anti-American Research Articles

Reinforcing Cultural Identity by Appealing to Local Cultural Cues: National Identity Formation and Consumption in High-Context Cultures

Traditionally, U.S. firms have successfully used American appeal (hard-sell approach) as a unique selling proposition in Europe, Japan and in the developing world. However, the anti-American sentiments around the world due to the Iraqi and Afghan wars and recent upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa have negatively influenced consumer judgments about American-labeled global brands in international markets during the last decade. Such consumer perceptions may lead to a favorable environment for new competitors to emerge in specific markets, and these products may take significant market share away from global U.S. brands.

Redemptive anti-Americanism and the death of Captain America

The comic book character of Captain America was assassinated during a superhero “Civil War” occurring in the pages of Marvel comics. His death occurred because of his opposition to measures enacted by the U.S. government that denied due process to citizens and the government's faulty justification for military aggression. This essay serves as an exploration of Captain America's redemptive anti-Americanism and how the narrative of “the pure nation corrupted by an illegitimate government” serves as the basis for ostensibly pro-American anti-American rhetoric. A content analysis framework was employed to build an empirical model that demonstrates the presence of redemptive anti-Americanism in the specific texts analyzed (the Civil War and Fallen Son comic book series). Results of the analysis demonstrate correlation between the character, his role in the narrative, and the emergence of redemptive anti-American sentiment. Implications of the analysis are considered.

Diplomacy and Cultural Understanding

During the first two decades of the Cold War, especially during the administration of the United States presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower (19531961) and Lyndon B. Johnson (1963 -1969), relations between the US and Indonesia were marked with suspicion, ambiguity, and antagonism. This was in part due to the failures of many US policymakers in understanding - let alone respecting - Indonesia's culture and politics, especially as they manifested in the political views and personality of Indonesia's first president, Sukarno. Failing to see Sukarno as a Javanese-Indonesian leader whose views on domestic and international politics stemmed from his Javanese background, many Cold War US policymakers considered him a communist demagogue who threatened US interests and world peace.The failure brought far-reaching consequences. Despite attempts by President John F. Kennedy and his administration (1961-1963) to be friendly toward Sukarno, greater pressures against the Indonesian president in the US policymaking formulation remained dominant. One of the results of such pressures was US support during President Johnson's administration for Indonesia's massive anti-communist purge in 1965, which was followed by the removal of President Sukarno from power. The US Cold War policymakers succeeded in their anti-Sukarno course of action, but their success was achieved at the expense of the lives of untold numbers of Indonesians.There are important lessons to draw from this tragic implementation of diplomatic policy, especially with regard to today's post-Cold War international politics, in which foreign policy makers are often challenged to deal with global issues that require diplomatic and military involvement.THE COLD WAR, THE US, AND SUKARNOBy most of the US media and policymakers, particularly since the second half of the 1950s, Sukarno was perceived and depicted as a pro-communist, pro- Soviet Union demagogue who deserved to be pressured in order to comply with US interests. These policymakers acknowledged Sukarno's popularity among his people, but they also believed that the Indonesian president was pushing his country to side with the Eastern bloc, the main foe of the US. The US policymakers recognized Sukarno's prominence among the newly-independent nations, but they were also convinced that the Indonesian leader, if left alone, could ignite worldwide anti-American sentiment among those nations.Thus many US policymakers began to seek ways to pressure or even unseat the Indonesian president. Following debates and argumentation among themselves, these policymakers decided to help anti- Sukarno forces in Indonesia in removing him from power.JAVANESE CULTURE AND THE IDEA OF POLITICAL POWERIn the introduction of his book, The Religion of Java, Clifford Geertz reminds his readers that it is not easy to characterize Javanese culture with a single label or dominant theme: Javanese culture (one of the most influential cultures in Indonesia) is complex.1 Java, the most populated island and home of the country's largest ethnic group, has been influenced by many other cultures over the centuries, including cultures that came from India, China, the Middle East, Portugal, the Netherlands, and neighbouring nations.The influences of foreign cultures made Javanese culture rich and adaptable, able to absorb, incorporate, learn, and develop elements from others. At the same time, these influences contributed to the Javanese tendency to combine elements of one's own culture and tradition with those of other cultures. Not surprisingly, Javanese culture is often described as having a strong tradition of syncretism.Javanese people are typically proud of their culture's richness. Indeed, many Javanese believe that Javanese culture is not only better than other cultures in the Indonesian archipelago, but also the culture against which other cultures of the world should be measured. Based on such confidence, the Javanese believe that Javanese kings should not only use their power to govern fellow Javanese people, but also to influence the world at large. …

