anti-Japanese Nationalism Research Articles

“七七事变”后刘震寰的抗日主张与抗日活动述论

The “July 7th Incident” broke out, and the whole nation’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression began. Liu Zhenhuan, who had been dormant for more than ten years due to the “Yang and Liu Rebellion” in 1925, devoted himself to the anti-Japanese movement based on the crisis of national survival and patriotic sentiments, and was influenced by the Anti-Japanese National United Front of the Communist Party of China. During this period, Liu Zhenhuan, on the one hand, through speeches, radio broadcasts, and published articles, promoted China’s victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union, and the establishment of a joint front against aggression among China, the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States, to strengthen the people’s confidence in the war; on the other hand, using his position as a consultant to the Yunnan Provincial Government, president of the Kunming Branch of the China-Soviet Cultural Association, and chairman of the board of directors of Yuexiu Middle School, he cultivated and strengthened revolutionary forces, promoted friendly cooperation between China and the Soviet Union, and united overseas Chinese to participate in the motherland’s anti-Japanese war. Liu Zhenhuan’s persisting in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression until victory, the confidence to win the War of Resistance and the practice of devoting himself to the War of Resistance are worthy of affirmation and praise. On the whole, Liu Zhenhuan’s anti-Japanese propositions and activities are in line with the trend of the times and are progressive. However, due to personal cognition and the current situation, it has certain limitations. Liu Zhenhuan’s practice during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression showed that when the Chinese nation faced peril, many old warlords put aside their past personal and group grievances and adhered to national justice and integrity. This is an important gene for the continued survival of the Chinese nation.

1930년대 光華大學의 中國近現代史敎育과 ‘敎育의 中國化’

This article explains how the "Sinicization of education," which emerged as a hot issue in the educational community in the 1930s, was implemented in regular university curriculums. To do so, I analyze the modern parts from two history volumes by Lu Simian, a professor of history at Guanghua University. The first history book was published in 1923 and since the second volume, consisting of two volumes, was published in 1940 and 1944, I judged that analyzing the two volumes would reveal how the "Sinicization of education" issue was reflected in the history curriculum. The analysis results are as follows. First, the history department of Guanghua University grew with the active support by President Zhang Souyong from the mid-1930s when it began to implement the goal of "Sinicization of education." The number of professors and students increased and the educational environment improved. Under the leadership of Professor Lu Simian, the history department strengthened research and educational activities. Second, a remarkable achievement in educational activity was initiating the teaching of modern history in earnest. He aimed to promote national consciousness and patriotism through modern history education and systematically educate students about the nation''s future. When Professor Lu Simian began teaching modern history in earnest, his perspective on history changed. Until the 1920s, he thought the purpose of historical research was to explain the causal relationship of historical facts, but in the 1930s, he thought that the purpose of historical research was to present the meaning of historical events, explain the current society through this and even look out into the future. Third, he wrote modern history anew based on a changed view of history. The most significant change was to combine political history with cultural history. By doing so, he wanted to discover why China failed to accommodate Western culture and find cultural resources that could have transformed Chinese society, albeit belatedly. Another change in his writing of modern history was that his criticisms of Japan had become stronger. By doing so, he tried to reflect anti-Japanese nationalism, which emerged socially since the 1930s, to history writing and education. The last change is that he constructed the history after the 1911 Revolution focusing on the Guomindang. By excluding descriptions of the Chinese United Front or solidarity with the Soviet Union, he wanted to present the Guomindang as the player in solving China''s current nationalist challenges.

Chinese Nationalism through the Prism of the Sino–Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands

ABSTRACT In the last two decades, against the backdrop of multiple anti-Japanese protests in China, the rise of Chinese nationalism has been much debated. By taking the 2010 and 2012 Sino–Japanese crises over the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands as a case study, the article applies discourse analysis to media articles and interviews to ascertain the Chinese government’s propaganda toolbox in shaping the nationalist discourse, as well as to substantiate the defining features of anti-Japanese nationalism. The findings reveal a combination of strategies and techniques that the propaganda apparatus uses, such as the creation of an ‘us-versus-them’ dichotomy, galvanised inclusiveness, censorship, and ‘card-stacking’ to mould nationalism. The article substantiates empirically both top-down and bottom-up strains of nationalism, and their interaction through the four key themes of sovereignty, history, mistrust and reactivity. It finds that Japan bridges these strands of Chinese nationalism, but in its absence alternative views of nationalism are articulated.

