났다. 향후 한국 정부는 해외 인질테러에 대한 실효성 있는 인질협상과 대테 러 활동을 강화하기 위해서 다음과 같은 발전방향을 추진해야할 것이다. 첫째, 한국 정부는 2016년 3월 제정된 테러방지법에 근거하여 국가 대테러 정책을 종합적으로 수립하고 테러공격의 탐지·경보·예방, 국내외 테러정보의 수집·분석·배포, 대테러 활동역량 강화 및 주요국 정보기관과의 테러정보 협력을 증진시켜야한다. 해외 테러위험지역에 진출한 교민·기업·여행객 보호대책을 실질적으로 뒷받침하기 위한 재외국민보호법 마련 및 전담기구를 보강할 필요가 있다. 둘째, 테러조직과의 직접 협상불가라는 원칙을 밝히고, 상황에 따라 국제적인 원칙을 훼손하지 않는 범위에서 유연성을 발휘하여 협상에 임해야한다. 셋째, 정부의 대테러 전담부서의 확충과 공조체제를 강화해야한다. 넷째, 아프가니스탄 인질사태와 유사한 재외국민 피랍사태가 발생할 경우, 상황에 따라 해외에서 인질을 구출할 군사작전 전담부대의 운용을 검토할 필요가 있다. 마지막으로 국제 테러방지 네트워크 구축과 다차원적 대테러 국제협력 강화 를 위해 주요국들과의 양자 협력채널 구축, 테러위험지역 국가들과 전략적 협의 채널 마련 및 유엔 등 범세계적·포괄적 대테러 협력에 적극 참여해야 할 것이다.On July 19, 2007, 23 South Korean volunteers were kidnapped in Afghanistan, two were killed and another 21 people were released in 43 days. Even though there were two people were killed in Afghanistan, the South Korean government released 21 survivors through whole government efforts to release the hostages, which is regarded as a successful case of hostage negotiation in the international community. However, there were problems such as lack of anti-terrorism law resulted in insufficiency of counterterrorism system and late issue of the travel ban nation, lack of hostage negotiation strategy, direct negotiations with terrorist organizations, and controversy over ransom payment. In the future, the Korean government should pursue the following development direction to strengthen effective hostage negotiations and counterterrorism activities against hostage terrorism abroad. First, Korean government will establish comprehensive anti-terrorism policies based on the Act on Anti-Terrorism enacted in March 2016, and will take measures to detect, alert, and prevent terrorist attacks, collect and analyze domestic and international terrorist intelligence, and strengthen counterterrorism activities. It should promote terrorism intelligence cooperation with intelligence agencies of major countries. It is necessary to reinforce the laws for the protection of overseas residents, and to establish dedicated organizations to support the protection measures for migrants, enterprises and tourists who have entered the danger zone of foreign terrorism. Second, it should clarify the principle that it can not negotiate directly with the terrorist organization in the future, and it should be flexible in the extent that the international principle is not damaged according to the situation. Third, the government should strengthen the cooperation and expansion of dedicated departments for counterterrorism. Fourth, it is necessary to examine the operation of a dedicated military operation unit to rescue the hostages abroad in case of an abduction of overseas Koreans similar to the hostage situation in Afghanistan. Finally, in order to build an international terrorism prevention network and strengthen international cooperation on multidimensional counterterrorism, it should be actively involved in establishing bilateral cooperation channels with major countries, establishing a strategic consultation channel with countries in risk areas of terrorism, and involving the UN and other global and comprehensive counterterrorism cooperation.

CONTEMPORARY TERRORISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION – THE HYDRA SYNDROME

Terrorism can be compared to a dangerous hydra with many different heads. They symbolize the various types of terrorism, such as Islamic, separatist, far right, far left, and so on. The diversification of the terrorist threat can be easily seen in the European Union as exemplified, for instance, in the latest report by Europol TE-SAT, European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend Report 2017, and the analysis of events in 2016 and 2017. The main purpose of this text is to answer the following questions, among others: what is the current scale of the terrorist threat in the European Union? What are the characteristics of modern terrorism in the EU? What is its specific nature and how is it evolving? What are its main ideological reasons and types? What is the scope and nature of Islamic terrorism in the European Union? What influence does immigration/refugeeism have on the level of terrorism? How are we to evaluate the current anti terrorist policy of the EU? What level of terrorist threat seems to be likely in the European Union in the months to come? These issues are discussed in this paper in the ten sections below. The conclusions presented there frequently defy stereotypical opinions and views on terrorism in the EU.