Making new friends: Explaining Greek radical Left’s political support for Middle Eastern Islamists

Greece’s radical Left is known for its endurance mainly due to historical reasons. It is a social movement consisting of political parties, extra-parliamentary groups and terrorist organizations. In recent years, the country's radical Left has come closer to Middle Eastern Islamists. This article claims that anti-American sentiments have provided a common framework justifying joint action. The theory of United Front and the master frame of anti-Americanism are the tools of justification for this unnatural alliance in the making.

Tipping in Australia: the result of American influence?

Why is tipping for service customary in the United States, but not Australia? With origins in sixteenth-century England, then moving onto Continental Europe, tipping was introduced to both Australia and the US in the late-nineteenth century. Yet it became the norm only in the US, whilst simultaneously marginalised in Australia. This paper proposes that the structure of US society in the late-nineteenth century was one that was conducive to tipping, while the structure of Australian society was not. Furthermore, quiet anti-American sentiment in Australia during the Second World War defined tipping as “un-Australian”. These two factors have ensured that tipping has been seldom practiced in Australia's history. However, this seems to be changing in recent years. The extent to which Australians adopt the custom may depend on the direction of labour-relations.

The Gulf Cooperation Council: a regional approach to peace, security and development

The 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran prompted the Gulf conservative Arab states to undertake a series of measures to safeguard their regimes, as well as peace and security in the region. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the setting up of the Regional Defence Force by the United States raised the spectre of outside interference in Gulf affairs. The fall of the Shah had clearly undermined the credibility of the United States as a reliable security partner. Given the populist and Islamic content of the revolution in Iran, its anti-monarchic and anti-United States stance, these states sought an alternative course to safeguard their security. The Gulf War further aggravated their sense of nervousness, and soon they took steps to avoid becoming involved in the conflict. This was basically due to their distrust of the Iraqi Baathist regime as well as their desire not to antagonise Iran. With Iran and Iraq at war, Saudi Arabia consolidated its position and emerged as the leader of the Gulf Arab states. Against this backdrop, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) was established in May 1981 as a regional organisation to overcome the security problems by pooling resources and lessening dependence on outside support. The preamble of the GCC is based on shared values, similarity of political systems, religious affinity and a common destiny that binds the Arab states of the Gulf. The purposes of the organisation include: (1) achievement of coordination and cooperation among the members; (2) promotion of cooperation among the people of member states; (3) harmonisation of procedures and practices in the fields of finance, economics, commerce, education, culture, legislation and public administration; (4) promotion of scientific and technological development of members; (5) development of a common defence strategy; and (6) collection and sharing of intelligence information regarding subversive and opposition groups.

Notes from the Editors

We have readily assumed that, within Muslim countries, fundamentalists will most oppose American influence and policies, but Lisa Blaydes and Drew A. Linzer find a striking and perhaps surprising regularity: Anti-Americanism is most pronounced in the least observant Islamic countries. Moreover, opposition to the United States does not seem to be related to any particular American policies or to American culture generally. Anti-Americanism arises instead, they argue in “Elite Competition, Religiosity, and Anti-Americanism in the Islamic World,” from elite strategy, in which fundamentalist political factions fan anti-American sentiments to compete with more secular groups. That competition is most intense, and hence the anti-American strategy most frequently employed, in Islamic countries in which divisions between secular and religious forces are most pronounced. Employing a mix of statistical and case study methods, Blaydes and Linzer find that, within countries, observant Muslims are likelier to express anti-American sentiments; between countries, competition between secular and religious forces, and not fundamentalism, inspires anti-U.S. sentiment.