“Comfort Women” Memorials at the Crossroads of Ultranationalist, Feminist, and Decolonial Critiques: Triangulating Japan, South Korea, and the United States

This article examines the ongoing debate over “comfort women” memorials, especially one statue known as the Statue of Peace. Whereas Japanese ultranationalists and their foreign collaborators attack “comfort women” memorials for tarnishing Japan’s reputation and spreading historical falsities, progressive scholars sympathetic to “comfort women” victims criticize these memorials for reinforcing female chastity and anti-Japanese nationalism. Examining these varying responses to “comfort women” memorials across the Pacific, this article analyzes how Japanese ultranationalism, anti-Japanese Korean nationalism, US imperialism, and transnational feminism collide in the representation of “comfort women.” By pointing out the significance and limitations of “comfort women” memorials, this article concludes with a discussion of how socially engaged memorials can serve as critical sites for building transnational feminist coalitions in shared struggle against both wartime violence and postwar amnesia.

Parameters of Disavowal: Colonial Representation in South Korean Cinema

Parameters of Disavowal: Colonial Representation in South Korean Cinema

국경을 넘나들던 친일파 - 이완용과 근대 중국의 매국노 담론(1905~1945) -

Lee Wanyong is not only the well-known quisling in Korea, but also the byword of “quisling” in modern China, and the name is used as a negative example to blame the traitors and to caution the masses. From the end of Qing Dynasty to the early days of the Republic of China, when external crises of China continued and even got worse, the production of knowledge and discourses about Lee Wanyong continued as well. Especially after 1915, as the confliction with Japan gradually rose to the principal contradiction of Chinese external relations, Lee Wonyong as a label finally changed from general reference of powers that fawning to foreign countries to a byword that specifically means pro-Japanese faction.BR On the background of external crisis interwoven with internal faction, various public opinions and factional powers used Lee Wonyong to refer to the objects that they tried to attack, so that a large number of Lee Wanyong of Chinese version was produced. In other words, Lee Wanyong largely became a symbol of political rhetoric and stigmatization under the factional background in China. Therefore, the process of the production of quislings who are like Lee Wanyong is a part of how anti-Japanese nationalism built the history in modern China.BR Nonetheless, it is improper and not in line with historical facts to put the blame for the falling of Choson on individual “traitors” such as Lee Wonyong. Quite different from the rough argument that the public opinions often refer Lee Wonyong as quisling and put the blame on specific person for the falling crisis of a nation, a few intellectuals analyzed the ending of Choson at the internal level, such as Korean social structure, national character, etc. The analyzation made at that time reflected the anxiety caused by the internal and external crises in China of the days and “Sinocentrism” complex left by the traditional suzerain-vassal order, but compared with outpouring the feelings by holding specific quislings accountable and the roaring public voice from the flaring anger among people, this kind of discourse actually appears more sober and objective to reflect on the colonial history of Choson and the social crises of modern China.

An Analysis of the Anti-Japanese National United Front and Its Formation Process from the Perspective of Game Theory

The united front is a magic weapon for the victory of the revolution, construction and reform of the Communist Party of China. The formation process of the united front is a kind of game, starting from the perspective of game theory, using the assets exclusiveness theory of economics, combining the Nash equilibrium and historical events, building a game model, analyzing the Anti-Japanese National United Front and its formation process, are of great significance to improve the scientific cognition level of historical research work and united front work.

The Chinese government’s management of anti-Japan nationalism during Hu-Wen era

AbstractChina and Japan continue to partly live in the shadow of World War II (WWII) with recurrent expressions of anti-Japanese nationalism in China periodically ebbing bilateral relations. How does the Chinese government manage anti-Japan public manifestations of nationalism and what factors explain it? The government has to walk a fine line by managing the nationalism it has bred without undermining its own rule and considering elite divisions, heightened public nationalism, and the developments in its external environment. Six case studies from the Hu-Wen era provide a comprehensive understanding of what pertains to Chinese nationalism, the means used to express it, and more importantly the way the government chose to tackle them. While nationalism can be a mean of garnering legitimacy and exercising pressure on Japan to bend to its wishes, the Chinese government is embarked on the sinuous task of preventing an escalation beyond its control at both the domestic and international levels.