‘Necessity Knows no Law’: The Resurrection of Kriegsraison through the US Targeted Killing Programme

The doctrine of Kriegsraison, and its argument that ‘necessity knows no law’, is generally considered to have been laid to rest with the creation of the 1949 Geneva Conventions. However, this article asserts that Kriegsraison is resurrected and wholly alive in the USAs’ targeted killing programme. The targeted killing programme, now in existence for more than 15 years, remains one of the most problematic aspects of US anti-terror policy and continues to raise numerous legal questions. The article argues that treatment of the various legal frameworks relevant to targeted killing by the USA is suffused with Kriegsraison to such an extent that necessity, in its varying iterations, has become the primary guiding principle for US uses of force, and assessments as to their legality. This argument is predicated on an examination of the USAs’ expansive interpretation of jus ad bellum principles, its a-la-carte approach in recognising the applicability of jus in bello rules, and the designation of regions in which it uses force as lying ‘outside the area of active hostilities’. Throughout this assessment, parallels are drawn between the conduct of the USA today and between that of WWI-era Germany, which was characterised by Kriegsraison’s pervasive influence. Finally, the article contends that the use of armed drones as the primary tool for carrying out the targeted killing programme must be scrutinised, as this is vital to understanding the practical implementation of the Kriegsraison doctrine.

How to fight terrorism? Political and strategic aspects.

"Fighting terrorism is like eating soup with a fork" (Shimon Peres). Peres's quote symbolically captures the key problem of countering terrorism. 9/11 proved to be a hallmark in the global perception of modern terrorism. The following questions form the framework of the present essay: What is the essence of modern terrorism? How did it develop during the past two decades? Who are the key players within the terror framework? What are the root causes for global terrorism? How are we to deal appropriately with the global phenomenon of terrorism? Are there any solutions (short-, medium-, long-term) to terrorism? If yes, where do we have to look for them? The underlying essay provides a strategic overview of antiterrorism policy that is based on the author's years-long experience as a high-level expert and advisor within the security policy framework. For this reason, citations are expressly not included. The key target audience comprises laypersons interested in the phenomenon of global terrorism and its social interplay.

Polskie ustawodawstwo antyterrorystyczne. Wybrane zagadnienia

POLISH ANTI-TERRORISM LEGISLATION. SELECTED ASPECTSTerrorism is, undoubtedly, a threat to Poland’s security, which is why the state needs to un­dertake actions with regard to many aspects of its anti-terrorist policy, beginning with legislation and ending with information and education. An important step in the strengthening of Poland’s anti-terrorist security was the adoption of the Anti-Terrorism Act of 10 June 2016. When applied in a responsible manner by the relevant agencies, the Act can be an effective tool in the fight against terrorism. Importantly, it can be used to launch pre-emptive actions effectively preventing terrorist activities within the territory of the Republic of Poland. However, it should be noted that this piece of legislation is to be used only to protect the citizens against terrorist attacks. It cannot, therefore, be used for purposes other than anti-terrorist actions.

The role of social capital in the perception of images of the Islamic State

PurposeThe terrorism of “Islamic State” (IS) is increasingly coming to be seen as a complicated and complex phenomenon permeated with various political goals and personal interests. The effectiveness of terrorist recruiters determines the need to identify the reasons for the appeal of the IS image and for the effectiveness of IS propaganda in different population layers and social groups. From this perspective, it is crucial to identify the significant social factors that are most affecting the perception of the terrorist activities of “IS” and their role in creating and shaping IS images. The purpose of this paper is to determine the role of social capital in the perception of the IS image.Design/methodology/approachThe study is based on the findings of a sociological survey of a sample comprising 881 Russian students. In this research, six scales were used to identify the attitude of Russian students toward IS: informational awareness of IS; the image of IS fighters; the image of IS as an organization; attitude to an anti-terrorist policy; the role of the mass media; the level of social capital. Factorial analysis of the main components was conducted for each of the scales.FindingsSubsequently, the correlation analysis of the relationship of social capital to the perception of the image of “IS” was conducted. Six main IS images were identified in the minds of the students. The research results show that survey participants with high levels of social capital are significantly more negative in their perception of the activities of the terrorist organization in question.Originality/valueFrom this perspective, it is crucial to identify the significant social factors that are most affecting the perception of the terrorist activities of “IS” and their role in creating and shaping IS images. This study focuses on determining the role of social capital in the perception of the IS image.

