Anti-nuclear Protest Research Articles

Toward Transpacific Ecopoetics: Three Indigenous Texts

In this article, I employ "the Pacific" as a contact zone, method, and concept with which to examine the dynamic, shifting relationship between land and sea that allows indigenous literature in the transpacific context to engage all of its ecopoetic complexity. The Pacific is the largest oceanic divide on earth. In recent years, issues around global capitalism, national identity, community, and the ecology of the Pacific region have sparked intriguing and provoca- tive discussions. Research along these lines celebrates the networking and coalition activities of various groups of people in the Pacific, and highlights the circulation of ideas and cultures that I believe to be crucial to contem- porary ecological scholarship. It offers an oceanic perspective that serves as a counterweight to continental ways of thinking, and it supplements or challenges transnational approaches to imperialism, postcolonialism, indi- geneity, globalization, and ecology. 1 A recent special issue of the Contemporary Pacific titled "Native Pacific Cultural Studies on the Edge" examines uncharted spaces of the Pacific Islands and historicizes indigenous discourses about making landfall, showing how they have contested the production of new transoceanic environments. The articles in this special issue "explore notions of Pacific indigeneity as they circulate through geographical, cultural, political, and historical flows of people(s), things, knowledge, power—between islands and continents." 2 As the United States and China battle over this geographical space, the message from the indigenous Pacific can be inspiring: neighboring communities have always exchanged ideas and products, often across vast oceanic distances. It was a large world in which indigenous people intermingled along numerous interconnecting routes, unhindered by the boundaries erected much later by imperial powers. Indeed, the recent wave of research on transnational

「2008年以後」 の日本の政治

The global economic crisis since 2008 Autumn, which led to the growing of unemployment and poverty and the people's protests against existing political system, makes communist ideas revive, in the fields of performing arts and social thoughts. However, in politics, especially in Japanese one, we haven't found political crises that caused successful political changes. Is the key to be explored the powers and forms of capitalist states ? At first, we review the classical work on the capitalist state and political struggles- Karl Marx's “December 18th :Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte” (1851) (Section 1). Then, we introduce two major Marxian state-theorists, Isamu Fujita in Japan and Bob Jessop in Britain, to collaborate an approach of contemporary capitalist state / political analysis (Section 2). Under the approach's guidance, we sketch political conjunctures in Japan since 2008 Autumn (Section 3), which saw the surge of anti-poverty movements, leading to the historical governmental change at the general election in 2009 Summer, founded fruitlessly to break down by 2012 Winter, in spite of the national wide anti-nuclear protests after the third Fukushima crisis (2011 March 11), with result in establishing the neo-conservative one-party-dominant political structure in 2013 Summer.

Generating power in Taiwan: Nuclear, political and religious power

This paper addresses how religion is playing an increasingly important role in empowering anti-nuclear protests at Gongliao in Taiwan. It begins by describing how the anti-nuclear movement in Taiwan was originally dependant on the opposition political party, and then examines how growing disaffection with party politics at Gongliao has resulted in a local temple dedicated to the goddess Mazu coming to the forefront of the struggle. This paper frames the dispute as a struggle between three different ways of generating power (and implicitly, of losing power): first, the generation of nuclear power by bureaucrats and scientists working through the industrial sector; second, the generation of political power by opposition politicians and elite campaigners; and third, the generation of religious power by people rooted in local communities, creating an alliance between religious power and secular protest.

“Religion and Nonviolence in American History”

AbstractNonviolence has long been an important aspect of American religion. Understanding the tradition of religious nonviolence helps illuminate such subjects as the growth and limits of state power, the character of political dissent, and the significance of race in the nation’s history. In the colonial period, Quakers tried to square the nonviolent ideal with the vagaries of pluralism and cultural conflict. Nineteenth‐century nonresistants led by William Lloyd Garrison tied the problem of violence to the injustice of slavery. The connections between peace and justice were revitalized in the decades after the First World War, when Mohandas Gandhi’s efforts in India suggested the viability of nonviolent direct action as a practical strategy for social change. That modern form of nonviolence achieved great success in the civil rights movement, as Martin Luther King, Jr. and other African American innovators used it to defeat white supremacy. Religious nonviolence was also at the center of antinuclear protests and the campaign to end the Vietnam War. More recently, nonviolence has appeared in the prolife movement and the opposition to United States military action in Afghanistan and Iraq.

