ANC's Policy Research Articles

Differences in Antenatal Care Policies in England, Finland, and the Netherlands: A Framing analysis

Background and PurposeThe World Health Organization (WHO) states that good quality antenatal care should strive for both mother and child achieving their best possible health. On a policy level, in Europe these goals are reached with varying approaches. This research offers a fresh look on the underlying assumptions embedded in the ANC policies in three European countries.MethodsA framing analysis was conducted to publicly available ANC policies on uncomplicated pregnancies in Finland, England, and the Netherlands. Analysis was guided by van Hulst and Yanowa and included the following phases: a) Sense-making, b) Selecting, naming, and categorizing and c) Storytelling.Main FindingsFindings of this study demonstrate how ANC is organized with distinct frames. The Finnish ANC policies emphasized equity in care and instead of focusing on women, the ANC focused on the family. In England the pregnant woman was central, and it is seen as her responsibility to understand the ANC protocols. The ANC in the Netherlands focused on the pregnant woman’s pregnancy experience and freedom.ConclusionThe three studied countries had individual priorities and values guiding ANC provision. Despite each country being in line with the WHO ANC recommendations, areas requiring improvement should not be overlooked.

Democratic centralism: The root cause of poor municipal performance in South Africa

This paper is a product of a Doctoral study that applied grounded theory to derive a performance improvement model for a particular Municipality in South Africa. Drawing from this study, this paper argues that democratic centralism, which manifests in politicised bureaucracy and implemented through the ANC policy of cadre deployment, is the root cause of poor performance across South African municipalities. In advancing this argument, the paper interrogates public management literature to conceptualise poor municipal performance and justify the relevance of the politics-administration dichotomy as a framework for positioning democratic centralism as the root cause of poor performance in South African municipalities. In addition, interrogating public management literature allowed the author to identify methodological limitations of past studies and select grounded theory as the most appropriate research design to address these limitations. In applying grounded theory, the author used purposive sampling to identify research participants who were subsequently interviewed using a semi-structured interview guide. In preparation for data analysis, the author recorded and transcribed the information obtained from the interviews. Thereafter, the author used open coding with particular emphasis on constant comparative analysis and theoretical sampling. The use of these techniques allowed the author to move the level of abstraction from open codes through to empirical categories leading to generation of empirical explanations that link democratic centralism to poor performance in South African municipalities. To this end, the paper empirically linked poor municipal performance, often displayed through violent protests, to democratic centralism, a phenomenon entrenched into the South African public service through the ANC policy of cadre deployment.

Governing from the opposition?’: tracing the impact of EFF’s ‘niche populist politics’ on ANC policy shifts

ABSTRACT In December 2017, South Africa’s ruling party, the ANC, announced that they will adopt expropriation of land without compensation and free higher education for 90% of students. These policy positions had been associated with the radical left-wing EFF party. This article asks whether the EFF influenced the ANC policy shifts and if they did, how? Leveraging Williams (2006)’s theory of peripheral party impact and the process tracing method, the study finds evidence of EFF direct causal contribution on ANC policy shift on land reform and strong grounds for inferring indirect influence of the EFF on ANC policy shift on higher education funding. Data sources included policy documents, manifestos, speeches by ANC and EFF political leaders and parliamentary motions. The study contributes to the literature on peripheral party impact and understanding populism in Africa.

The rise and fall of a social democratic economic and social policy alternative in the ANC (1990–1996)

ABSTRACT This article re-examines existing interpretations of the ANC's economic and social policy choices during the negotiations that led to South Africa's democracy. The divergence but also convergence crucially in economic policy thinking of key policy actors within the ANC and the National Party (NP) led apartheid regime is contrasted. The National Party's economic policy agenda is discussed with attention to its key ‘technocratic’ policy actors and how they influentially negotiated neo-liberal policy positions with the ANC. The economic and social policies of the ANC must be seen in contrast as part of a series of attempts historically at advocating social democratic oriented policies. The ANC leadership however marginalised and abandoned these ideas and policies in a social democratic vein in the consensus seeking transition era. The paper tries to explain these shifts and to come to grips with the complexity of the actors, history and politics of ANC policy thinking in the transition era.

Concise title: Maternal health service utilization

ObjectivesThe objective of this study is to identify the determinants and measure the trends in maternal health-facility based utilization in Bangladesh. This research shows the importance of each variable and their role in utilizing maternity care in Bangladesh. Materials and methodsIn our study, we have analysed BDHS 2004, 2007, 2011 and 2014 data to measure the determinants and trends in maternal health services in Bangladesh, using the binary logistic regression model. ResultsOur study revealed that the variable education of women, place of residence, wealth index, and husband's education have a significant association with the maternal health services utilization. Women who completed higher education were more likely to use antenatal care (AOR = 3.76, CI = 2.07–6.52), skilled birth attendants (AOR = 2.82, CI = 1.96–1.4.08) and postnatal care (AOR = 1.87, CI = 1.31–2.68). Women from urban areas were more likely to use ANC (AOR = 1.30, CI = 1.05–1.60), SBAs (AOR = 1.64, 9 CI = 1.40–1.92) and PNC services (AOR = 1.45, CI = 1.23–1.70) than women from rural areas. Women from the richest households were more likely to use ANC (AOR = 2.30, CI = 1.80–2.95), SBAs (AOR = 2.23, CI = 1.83–2.71) and PNC (AOR = 1.78, CI = 1.47–2.16) than poor women. ConclusionMaternal health service utilization should be more targeted towards the rural women in Bangladesh as there seems a high inconsistency in service utilization among urban and rural mothers. ANC is an essential entry point for the ensuing application of delivery and PNC services. So, it is recommended to promote women's education and empowerment with improved geographical access and strong ANC policies.