일제하 기독교계 학교의 항일민족주의 기원과 형성: 선교사 오리엔탈리즘의 근대주의적 전유와 변용

The study aims to examine the relevance of anti-Japanese nationalism in mission schools to missionary orientalism in the early stage of the Japanese colonial rule in Korea. It pays particular attention to Western orientalism invented by American missionaries to Korea in tracing an origin and formation of anti-Japanese nationalism by mission school students. The missionary orientalism as a Western epistemological framework was appropriated and transformed in educational sphere by a Korean reformist group seeking Western reformism who was inclined to be pro-American and interested in renovating old feudalism in traditional Korea. The missionaries’ education, policies, rules, and practices in the mission field were expected to motivate Korean students to produce not only a Christian human type but also a modernized human type which contributes to build their independent modern nation. In the colonial era, mission-educated Koreans began to recognize inherent contradictions of Japanese colonialism in light of their self-reliance and liberation education and to set the stage for resistance movements for national sovereignty. This article deals with three points. First, it clarifies the concept and nature of missionary orientalism and discusses the backgrounds of converting missionary orientalism to modernistic framework. Considering the conditions in which reform-minded Korean intellectuals encounter the missionary perceptions of the Orient, it explores how they attempted to accept and transform them. Second, the research examines how educational phenomena in mission schools provided a channel to interconnect premodern Korean situations with the Western modernity. It discusses characteristics of the modernity in the perspectives of self-reliance and liberating knowledge. Last, the paper looks at the historical development that Japanese colonial orientalism after the 1910 Japan-Korea Annexation was infiltrated in Korean education with an intention of creating a subordinate human type and investigates the missionaries’ responses on and conflicts with Japanese colonialists’ educational regulations and practices. Particularly, it discloses an orientalistic complicity between Japanese authorities and missionaries by comprehending the two powers’ delicate stances on the outbreak of the 1919 March First Movement in which mission-educated Koreans were involved.

Reinterpreting the Chinese Revolution: The Balance between Radical and Moderate Approaches, 1937–1945

The success of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by the end of the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) has generally been credited to its moderate approach to mobilizing the local peasantry through appeals to anti-Japanese nationalism and programs of social justice. However, the evidence presented in this article demonstrates that during late 1939 and early 1940 in some counties of the Southwest Shanxi Base Area and other major North China base areas the CCP abandoned its moderate approach and promoted a radical and violent class struggle. Based on its experiences in 1939–1940, the CCP created a model for mobilization in early 1942 that balanced radical and moderate approaches, which was then gradually applied to all Communist base areas. This article argues that the CCP relied on a combination of two contrasting and complementary approaches—radical and moderate—both of which played an indispensable role in its success by 1945.

Changes in the Perception of Architectural Heritage from the Colonial Period and Anti-Japanese Nationalism in Korea: From Remnants of Japanese Colonial Rule to a Modern Cultural Heritage

Changes in the Perception of Architectural Heritage from the Colonial Period and Anti-Japanese Nationalism in Korea: From Remnants of Japanese Colonial Rule to a Modern Cultural Heritage

‘3·1운동 100주년’과 ‘불매운동’ 속의 대중 출판물

The paper examines the trend and acceptance of popular publications related to the ‘100th Anniversary of the March 1 Movement’ and the ‘Japan Product boycott’. The publishing and reading market in the history sector in 2019 showed a complicated aspect, consuming toghether with books related to the March 1 Movement and books that delve into Japan’s historical and present realities, while extreme right-wing books became bestsellers and the publication of Japanese translations were postponed suddenly. It is a very positive effect that many history books were newly published to help to change the popular view of the March 1 Movement. The books highlighted the ‘multiple subjects’ and ‘unnamed ordinary people’ such as students, workers and women who participated in the ‘Movement’, and explained the world historical context of the March 1 Movement and its meaning as the origin of Korea’s democracy. However, the most widely consumed books were Seol Min-seok’s historical comics and Kim Yong-ok’s popular history book, which still stick to the nation-centered view of history. As a counteraction of anti-Japanese nationalism, The book titled Anti-Japanese Tribalism was also accepted on a large scale. These books are bestsellers based on new media such as YouTube. These phenomena in the publishing market surrounding ‘100th Anniversary’ and ‘Japan Product boycott’ represent significant changes in the ‘anti-Japanese nationalism’ and in the acceptance of popular history books.