In living memory: Mapping the landscape of Greenham and Crookham Commons

Greenham and Crookham Commons in West Berkshire, UK, are geographic places identifiable on satellite images and survey maps. This article complicates simple physical mappings of the Commons by analysing the mental maps that emerge from the recorded memories of 12 elderly participants engaged in a ‘reminiscence project’. Originally part of a community sound installation, the recordings provide insights into lives lived in and around the Commons from the early 20th century to the present day. Following a chronological structure linked to the geographical features of the Commons, the article examines myths and stories associated with these shared spaces as they were transformed by time, history and ageing. Early childhood memories of the landscape of the Commons create a virtual cartography that brings to the fore experiences of daily life and practices of space belonging to earlier generations. These memories are set in stark contrast to the memories of the US army occupation of the Commons, and of the anti-nuclear protests that made them famous. Considering these virtual cartographies enables reflections on the relationship between memory, space and landscape over time as well as on the unique ways in which old age may alter conceptions of space in shared reminiscences.

The Political Avant-Garde Repurposed

Lis Rhodes: and Institute of Contemporary Arts London, U.K January 25-March 25, 2012 Lis Rhodes's Dissonance and Disturbance exhibition recalls die feminist film movement with three installations, This is perhaps a lilting revival, given the parallels that way be drawn between Britain's politieal climate today and that of the Thatcher years. Now, as then, we see a (Conservative government pursuing ideologically motivated policies and privatizations resulting in high unemployment, riots, and rising inequality. Rhodes's earlier works are reminders of how experimental art forms can be imbued with a radical polities, while her later works are instructive of the necessity to once again tool up and respond to political imperatives in art practices. The large installations are housed in two lacing rooms, and in the lover between diem sits a television with headsets. This smaller installation consists of two one-minute films from 1983. No. 8 I Bus and Gooes and Common These films. part of the Hang-On a Minute (1985) series of short poetic films commissioned by Chamnel 4, reveal succinct political critiques.No. 8 Bus indicts the mining company. Rio Tinio Zinc, with illegal mining in Namibia and the suppression of wages for its workers, (ioose and Common juxtaposes two instances, at Grcenham Common airfield in Berkshire and at Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, where controversies emerged around the British government's use of land for military purposes. The involuntary relocation of the native population of Diego Garcia and the anti-nuclear protests by die Grcenham Common Women's Peace Camp were points of political reference far (ioose and Common. That Rhodes's work affirms the feminist edict that the personal is political is evident in No. 8 Bns, where merely establishing corporate wrongdoing-is insufficient. Rhodes instead manages to make the connection between illegal mining, rising cnergv prices, and the poverty that resuhs from exploitative corporate practices in an idiosyncratic one-minule lilm with a singing female voice-over. The voice-over sings of rent in arrears, unfed children, and not having the bus fare to the city with its stock exchange and international thieves. In the room on the left is an installation comprised of two early videos: Dicsdcn Dynamo 1972: and Light Reading (1978). Like many of Rhodes's works. Dresden Dynamo, a ten-minute piece with dynamically moving shapes and patterns, does not come with a pre-packaged meaning. One attempts (o derive meaning through the juxtaposition ol sound and image, and perhaps, with the aid of their titles. Dresden Dynamo dramatizes, the fighter planes in (he skies over Dresden during the second world war by combining animated shapes with a soundtrack reminiscent of either the roar of planes overhead or of video games simulating air combat. Light Reading, a longer and more substantial piece, further questions t he ways in which we interpret images. A female voice-over speaks in fragments at the beginning and end of the Mtn. …

German exceptionalism: the end of nuclear energy in Germany!

Nuclear energy has long been controversial in Germany: for four decades there has been a fierce debate between proponents and opponents of nuclear power, and anti-nuclear protests started in the 19...

Tahiti beyond the postcard: power, place, and everyday life

Winner of the 2013 ICAS Book Prize (Social Sciences) The that most people imagine - white-sand beaches, turquoise lagoons, and beautiful women - is a product of 18th century European romanticism and persists today as the bedrock of Tahiti's tourism industry. This postcard image, however, masks a different reality. The dreams and desires that the tourism industry promotes distract from the medical nightmares and environmental destruction caused by France's 30-year nuclear testing program in French Polynesia. Tahitians see the burying of a bomb in their land as deeply offensive. For Tahitians, the land abounds with ancestral fertility, and genealogical identity, and is a source of physical and spiritual nourishment. These imagined and lived perspectives seem incompatible, yet are intricately intertwined in the political economy. Tahiti Beyond the Postcard engages with questions about the subtle but ubiquitous ways in which power entangles itself in place-related ways. Miriam Kahn uses interpretive frameworks of both Tahitian and European scholars, drawing upon ethnographic details that include ancient chants, picture postcards, antinuclear protests, popular song lyrics, and the legacy of Paul Gauguin's art, to provide fresh perspectives on colonialism, tourism, imagery, and the anthropology of place.