Roadmap for Effective and Efficient Cadre Deployment in South Africa

The concept of Cadre deployment may be seen as the appointment by a government's governing party of a loyalist in an organisation, as a means of circumventing public reporting-lines and bringing that institution under the control of the party, as opposed to the state. The policy involves the creation of a parallel power-structure to a constitution, so that party members answer first to the party and second to the public while the party advances its own interests ahead of those of the public. From an economic perspective, the policy of cadre deployment is a patronage dispensed to individuals, companies and agencies, by the government’s governing policy, not on merit but on the basis that they enjoy some political connection to the governing party. In the South African environment, the African National Congress Cadre Policy and Deployment Strategy has its genesis in an ANC document called The National Democratic Revolution? Is it still on track? The aim of the strategic document was to assist the political party to deal with changing international and national socio politico and economic environments. According to the ANC, brave new times require brave new cadres in government, business, civic society and international arenas, and this topic was discussed during the ANC's policy conference in June 2017. The current paper aims at developing a framework for better implementation of the policy of cadre deployment in South Africa.

SOUTH AFRICA: ANC Policy Meeting

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 54, Issue 7 p. 21502B-21503A Internal Developments SOUTH AFRICA: ANC Policy Meeting First published: 09 August 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2017.07772.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume54, Issue7August 2017Pages 21502B-21503A RelatedInformation

Twenty years of punishment (and democracy) in South Africa: The pitfalls of governing crime through the community

This article examines how the ideology of ‘community’ is deployed to govern crime in South Africa, both by marginalised black communities and by the government. Although the turn to ‘community’ started under the National Party government in the late 1970s, there is no doubt that as a site, technology, discourse, ideology and form of governance, ‘community’ has become entrenched in the post-1994 era. Utilising empirical data drawn from ethnographic research on vigilantism in Khayelitsha, as well as archival materials in respect of ANC policies and practices before it became the governing party, I argue that rallying ‘communities’ around crime combatting has the potential to unleash violent technologies in the quest for ‘ethics’ and ‘morality’. When community members unite against an outsider they are bonded for an intense moment in a way that masks the very real problems that tear the community apart. Because violent punishment is one of the consequences of the state’s turn towards democratic localism, we should question the way in which the ‘community’ is deployed as a tool of crime prevention, and subject it to rigorous scrutiny.

Twenty years of punishment (and democracy) in South Africa: The pitfalls of governing crime through the community

This article examines how the ideology of ‘community’ is deployed to govern crime in South Africa, both by marginalised black communities and by the government. Although the turn to ‘community’ started under theNational Party government in the late 1970s, there is no doubt that as a site, technology, discourse, ideology and form of governance, ‘community’ has become entrenched in the post-1994 era. Utilising empirical data drawn from ethnographic research on vigilantism in Khayelitsha, as well as archival materials in respect of ANC policies and practices before it became the governing party, I argue that rallying ‘communities’ around crime combatting has the potential to unleash violent technologies in the quest for ‘ethics’ and ‘morality’. When community members unite against an outsider they are bonded for an intense moment in a way that masks thevery real problems that tear the community apart. Because violent punishment is one of the consequences of the state’s turn towards democratic localism, we should question the way in which the ‘community’ is deployed as a tool of crime prevention, and subject it to rigorous scrutiny

Twenty years of punishment (and democracy) in South Africa: The pitfalls of governing crime through the community

This article examines how the ideology of ‘community’ is deployed to govern crime in South Africa, both by marginalised black communities and by the government. Although the turn to ‘community’ started under the National Party government in the late 1970s, there is no doubt that as a site, technology, discourse, ideology and form of governance, ‘community’ has become entrenched in the post-1994 era. Utilising empirical data drawn from ethnographic research on vigilantism in Khayelitsha, as well as archival materials in respect of ANC policies and practices before it became the governing party, I argue that rallying ‘communities’ around crime combatting has the potential to unleash violent technologies in the quest for ‘ethics’ and ‘morality’. When community members unite against an outsider they are bonded for an intense moment in a way that masks the very real problems that tear the community apart. Because violent punishment is one of the consequences of the state’s turn towards democratic localism, we should question the way in which the ‘community’ is deployed as a tool of crime prevention, and subject it to rigorous scrutiny.