ISIS, Crabgrass, and Religious Imaginaries

A review of seven recently published books on the rise of ISIS shows how it emerged after the Iraq War due to American policy, Iraqi Sunni alienation, the Syrian Assad regime's policies, and factional competition. But ISIS is unique in its use of social media for recruitment. Furthermore, the content of the ISIS message is religious, relying on Salafi teachings, apocalyptic imagery, and the legitimacy of a Caliphate. As with crabgrass, the most effective long-term anti-terrorism policy is prevention rather than eradication. But responding to the religiously inspired “imaginaries” of ISIS will require more inspired religious alternatives and savvier cyber-monitoring.

Polskie i niemieckie jednostki specjalne w policji – przyczynek do analizy porównawczej

In Poland and Germany, security, as part of the topics of politics and science, is gaining more and more attention in society due to terrorist attacks which can be expected anywhere and at any time. So far nobody has found a remedy to terrorism, which is a plague for present-day societies. Yet we are still waiting for it. States are trying to increase internal security and this is a priority for special police units in both Poland and Germany.Special forces fulfilling counter-terrorism duties have the following common features: an organisational structure (created according to a special pattern: there is a combat section and a support section), a selection process (a selection of candidates to the combat section), as well as specialist equipment and weapons. Among German units is GSG9 – one of the most important anti-terrorist groups in the world. Similar duties are fulfilled by SEK (Spezialeinsatzkommando) units. GROM is the main anti-terrorist unit in Poland, and police units include the Office for Anti-Terrorism Operations (BOA KGP), the Autonomous Anti-Terrorism Policy Unit (SPAP) and the executive units of CBŚP, destined for so-called hard actions. Their daily work involves finding and arresting armed criminals, kidnappers, mafia members, armed gangsters and freeing hostages. Special police units are, to some extent, the ultima ratio of a state which is able to defend itself. In the political and legal system, violence is subject to legal rules, enforced and sanctioned. It should serve to hold physical security and order and also raise the consciousness of societies.

Valuing Equal Protection in Aviation Security Screening.

The growing number of anti-terrorism policies has elevated public concerns about discrimination. Within the context of airport security screening, the current study examines how American travelers value the principle of equal protection by quantifying the "equity premium" that they are willing to sacrifice to avoid screening procedures that result in differential treatments. In addition, we applied the notion of procedural justice to explore the effect of alternative selective screening procedures on the value of equal protection. Two-hundred and twenty-two respondents were randomly assigned to one of three selective screening procedures: (1) randomly, (2) using behavioral indicators, or (3) based on demographic characteristics. They were asked to choose between airlines using either an equal or a discriminatory screening procedure. While the former requires all passengers to be screened in the same manner, the latter mandates all passengers undergo a quick primary screening and, in addition, some passengers are selected for a secondary screening based on a predetermined selection criterion. Equity premiums were quantified in terms of monetary cost, wait time, convenience, and safety compromise. Results show that equity premiums varied greatly across respondents, with many indicating little willingness to sacrifice to avoid inequitable screening, and a smaller minority willing to sacrifice anything to avoid the discriminatory screening. The selective screening manipulation was effective in that equity premiums were greater under selection by demographic characteristics compared to the other two procedures.

How does terrorism measurement matter of state-level of a country? Evidence from Islamic countries

This study attempts to measure the intensity of terrorism in the provinces level of the Islamic economies. The main idea of this study is to quantify the terrorism score at the state level of Islamic countries to gauge the terrorism intensity of that particular state in a particular period of time for that economy. The intuition is based on the logic that the economic cost and intensity terrorism is not uniform within a country. Some areas may have more intensity of terrorism than others in the same territory of a country. The application of the TEIE index (Khan and Yusof in Qual Quant, 2016b. doi: 10.1007/s11135-016-0336-z ) to Islamic countries (Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria) of the provinces/states confirms that terrorism intensity to measure economic cost is not uniform in the provinces of Islamic countries and it also confirms that geographical dimensions of terrorism are heterogeneous with in one country. Terrorism intensity fluctuates across the provinces of the Islamic countries. The idea of this research study gives a more realistic approach to the policy makers for the curb of terrorism. Anti-terrorism one-fit policy within one country is not appropriate and should be decentralized according to the magnitude of terrorism score at the state level. Furthermore, this study is not only useful for the information of terrorism score of a particular state, but at the same time, it is very important from economic perspective to utilize the scare resource for terrorism measures according to the intensity of terrorism of a state of an economy.