Transnationality as a Liability? The Anti-Nuclear Movement at Malville

Transnationality as a Liability ? The Anti-Nuclear Movement at Malville In social movement studies, transnational activism is often conceived in terms of its advantages. However, transnationality can also be a complicating factor that affects protest in ambivalent or contradictory ways. This article explores in detail one infamous case where the transnational nature of protest was turned from an advantage into a liability for its protagonists. At the protest march against the nuclear power plant in Creys-Malville, France on 31 July 1977, French authorities blamed demonstrators from West Germany for violence that left one innocent protester dead and three people seriously wounded. By situating this protest in a transnational chronology of French and German anti-nuclear protests, this article shows how events in West Germany did have an important effect on those in France, but also how transnationality was conflated with more fundamental problems related to the local protest mobilisation.

Rose Sees Red (review)

Reviewed by: Rose Sees Red Karen Coats Castellucci, Cecil. Rose Sees Red. Scholastic, 2010. [208p.] ISBN 978-0-545-06079-0 $17.99 Reviewed from galleys Ad Gr. 7-10. Rose is a dance student at New York's High School of Performing Arts in the 1980s, even though she doesn't think she's that good; she's decided, after a bad friendship bustup, that friends aren't worth the heartache, even when some girls from her class invite her into their circle. She is, however, mildly fascinated by Yrena, the Russian girl who lives in an apartment compound next door to Rose's house. As it turns out, Yrena is interested in Rose as well, and one night the two girls decide to go out for ice cream, followed of course by the ubiquitous KGB and CIA agents that monitor Yrena's family; when Yrena impulsively slips her guards, Rose has no choice but to follow. One thing leads to another until they've stayed out all night, attended the famous 1982 anti-nuclear protest rally in Central Park, and created an international incident. Rose is a credible if sometimes tedious character, given to whining introspection until Yrena's emergence catapults her out of herself into considering what it must be like to be confined to a world without personal freedoms. The night-long sightseeing jaunt through New York City, coupled with Rose's developing friendships with her classmates, sparkles, but the book then loses a lot of its luster in an extended dialogue about the Cold War, nuclear arms, and the way personal friendships such as the one they have created overnight could solve all of the world's problems; it's probably exactly the kind of conversation that took place at the rally among the younger participants, but it's heavy-handed nonetheless. Context clues regarding the year are very stingy, with the first hint being a mention of the recent bicentennial halfway through the book, so readers not familiar with recent American history may be somewhat at sea with all the Cold War references. However, the details are authentic, so that readers will be given a true taste of what kinds of issues concerned teens thirty years ago. Copyright © 2010 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Topographies of Anti-Nuclear Art in Late Cold War Los Angeles

With the tenth anniversary of the end of the Cold War drawing near, museums around the world mounted exhibitions that focused on the cultural aspect of the conflict. From the Victoria and Albert Museum in London to the Los Angeles Museum of Contemporary Art , almost all considerations of culture in the Cold War focus on the first two decades. The periodisation of these exhibitions reflects the dominant trend in scholarship, which centres on the years in which the slow simmer conflict experienced frequent flare ups. Studies of Cold War culture take one of two tacks, exploring the impact of the bomb on manifestations of culture, such as art, literature and film, as well as fashion, design, and everyday aesthetics. Another school concentrates on the ways that high art was pressed into diplomatic service during the Cold War. This narrative strand ties the formalist concerns that dominated aesthetics to the zeitgeist of the Cold War. Since very little political content could be imputed to non-figurative or non-realist art, the story goes, this art made the perfect expression of American culture for use by cold warrior administrations. In recent years, both accounts of culture in the Cold War have received considerable elaboration in some finely wrought studies. However, the focus still remains on the 1950s and early 1960s, with the rare work moving past the Cuban Missile Crisis. The influential historian of the Cold War, Charles S Meier, divides the long conflict into eight epochs. The lengthy period of dormancy in the 1970s, which Meier characterizes as 'domestic reform and detente' resulted in a decline in the Cold War cultural battles. It also coincided with the fading of the first wave of anti-nuclear activism, as Paul Boyer has persuasively demonstrated in his analysis of the trajectory of anti-nuclear protests. By the 1960s, the American public had lost interest in the issue.