How Deeply Held Are Anti-American Attitudes Among Pakistani Youth? Evidence Using Experimental Variation in Information

This paper investigates how attitudes towards the US are aected by provision of information. We use an experimentally generated panel of attitudes, obtained by providing urban Pakistanis fact-based statements describing the United States in either a positive or negative light. Anti-American sentiment is high and heterogenous in our sample at the baseline. We …nd that revised attitudes are, on average, signi…cantly dierent from the baseline attitudes, indicating that providing information had a meaningful eect on US favorability. Observed revisions are a consequence of both salience of already known information, as well as information acquisition that leads to a convergence in attitudes across respondents with dierent priors. This provides evidence that (i) public opinions are not purely a cultural phenomenon, and are malleable, and (ii) the tendency of respondents to ignore information not aligned with their priors can be overcome. Our …ndings make the case for dissemination of accurate information in Pakistan (and in the Muslim World in general) about various aspects of US actions, in order to improve opinion toward the US.

The Export Of Islamic Revolution in Iran And Threat For The Us, The Soviet Union, And Arab Countries

The relationships between Islam and the West have become an important issue in the international world until today. Islam and Muslim countries are part of the factors which influenced the political dynamics in the world. In this regard, the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 is one of the major issues that contributed to the shaping the relationship between Islam and the West, even until to date. This is because this revolution has inspired the emergence Islamic movements around the world and triggered anti American sentiment among Muslims. This revolution also shaped the perception about the threat from Islamic fundamentalism in the West. This article will analyze the back- ground and the context of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and its impacts on the United States, the Soviet Union, and the Arab states. It will argue that the Islamic Revolution become the major threat for all the countries because Iran has placed its revolution as the asset that would be exported to other countries. This revolu- tion has challenged Western interests in the Middle East particularly on oil and natural gas supplies. The Islamic revolu- tion also threatened the authoritarian regimes in the Middle East which often oppressed their people in the name of Islamic legitimacy.

Anti-American and Anti-Alliance Sentiments in South Korea

Abstract The strain between the U.S. and the ROK is often seen as a result of South Korea's anti-Americanism. However, alliance strain and anti-Americanism have not necessarily changed together. This conceptual disparity calls for the need to specify, rather than assume, causality. We utilize newly collected data from two major Korean dailies to show this need.

The Conspiracy that Never was

Few events have imparted more obvious lesson to future generations than loyalty of 1891. For century it served as cautionary tale of what became of politicians foolhardy enough to pursue free trade with United States. Wilfrid Laurier's Liberals campaigned on bold new platform of unrestricted reciprocity, while Sir John A. Macdonald's Conservatives stood their national policy which, since 1879, had protected domestic industry applying high tariffs against foreign imports. Macdonald successfully framed campaign as struggle for survival of Canada, accusing Liberals of veiled treason and wrapping himself patriotically in Union Jack. A British subject I was bom, Sir John A. declared. A British subject I will die.1 It was last refuge of scoundrel, but it worked. The British connection triumphed, Tories won election, and when Macdonald passed away three months later, legend was born that he had literally died saving country from annexation to United States.It seemed clear enough at time that Canadians would never vote for free trade, and lesson learned in 1891 was reinforced election of 1911, when Liberals - this time governing party - again proposed unrestricted reciprocity, and again went down to defeat. Not for three quarters of century would issue be raised again in federal election, even as Canada and United States steadily grew closer economically. When old battle was finally fought again in election of 1988, Brian Mulrone/s Progressive Conservatives earned mandate to implement historic Canada-US free trade agreement. Today, issue has been definitively settled, and gone is time when a British subject I will die was meaningful rallying cry for Canadians. This being case, does election of 1891 have any lessons of history left to teach us?The answer is yes, but not for reasons one might expect. First, close inspection of campaign reveals that Canadians ofthat era were not quite so pro-British and anti- American as its outcome suggests. Almost half of voters backed free trade, and many were motivated continentalist brand of nationalism that maintained that Canadians could compete successfully against Americans under free trade without compromising their economic or political independence. Second, for all apocalyptic talk of Canada being sold out to United States - recurring theme in Canadian- American relations to be sure - preponderance of historical evidence suggests that despite some indiscretions and foolishness on part ofa few of Liberals, intentions of party were no less patriotic than those of Conservatives. Finally, contrary to impression created Macdonald, there never was sinister American conspiracy to acquire Canada, by force, fraud, or both in late 19th century.2 In fact US diplomacy was quite proper in its handling of Canadian question in 1891, showing patience and restraint even in face of ugly anti-American rhetoric from Macdonald government.THE CONFIDENT CONTINENTALISTSTo understand true extent of anti-American sentiment in Canada during election of 1891, it is first necessary to get past iconic Tory propaganda that produced most enduring images from campaign. There is the old flag, old policy, older leader poster, an unabashed appeal to British-Canadian sentiment, which depicts flag-waving Sir John A. perched on shoulders of his supporters. There is cartoon that shows Laurier and Sir Richard Cartwright (Laurier's English-Canadian lieutenant) begging on their knees for free trade from their American masters, and another that imagines Cartwright as slave trader, selling bound Miss Canada to devilish Uncle Sam.3 Macdonald's accusation that dark American conspiracy to annex Canada was afoot and his great ringing phrases - veiled treason and a British subject I will die - are better remembered than anything that Liberals uttered during campaign. …