Can a Copycat Effect be Observed in Terrorist Suicide Attacks?

The purpose of this paper is to explore how a copycat effect – established within the field of suicide studies – may manifest itself in terrorist suicide attacks, and takes an exploratory approach in evaluating the prospect of incorporating open-data resources in future counter-terrorism research. This paper explores a possible ‘copycat effect’ in cases of suicide terrorism, which entails a perpetrator being inspired by a preceding attack to carry out a similar attack not long after the original. In the wake of mounting risks of lone wolf terrorist attacks today and due to the general difficulties faced in preventing such attacks, in this paper we explore a potential area of future prevention in media reporting, security and anti-terrorism policies today. Using the START Global Terrorism Database (GTD), this paper investigates terrorist suicide-attack clusters and analyses the relationship between attacks found within the same cluster. Using a mixed-method approach, our analyses did not uncover clear evidence supporting a copycat effect among the studied attacks. These and other findings have numerous policy and future research implications.

АНТИТЕРРОРИСТИЧЕСКАЯ ПОЛИТИКА УЗБЕКИСТАНА В РАМКАХ РЕГИОНАЛЬНОЙ АНТИТЕРРОРИСТИЧЕСКОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ ШОС

The beginning of the XXI century was marked by a number of serious problems, including cancer, world hunger, environmental problems and increasing every year the problem of global terrorism, which poses a great threat to the security of the modern multipolar world. Uzbekistan today occupies a firm position in fight against terrorist threat. The principled position of Uzbekistan in the fight against terrorism is that “no country should exclude their participation in the fight against global terrorism, there must be no transit zones and green corridors for terrorist organizations”. The Central Asian region is one of the most vulnerable, because it is necessary to pay special attention to the strategy of the anti-terrorist security of the countries included in the structure of the Central Asian region. In this article, we consider the anti-terrorist policy of Uzbekistan in the framework of the regional anti-terrorist policy of the SCO.

FINANCIAL INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE POLICY FOR THE PREVENTION OF TERRORIST ACTS IN UKRAINE

The article’s objective is to determine the mechanism for implementing the financial instruments of the state policy to counter terrorist acts in the territory not controlled by Ukrainian authorities in Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Methodology. Within the scientific research, for the most effective approaches at the national level to prevent the threat of international terrorism, under the conditions of the deep internal political crisis and extremely difficult economic situation, in order to improve the efficiency of public administration in developing and implementing the anti-terrorism state policies in Ukraine, the paper analyses international and domestic regulations on preventing the terrorist financing, considers factors that affect the deterioration of the social and economic situation of the temporarily occupied parts of Donbas. Results of the research allow formulating the definition of financial instruments of antiterrorist policies, the paper develops and proposes a series of organizational measures in order to prevent the terrorist financing in Ukraine. Practical implications. Based on the above, we propose an option of classification of main illegal mechanisms that may be used to finance terrorist activities in the territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions uncontrolled by Ukrainian authorities, dividing them into internal and external. Given the above studied factors and classification of financing of terrorist acts in eastern Ukraine, we can assume that for the purpose of evading duty payable to relevant state bodies of Ukraine, external supplies of inventories in the uncontrolled areas of the Donetsk region, which are later obtained by illegal armed groups, are possibly carried out as follows: on behalf of a commercial entity registered in a foreign country for the Ukrainian commercial entity, registered in settlements located in the uncontrolled territory; crossing of international transit traffic that moves through the Russian Federation checkpoints of the Ukrainian-Russian border on the uncontrolled Ukrainian territory. Value/originality. We have concluded that the introduction of financial instruments of the state policy to counter terrorism will bring the following positive results: ensure systematic implementation of the state policy in the prevention and counteraction to legalization (laundering) of proceeds from crime or terrorist financing; enhance a compliance of the national system of combating legalization (laundering) of proceeds from crime or terrorism financing with the international legal standards; improve inflow of foreign investment in order to stimulate the national economy. However, the effectiveness of the above measures should be determined in accordance with the principles of economic analysis of the state policy.