Social Protest as Formation for Prophetic Ministry: An Experiment in Transformative Theological Education

AbstractThis article evaluates an anti-nuclear protest undertaken by staff and students of the Queen's Foundation for Ecumenical Theological Education, Birmingham, UK as an experiment in prophetic ministerial formation. Four key areas of reflection arising from interviews with participants are considered: the style and extent of learning; social protest in the light of scripture, theology and tradition; the task and vocation of the ordained minister; and the experience of conflict and harmony. The article affirms the value of counter-cultural experience as an element of theological education, noting how disorientating dilemmas generated by the protest confronted participants with some important issues around fear, group harmony and personal confidence and vocation. The protest was also shown to have offered fertile soil for analogical theological thinking, though was less effective in developing systematic theological and ethical thinking. Areas for further development are also highlighted; notably rega...

The Politics of Anti-Nuclear Protest in Taiwan: A Case of Party-Dependent Movement (1980–2000)

This essay tries to understand a particular pattern of the relation between social movement and political party. By analyzing the development of the anti-nuclear protest in Taiwan, the author puts forth the concept of party-dependent movement. This term denotes an awkward situation where the fate of a social movement is bound to the electoral performance of a certain political party. In Taiwan, the rise of anti-nuclear voice is closely related to the democratic opening. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) adopted an unequivocal anti-nuclear stand ever since its founding in 1986, thus helped to collect the increasing support from the broad movement constituents. But the growing DPP has other political priorities, which means the anti-nuclear goal is often shelved to the disappointment of movement activists. As a consequence of the early convergence, the movement has not been able to re-assert its autonomy.

Towards a Nuclear Weapons Free World?

NEW ZEALAND'S VOCAL SUPPORT for global nuclear disarmament predates the end of the cold war by several years. During the 1980s, for example, anti-nuclear sentiment played a prominent role both in New Zealand's domestic politics and in shaping the country's foreign and defence policies. More recently, New Zealand has been an enthusiastic member of the New Agenda Coalition, a small group of member states of the United Nations dedicated to raising the profile of nuclear disarmament.(1) Wellington's anti-nuclear credentials were confirmed at the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) review conference in New York, 24 April-19 May 2000, when it was appointed to chair a subsidiary body responsible for securing agreement on the disarmament obligations of the major nuclear weapons states.With the help of that subsidiary body, the 2000 review conference elicited a major and 'unequivocal commitment' from the five nuclear weapons states (the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, and China) to accomplish complete nuclear disarmament. At the very least this will provide a standard against which the five can be held to account in future negotiations at the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament (CD) and elsewhere. At the conclusion of the conference, New Zealand's minister for disarmament and arms control, Matt Robson, observed that 'there is a new mood of optimism'(2) about the future prospects for disarmament.However, the pledge made by the nuclear weapons states was not accompanied by an explicit timetable for elimination, and it is hard to deny that the possession of nuclear weapons remains an attractive proposition for a number of states. Moreover, bargaining between the United States and Russia over Washington's plans for a limited national missile defence (NMD) system at times overshadowed the work of the NPT conference. The strains placed on the arms control and disarmament agenda by this issue alone are enough to raise questions about the future prospects for nuclear disarmament and to make the task confronting New Zealand and other pro-disarmament countries all the more daunting.This article assesses the opportunities and challenges facing New Zealand as a strong advocate of a nuclear weapons free world. An overview of the place of nuclear weapons issues in New Zealand's approach to world affairs during the last decade of the cold war and the first decade of the post-cold war era sets the stage. In accounting for New Zealand's commitment to nuclear disarmament reference will be made to both domestic and international political influences and the relationship between the two. This in turn is used to analyse the prospects in the early twenty-first century for significant global movement towards the abolitionist goals held by New Zealand.NEW ZEALAND'S NUCLEAR-FREE POLICIES & THE 'SECOND' COLD WARIn the early 1970s East-West relations prospered under detente, and the first of two treaties arising out of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I) was signed. By the end of the same decade political and military relations between Moscow and Washington had taken a turn for the worse. During this 'second' cold war, ushered in by the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and Ronald Reagan's victory in the 1980 American presidential elections, international concerns about the risks of a superpower nuclear confrontation were once more on the rise.(3)The decision by member countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to install intermediate range nuclear forces in Europe in response to a perceived threat from such Soviet systems as SS20 missiles was particularly significant. This attempt to bring peace through nuclear strength helped stimulate a wave of anti-nuclear protests in the northern hemisphere that included the Greenham Common demonstrations in England(4) and the nuclear freeze campaign in the United States.(5)Such international concern was a further stimulus to existing anti-nuclear sentiment in New Zealand, which had for several years focused on French nuclear testing in the South Pacific(6) and on port visits by American naval vessels that were nuclear powered and/or seen as capable of carrying nuclear weapons. …