반일 민족주의와 시민적 조절의 가능성

반일 민족주의와 시민적 조절의 가능성

권태석의 항일투쟁과 민족통일운동

권태석은 1919년 3․1운동을 계기로 조선민족대동단 조직에 참여했다. 대동단은 각계각층의 다양한 계급을 수용하는 민족통일적 성격을 지녔다. 1920년대에는 서울파 사회주의 운동가로 신간회 등의 민족통일전선 구축을 주도했다. 또한 프롤레타리아 계급주의를 강조하는 ML파와 노선투쟁을 벌였다. 해방 이후에는 건국준비위원회에 합류하여 선전부 책임자가 되고, 우익 계열의 포섭에 나섰다. 건준이 좌경화된 후에는 중도적 우익 진영에 합류하여 당통합 운동에 매진했다. 그 결과 신한민족당이 창당되고, 한국독립당을 중심으로 일부 우익 정치세력이 통합되었다. 이후 미소공동위원회가 재개되자 권태석은 적극적인 참여를 주장했다. 좌우익을 포괄하는 민주적이고 독립된 정부 수립을 위해 수용했던 임정법통론을 철회하고, 미소공위에 대한 기민한 대응과 협조를 강조했다. 당에서 제명된 후에는 민주한독당을 창당하고 민족자주연맹에 합류하여 남북통일정부 수립을 위해 노력했다. 1947년 9월 한국문제의 유엔 이관에 의한 총선거 실시에 대해서도 권태석은 반대 입장을 분명히 했다. 그는 유엔임시위원단과의 면담에서 한국 독립이 공산주의자와 민족주의자 간의 협력을 통해 달성된다고 밝혔다. 이처럼 권태석은 일제강점기의 효과적인 독립운동 전략이자 해방 공간의 주요한 국가건설 노선인 민족통일운동의 흐름을 관통한 인물로서 의미를 지닌다.

Contemporary Interpretation and Military-Historical Implications for the Draft Infantry Training Manual of Anti-Japanese National Independence Army : Focused on the Comparison between the Infantry Training Manualand the Draft of Infantry Training Manual

Contemporary Interpretation and Military-Historical Implications for the Draft Infantry Training Manual of Anti-Japanese National Independence Army : Focused on the Comparison between the Infantry Training Manualand the Draft of Infantry Training Manual

中国共产党对抗日民族统一战线的思想引领——以《新华日报》相关报道为例

中国共产党对抗日民族统一战线的思想引领——以《新华日报》相关报道为例

Pomiędzy Nankinem a Hiroszimą. Konfliktowe rocznice w Azji Wschodniej jako element rywalizacji chińsko-japońskiej

Years 2015–2017 witness a series of trouble-causing anniversaries in East Asia that commemorate WW II and its tragedies. Against the background of these anniversaries and the international political situation, China and Japan conduct their policies of memories. Both countries use history in their top-to-bottom nation-building projects based on victimization. In case of China, the anti-Japanese nationalism serves as a tool to legitimize CPP’s rule and to enhance China’s international profile. In case of Japan, state historical revisionism questions Japan’s responsibility for WW II crimes and presents Japan as a victim of US atomic bombs. Thus, both sides use history for their political goals and are unwilling to conduct work on their memories. It makes every anniversary a trouble-causing one.

China’s difficult relations with Japan

Starting from an exploration of unsettled historical memories and anti-Japanese nationalism, this article moves on to examine how Chinese pragmatism helped maintain a superficial friendship for several decades after the normalization of the diplomatic relationship, and how China’s perception of a shifting power balance in its favor led to its increasingly assertive position in territorial disputes. It then analyzes China’s efforts to force Japan to agree to its terms in the solution of historical and territorial disputes, and the need for rationality in China.

Go Baobao! Image-Driven Nationalism, Generation Post-1980s, and Mainland Students in Hong Kong

This article provides a historical overview of image-driven nationalism with special emphasis attached to (a) the transforming culture of online nationalism that underlies college-student forums such as the Massachusetts Institute of Technology bulletin board system (MIT BBS), which by 2006 had formed close relationships with major commercial forums championing anti-Japanese nationalism as a populist strategy, and (b) the generation of Chinese born after 1980 (80 hou) and their identity politics, illustrated by a discussion on those who are university students in Hong Kong. In so doing, this article maintains that visual images have become increasingly central to Chinese online nationalism and youth politics in cyberspace, both in online forums and among the post-1980s generation. It also attempts to establish an overall descriptive and explanatory account through which the Visualizing Cultures dispute can be better contextualized and understood. The issues at stake are not only technological, nor are they restricted to the structural transformations of educational institutions such as the growing popularity of e-learning platforms. To fully examine today's Chinese online nationalism and the critical centrality of visual images therein, one must also consider the generational characteristics of present-day college students, cultural formations in their online communities, their family backgrounds, global networking, and particular societal factors, including educational settings.

Museums, Manga, Memorials and Korean-Japanese History Wars

This paper examines why the history wars between South Korea and Japan are intensifying in the 21st century and the prospects for reconciliation. South Korea’s history museums promote anti-Japanese nationalism, making it difficult to unshackle the present from the past. In 2014 there was controversy over a Japanese manga exhibit that resonates with broader bilateral disputes over colonial history ranging from the comfort women to forced labor. These battles over the shared past have become internationalized, stoking mutual vilification and jingoistic sentiments