English

Using the concept of ‘strategies of extraversion’ as an analytical framework, this paper argues that governments in the developing world exploit Western concerns about security, especially US anti-terrorism policies, as a domestic policy instrument. The paper focuses on Ethiopia’s 2006 military intervention in Somalia to argue that Ethiopia’s active role in the fight against terrorism is centered on the regime’s domestic concerns. By successfully positioning itself as a key Western ally in the turbulent Horn of Africa, the Ethiopian Government has redefined external perception especially in the wake of the highly contested election of May 2005. The regime has managed to delegitimize internal opposition under the pretense of fighting terrorism; at the same time it became impervious to criticism from Western countries of its human rights records and democratic credentials. On the basis of the case study, the paper contributes to the analysis of Western/US relations with developing governments in the context of GWOT, and more broadly to the debate on the trade-off between security and the promotion of democracy in the third world. Key words: Ethiopia, horn of Africa, war on terror, 'extraversion', foreign aid.

Unsettled Balance: Ethics, Security, and Canada’s International Relations by Rosalind Warner, ed.

Reviewed by: Kit Kirkland, University of St. Andrews, UKWarner's Unsettled Balance was prompted by a wave of international changes over last few years that have profoundly influenced international (3). For Warner, growth of social media and democratization has made us all more globally aware, while turn of international relations has focused our attention toward transnational from climate change to gender issues, human and responsibility to protect (R2P). Warner's book carries on [this] discourse [on] a relatively neglected dimension of international relations: relationship between ethical concerns and security concerns ... 'practical politics' involved in decision-making in a rapidly changing global context (8). Warner argues that although Canada's scope for action is sometimes viewed as circumscribed by its size and structural position, relative to other actors, [Canada's] policies are not made in an ethical vacuum[;] rather, decisions in a democracy call for elaboration and justification (4). Accordingly, her edited volume tackles ethical arguments surrounding rights, obligations, norms, values and national interest in four parts (9). Part 1 looks at humanitarianism and military security; part 2 explores security across borders and contemporary ethics of anti-terror policy, as well as law and order; part 3 explores approach to freedom from want issues through frames of poverty, gender, and environment; and lastly, part 4 compares relations with Colombia and continent of Africa. Due to its unusual case selection, part 4 seems a little disconnected from rest of book; so readers will likely focus on parts 1 and 2, which are most salient to Canada, its ethics, and international relations.Warner gives a fine overview of how ethical perspectives, through documents like Canadian Charter, have made it an international leader;Canada had become a charter member of what we might call 'moral minority,' that distinguished (and self-styled) group of states ... whose moral multilateralism is predicated ... on enunciation of a new set of global norms that will lead inexorably to creation of a just and more equitable international order. (13). Examples of Canadian leadership include the Rome Statute for International Criminal Court (ICC) and Anti-Personnel Mine Convention [the Ottawa Treaty] (12). Through Axworthy doctrine of late 1990s, emphasis of Canadian security migrated from national security to wider ethical considerations that referenced human security, focusing on humanitarian action in keeping with Canada's historical role in peacekeeping--the classic blue-beret experience (122). Nonetheless, War on Terror and Great Recession have since reinforced traditional national security paradigm, and whether domestic responses to these form a lasting departure from storied historical commitment to liberal internationalism remains an open question (18).[1]In part 2, Barbara Falk's discussion of post-9/11 and away game, and process of verticalization--how events at home have implications for Canadian actions abroad and vice-versa--was insightful. Through numerous cases from Air India Flight 182 bombing, to rendition of Maher Arar, repatriation of Omar Khadr, and prosecution of Toronto 18, Falk reviews how law has had to catch up to contemporary reality of terrorism that presumed one was either a combatant or a civilian (122-123). Falk notes that success of prosecuting terrorists for association and plots lies in growing conjunction of foreign and domestic efforts; however, Falk also highlights that these capabilities should not sacrifice Canadians' civil liberties under charter, and that terrorist false positives can and have been costly (115). …

A multi-level approach. How and when Italy has disengaged from left-wing political violence

This article investigates how and when left-wing armed groups disengaged from political violence in the Italian case. Analytically, bridging recent trends in social movement studies with those in political violence, it grounds its understanding of the how and when political violence ends in the dynamic relational interplay between socio-political context, organisation dynamics, and individual motivations. Empirically it does not challenge previous readings on the Italian case, but aims to suggest how and why some particular legislative measures worked in the way they have been designed to do from the state including a focus on internal organizational dynamics and societal changes, as well as on political actors responses. This article suggests that there is no single best solutions in order to reduce political violence, as state anti-terrorist policies can have different effects in different social context and different armed groups. Furthermore, the attempts to reduce violence require the involvement of non-state actors as well.