Jesus, Jacob Zuma, and the New Jerusalem: Religion in the Public Realm between Polokwane and the Presidency

This paper explores the kind of religion projected in the public sphere by the African National Congress after liberation (1994), focusing specifically on the period after Polokwane. The paper alludes to the rather reluctant presence of religion in the public realm under Nelson Mandela, traces the ambivalent but increasingly affirmative role under Thabo Mbeki, outlines the official ANC policy on religion in the “RDP of the Soul” document, and then analyses how these trajectories have been taken up by Jacob Zuma in the public realm between Polokwane and the Presidency. The focus throughout is on to what extent there is an emerging ANC-led "shape" to religion in the public realm, and to what extent that shape extends beyond the moral to the economic-political domain.

SOUTH AFRICA: ANC Policy Meeting

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 47, Issue 9 p. 18547B-18548A SOUTH AFRICA: ANC Policy Meeting First published: 18 October 2010 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2010.03468.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume47, Issue9October 2010Pages 18547B-18548A RelatedInformation

The RDP, GEAR and all that: reflections ten years later

The RDP, GEAR and all that:reflections ten years later1 Stephen Gelb (bio) Let me begin by congratulating the editorial board of Transformation on their remarkable achievement in bringing out the 60th issue of the journal. Over the past 20 years, the journal has made a vital contribution to left and progressive thought in South Africa, and it is one of only three I can think of which survived the funding and personnel crises of the mid-90s (the other two being Agenda and the SA Labour Bulletin). What is perhaps distinctive about Transformation is its reliance on unpaid labour! I particularly want to mention Bill Freund and Gerry Maré, the two surviving founding editors who have been part of the enterprise for more than 20 years, and who must have each invested in the journal millions of rands worth of sweat equity. I know from my own personal observation that from the late-80s to the mid-90s the two of them did the bulk of the slog-work needed to get the issues out: I salute them for sticking with it and, I'm sure, still contributing as much as ever. One of Transformation's important contributions over the years has been as a major arena for economic policy debate. In the early 1990s, it was crucial in making accessible the debate within the democratic movement about development and growth strategies for the post-apartheid economy. And in the mid- to late-90s, Transformation published several articles which provided an intellectual basis for what became the conventional 'left' critique of the GEAR policy, and particularly the view of GEAR as a 'neo-liberal' framework which reflected a sharp break with the then-existing policy that embodied the progressive principles and strategies of the RDP. Of course, overshadowing the arguments about substantive differences between the RDP and GEAR was the anger felt by progressives in the ANC alliance about their marginalisation from the [End Page 1] process through which the GEAR policy was formulated. This anger fuelled the intense and vitriolic debate about GEAR which continued for several years and resulted in deep, apparently permanent, divisions within the progressive democratic movement. The legacy of the abrupt and unilateral loss of progressives' 'voice' in formal policy processes remains at the centre of alliance politics today. As I understand it, a major reason for the support offered by the left within the ANC alliance for Jacob Zuma's presidential aspirations, at least up until his rape charge, was the belief —perhaps hope —that a Zuma-led government would offer more space in policy discussion to left and progressive voices than has been possible under Thabo Mbeki. Since it is just a few weeks short of ten years since the GEAR policy was published, it made sense to me to return this evening to 'the RDP, GEAR and all that' and reflect on the lessons that emerge, with the perspective of the passage of time, from that episode. I should mention of course —though most people here will know —that I was one of the 'technical team' that drafted the GEAR document for government, though rather than the 'architect' of GEAR that I've sometimes been labelled, I was in reality more of a 'bricklayer' or 'general labourer'. To begin with, I want to make three critical points about the conventional left view of GEAR, ie that it represented a sharp break from RDP policies. The standard response to this position from GEAR advocates within the alliance is that all the positions advanced in GEAR are to be found in the RDP. This is correct as far as it goes, since the RDP's macroeconomic policy section certainly takes a clear stand against macroeconomic profligacy, as was characteristic of all ANC policy statements from 1990. But of course GEAR places the macroeconomic dimension at the centre of policy, as distinct from its position in the RDP, where it was almost an afterthought. But more important than the RDP's formal position on this is, in my view, the fact that the key macroeconomic policies put in place during the RDP's period of supposed dominance represented positions more commonly associated...

Policy processes within the african national congress and the tripartite alliance

After its unbanning and before its accession to power, democratic policy determination practices were beginning to establish themselves within the alliance led by the ANC. This article examines the extent to which these procedures have survived the 1994 election and the degree to which they have been replaced by technocratic forms of decision making, taking the debates over macro‐economic policy as a case study. The decline of activist contributions to the ANC's policy agenda is explored against the more general background supplied by social democratic party systems.

The formulation of a democratic science and technology policy in South Africa: the ANC policy process 1990–1992

When the ban on the ANC was lifted in February 1990, and there was the prospect of democratic elections bringing the organisation to power, a new emphasis was placed within the ANC on the speedy development of policy positions on a range of issues. A national structure was created to bring together ANC-aligned scientists, engineers and technicians and encourage the formulation of a “democratic science and technology policy”. This paper explores how the ANC Science and Technology Group positioned itself in the rapidly-changing political situation, and looks at the output produced from the policy-making process, up to the ANC's National Policy Conference in May 1992. It examines the relative impact of different constituencies and interest groups on the evolution of a science and technology policy in the South African context.