Conspiracy Fever: the US, Pakistan and its Media

Anti-American sentiments and conspiracy theories perpetuated by Pakistan's independent media pose a great challenge to US diplomacy.

Debated Whiteness amid World Events: Mexican and Mexican American Subjectivity and the U.S.' Relationship with the Americas, 1924–1936

By the 1920s, anti-Mexican campaigns in the United States had become a major liability for US interests in the Americas, as rival imperial powers attempted to exploit growing anti-American sentiments in Mexico and Latin America against American imperialism. The U.S. State Department sought to curtail animosity in Latin America by contesting discriminatory domestic practices that angered elite Mexicans and Mexican-American leaders who identified as white. After blocking eastern and southern European and Japanese immigration in the 1924 National Origins Act, the eugenics movement turned its attention to excluding Mexicans from entering the US. When legislative attempts at restriction failed because they conflicted with national and international commercial interests, non-legislative avenues were sought, including the Census and the courts. The 1930 Census was the only census that categorized Mexicans as a separate “race.” In the context of a changing racial formation in the United States, this unique category was reversed in 1936 due to Mexican-American leaders leveraging the fragility of the “Good Neighbor Policy” to force the Federal government into action.

“Dynamics of Contention” in Democratic Korea: The Role of Anti-Americanism

“Dynamics of Contention” in Democratic Korea: The Role of Anti-Americanism

Bifurcated Images of the U.S. in Urban China and the Impact of Media Environment

The Chinese public's prevailing admiration and respect for the United States was widely observed in the 1980s when reforms first began. However, since the early 1990s significant anti-American sentiments have started to emerge in China. Such a dramatic shift in Chinese people's attitudes toward the U.S. has significant implications for both U.S. domestic politics and foreign policies. Many politicians, journalists, and scholars have identified the increasing reliance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on nationalism for mobilizing political support, as well as its still firm control over the domestic mass media for propaganda campaigns, as critical factors driving this dramatic public opinion shift. Nevertheless, without systematic and appropriate empirical evidence, it is extremely difficult to adjudicate the validity of speculations on why such a change occurred. Taking advantage of a 2005 two-city survey in China with pertinent survey instruments, we (a) explored Chinese urban residents' usage of different media sources, (b) examined the dimensionality of their evaluations of the U.S., and (c) scrutinized the impacts of Chinese urbanites' usage of diversified media sources on their perceptions of the U.S. The findings show that people's attitudes toward U.S. foreign policies can be clearly distinguished from their evaluations of American political institutions and socioeconomic achievements. Most importantly, our analyses also reveal that, embedded as they are in China's partially transformed and partially diversified media environment, Chinese urban residents do not become pro-American (or vice versa) from the usage of alternative media sources beyond the CCP's control.