Nuclear rites: a weapons laboratory at the end of the Cold War

Based on fieldwork at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory - the facility that designed the neutron bomb and the warhead for the MX missile - Nuclear Rites takes the reader deep inside the top-secret culture of a nuclear weapons lab. Exploring the scientists' world of dark humor, ritualized secrecy, and disciplined emotions, anthropologist Hugh Gusterson uncovers the beliefs and values that animate their work. He discovers that many of the scientists are Christians, deeply convinced of the morality of their work, and a number are liberals who opposed the Vietnam War and the Reagan-Bush agenda. Gusterson also examines the anti-nuclear movement, concluding that the scientists and protesters are alike in surprising ways, with both cultures reflecting the hopes and anxieties of an increasingly threatened middle class. In a lively, wide-ranging account, Gusterson analyzes the ethics and politics of laboratory employees, the effects of security regulations on the scientists' private lives, and the role of nuclear tests - beyond the obvious scientific one--as rituals of initiation and transcendence. He shows how the scientists learn to identify in an almost romantic way with the power of the machines they design - machines they do not fear. In the 1980s the 'world behind the fence' was thrown into crisis by massive anti-nuclear protests at the gates of the lab and by the end of the Cold War. Linking the emergence of the anti-nuclear movement to shifting gender roles and the development of postindustrial capitalism, Gusterson concludes that the scientists and protesters are alike in surprising ways, and that both cultures reflect the hopes and anxieties of an increasingly threatened middle class.

Recruiting Strangers and Friends: Moral Shocks and Social Networks in Animal Rights and Anti-Nuclear Protests

Recent work on social movement recruitment emphasizes the importance of pre-existing social networks and underestimates that of cognitive cultural messages, which are sometimes transmitted across these networks, but at other times are broadcast to strangers. In the absence of networks, moral shocks may be necessary for recruiting strangers, and the most effective ones are conveyed by powerful condensing symbols. Even those researchers who have examined the “frames” necessary for recruitment have been unduly influenced by the social-network exemplar, overlooking broader cultural “themes” in society at large. Through surveys of animal rights and anti-nuclear protestors, we distinguish two mechanisms of recruitment to protest, one based primarily on appeals to new recruits, the other on activating existing networks. Fewer animal rights protestors rated family, friends, and previous activism in other causes as reasons for their animal rights participation; they were often recruited directly by moral shocks in the form of visual and verbal rhetoric.

Recruiting Strangers and Friends: Moral Shocks and Social Networks in Animal Rights and Anti-Nuclear Protests

Recruiting Strangers and Friends: Moral Shocks and Social Networks in Animal Rights and Anti-Nuclear Protests

Mobilizing against nuclear energy: a comparison of Germany and the United States

In the past two decades young people, environmentalists, church activists, leftists, and others have mobilized against nuclear energy. Anti-nuclear protest has been especially widespread and vocal in Western Europe and the United States. In this lucid, richly documented book, Christian Joppke compares the rise and fall of these protest movements in Germany and the United States, illuminating the relationship between national political structures and collective action. He analyzes existing approaches to the study of social movements and suggests an insightful new paradigm for research in this area. Joppke proposes a political process perspective that focuses on the interrelationship between the state and social movements, a model that takes into account a variety of forces, including differential state structures, political cultures, movement organizations, and temporal and contextual factors. This is an invaluable work for anyone studying the dynamics of social movements around the world.

Femininity as Productive Force: Kluge and Critical Theory

When Alexander Kluge introduced the concept of a female productive force into the debates of the women's movement in the mid1970s, it was as part of a longstanding discourse on the (Oiffentlichkeit). The topos of the public sphere had been a central concern to the left in the Federal Republic from the anti-nuclear protests (Ostermarschierer) of the 1950s and 1960s to the student movement. Whatever their particular causes might be, these movements invoked the Enlightenment tradition of Western democracies which the Federal Republic purported to have joined. As an extraparliamentary opposition, the left claimed to promote the democratic process the coming-of-age of the German people in contrast to the continuing hold of the National Socialist past over political, legal, social, and cultural institutions. Juirgen Habermas's influential study, The Structural Transformation of Public Sphere, epitomized this critical interest in the liberal tradition of the public sphere.' First published in 1962, the book went through three reprints before the end of the 1960s. The fact that factions of the left went underground as the 1960s came to an end had a lot to do with a disillusionment, a loss of confidence visA-vis the emancipatory substance of the bourgeois public sphere. At the same time, this loss of confidence defined the fragmentation of the protest movement into the so-called new social movements. Despairing of the promise of universality inherent in the formal principles of classical

The earthly origins of Star Wars

Technological exuberance, worry about antinuclear protests, and the hope that space would provide an end run around the strategic stalemate were behind the campaign that gave birth to the Strategic Defense Initiative.