Sources of Korean Public Attitudes toward the U.S. and the Impact of Anti-American Sentiment in Electoral Politics

이 논문은 한국인들의 반미감정에 대해 2004년 Global Views 데이타를 이용하여 실증적으로 분석하였다. 경험적인 분석결과 한국인들의 반미감정은 이데올로기적 반미주의와는 거리가 멀고, 미국의 문화적 확산 혹은 외교정책이나 무역정책의 방향에 대한 인지적 반응이 내재된 피상적인 태도가 지배적임을 발견하였다. 즉 한국인들의 반미감정은 미국에 대한 전면적인 부정이나 좌파적 성격을 갖고 있는 것이 아니라, 상충된 복합적인 태도로서, 일관성이 없거나 혹은 실용적 반응이라는 것이다 또한 반미감정이 극명하게 선거에 영향을 끼쳤다고 논의되는 데, 분석결과 2002년 대선과 2004년 총선에서 반미감정은 투표자들의 태도에 결정적인 영향을 끼치지 못했다. 이 논문의 함의는 반미감정이 급격하게 전염병처럼 확산된다 할지라도, 투표행태나 중장기적인 한미동맹관계에 부정적인 영향을 끼치지는 않음을 시사한다.

Anti-American Sentiment as a Media Effect? Arab Media, Political Identity, and Public Opinion in the Middle East

Many have attributed anti-American sentiment within Arab countries to a highly negative information environment propagated by transnational Arab satellite TV news channels such as Al-Jazeera. However, theoretical models and empirical evidence evaluating the linkages between media exposure and opinion about the United States remains scant. Drawing on theories of media effects, identity, and public opinion, this article develops a theoretical framework explicating how the influence of transnational Arab TV on opinion formation is contingent on competing political identities within the region. Employing 5 years of survey data collected across six Arab countries, we empirically test several propositions about the relationship between Arab TV exposure and public opinion about the United States generated by our theoretical framework. Our results demonstrate significant associations between transnational Arab TV exposure and anti-American sentiment, but also show these associations vary substantially by channel and political identification. The theoretical and policy implications of the study are discussed.

The Impact of the Iraq War on US Consumer Goods Sales in Arab Countries

Did the rise in anti-American sentiment caused by the Iraq war affect sales of US goods abroad? We address this question using data on soft drink and fabric detergent sales in nine Arab countries. We find a statistically significant negative impact of the war on sales of US soft drinks in seven countries. The impact dissipates after a few months in two countries but persists in the other five. In the case of detergents we only find a significant negative impact in one country. We conclude that international politics can sometimes affect consumer behavior and impact market outcomes.

Weakness and Gambits in Philippine Foreign Policy in the Twenty-first Century

In November 2001, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo made an ambitious foreign policy pronouncement entitled Eight Realities of Philippine Foreign Policy.1 The policy statement highlights the government's objectives to contain domestic and international terrorism and address the country's underdevelopment by enhancing its economic competitiveness in the global market. It also contains bold diplomatic gambits such as balancing the major powers (United States, Japan and China) in East Asia against each other to ensure national security. Specifically, it intends to strengthen the US-Philippine alliance, and to enlist Washington's support for the country's internal security agenda. It also expresses reliance on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other multilateral organizations to advance the Philippines' security and economic goals. Significantly, it conveys the need to protect the interests and well being of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), and actively utilize the Philippine foreign affairs department and diplomatic corps to explore new export markets abroad and to attract foreign tourists and investments to the country. These diplomatic gambits required material resources and military capabilities, and also entailed the cooperation of the Philippines with other states at the bilateral, regional and global levels. However, the Philippine state's internal weakness has thwarted the country's pursuit of its strategic objectives. The policy goals have unleashed latent tensions and conflicts in the conduct of Philippine foreign relations. These include the government's reinvigorated military/security ties with the US, amidst the vocal and chronic anti-American sentiments in Philippine society; the country's desire to play an active role in regional and global security versus the political exigency to resolve its internal conflicts; and finally, the regime's need to project the state's politico-diplomatic clout in global forums and regional developments vis-a-vis its limited economic and military capabilities.

The Rise and Fall of Anti-American Sentiment in South Korea: Deconstructing Hegemonic Ideas and Threat Perception

This article examines anti-American sentiment in South Korea by taking a closer look at the ways in which hegemonic ideas of anti-North Korea and pro-U.S. have been deconstructed. It argues that the extent to which South Koreans perceive a North Korean threat exerts a significant influence on anti-American sentiment in South Korea.