American Social Order Research Articles

Passing the Baton: Black Women Track Stars and American Identity

Passing the Baton frames the intersectionality of femininity and athleticism through an examination of the challenges experienced by Black women who compete in track and field. Sport historians will appreciate Cat Ariail's use of a historical timeline of Black women's accomplishments in track and field to express the golden age of athletic competition. Another bonus to this book is the notes section at the end of the book. The notes could be used as a guide toward continuing research on Black women in track and field, as the author thoughtfully provided thorough details on each section of the book.Insightfully, the introduction grabs the attention of the reader through teasing topics like boundaries of belonging, Black women's athleticism, and the athletic agency of Black American track women. Then the book transitions to telling the story of Alice Coachman, who specialized in the high jump and was the first African American woman to win an Olympic medal. The chapter uncovers how Coachman's presence at the Olympic games contradicted the masculine identity of the American elite athlete. To verify this notion, the author creatively uses legendary baseball player Jackie Robinson to convey the destabilization of normative Americanness during the postwar period in sports. However, the portrayal of Jackie Robinson also discloses the challenges for Black women negotiating their athletic identity while seeking to achieve American acceptance.This is further explored through an introduction to the women's track and field club the Tuskegee Tigerettes. Known for their poise, femininity, and athleticism, the Tigerettes began competing in sports in the early twentieth century. The Tigerettes challenged negative labels affixed to female athletes participating in speed and strength sports by exemplifying normative American, southern values, which they coined the Tuskegee Model.Chapter 2 explores Black women tracksters as political actors. The author shows how Olympians competing on a global stage earned the honor and power of being representatives of their countries. Black women became the face of American culture and athleticism, making them a global symbol of America.What makes this book a priceless contribution to the field of sport history, however, is Ariail's argument that the athletic victories of Black women in track and field surpassed the sports stage and directly impacted political relationships with the United States and forged America's image. The author critically examines this point in chapter 3, where she highlights the story of Aertwentha Mae Faggs. Faggs presented Tennessee State University's famed Tigerbelles to the sports world. The Tigerbelles became internationally known for their superior athleticism in women's sports, and in 1952 Faggs won an Olympic gold medal, making her one of the first Tigerbelles to earn one. Like the Tigerettes, the athletic success and representation of the Tigerbelles provided the United States an opportunity to cast a picture of gender and racial equality on a global scale.Chapter 4 focuses on the notion of heteronormativity and its influence on Black women becoming symbols of American democracy. As such, the author states, “Heteronormativity and predominant blackness of American women's track and field meant that the squad assembled for the inaugural US-Soviet Union dual aligned with the American social order” (120). Chapter 5 then unpacks the story of Wilma Rudolph, who first appears in the introduction of the book. Through these two sections, the author creatively untangles Rudolph's story by examining the influences of the Cold War and the civil rights movement on the identity of elite Black women athletes.A highlight of chapter 5 is when Ariail discusses how Rudolph's image complicated the intersection of race, gender, and sexuality. The author contends that Rudolph's beauty was aligned with America's obsession with light skin, straight hair, and femininity, which propelled her celebrity status and morphed American traditions into accepting Black women as fierce athletic competitors.The book ends by detailing how the enduring efforts of Black women competing in speed and strength sports opens doors for white female athletes. For example, through her image, Wilma Rudolph made elite athleticism obtainable for white female athletes who were shunned for participating in strength sports, which attacked the dominant white gender ideology.In conclusion, I highly recommend this book as it intermingles foreign politics, American values, and challenges experienced by Black women in track and field seeking to reach the epitome of athleticism.

Introduction

Introduction

Engaging in hate speech as grounds for enhancement of criminal punishment — Wisconsin v. Mitchell

The First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which prohibits any abridgement of freedom of speech, must be regarded as a cornerstone of the American social and political order. The number of expressive categories placed beyond the First Amendmentʼs pro-tective mantle is very small. In particular, there is no hate speech exception to the free speech Constitutional clause. The article analyzes the decision of the United States’ Supreme Court in the case of Wisconsin v. Mitchell. The issue at hand concerned the question of whether it is constitu-tionally permissible to enhance criminal punishment for bias-motivated crimes in comparison with crimes motivated by other factors. In those types of cases, the factual basis for meting out a more severe punishment is usually and necessarily provided by a criminal’s expression that reveals the aforementioned bias. By considering such regulations to be constitutional, the Supreme Court cre-ated an exception regarding the First Amendment protections granted to hate speech by permitting the courts — albeit in a very narrow and specific set of circumstances — to attach negative con-sequences to someoneʼs engagement in constitutionally protected expressive activity. The article critically describes the doctrinal justifications given for this conclusion by the Supreme Court, con-sidering them to be cursory and doctrinaire. The author contends that the Mitchell decision is an example of results-oriented jurisprudence, issued with the political aim of combatting hate crimes in mind. While this objective remains a worthy one, it does not — in the author’s opinion — provide a sufficient justification for reducing the scope of the First Amendment’s protection of (admittedly outrageous, immoral, and shocking) expression a majority may find distasteful. While the legisla-tive branch ought to be permitted to consider specific motives as aggravating factors in a crime (at least from the First Amendment standpoint), a penalty-enhancement should not be contingent on the question whether the accused engaged in protected expressive activity, distinguishing “silent” and “vocal” criminals. The paper utilizes descriptive and analytical methods.

Europe's Christian Democratic Parties and American Possibilities

ABSTRACTIn this paper, I survey the histories of Europe's Christian Democratic parties and suggest that inasmuch as they show that religiously framed party politics can have significant and positive effects on both institutions and supporters, it is difficult to see how those lessons translate straightforwardly to the American social and political order. Even if they did, making a success, both electorally and substantively, of a Christian Democratic movement in the United States would require a degree of statesmanship that certainly seems in short supply these days.

Failure to Mourn “White Nativism”: Impact of Deportation on Hispanic American–Born Children and Mixed-Status Families

Contemporary American immigration policy since 1996 has sought to control the entrance of “illegal immigrants” while also facilitating their deportation, thereby dividing mixed-status families. American children born to non-native parents are rendered second-class citizens. Such policies claim to preserve the American economic and social order. The author posits that American immigration reform needs to be viewed in the context of legal statutes and social policies that are embedded in a complex, unconscious intrapsychic defense system of “White nativism,” aimed to avert the mourning of the “White native” cultural identity. Deportation and immigration reform is therefore a “White native,” legal, and policy-driven annihilatory tool, designed to extricate the American-born Hispanic child from the United States in order to avert the inevitable transformation of the “White natives” collective external group symbolic representations, or reservoirs, that are linked to individual and collective affective mother–me experiences.

The American Genome Project: A Biopolitical History of the Contemporary Ethno-racial Novel

As American readers approached the end of the twentieth century, we knew what the ethnic novel was supposed to do, and what it had been doing, through various iterations, for over 100 years from both reconciliatory and radical positions. The ethnic novel's first task was to use realist style and historical specificity to give a convincing and sympathetic account of an ethnic or racial Other's experience of the American social order and to suggest ways in which that experience, once understood, necessitated changes in social order that would allow the racialized individual, like the protagonist in a nonethnic novel, to be reconciled to interpellation into the nation. Such changes could range, as is well known, from abolishing slavery to just being a little nicer to one's Jewish acquaintances. The logic of these narratives is paradoxical, like their forerunner the slave narrative. The slave narrative showcased an exception, someone who was startlingly (to the mainstream) different from the population of which s/he yet claimed to be representative, else there was no point to the argument—an individual but not too individuated. The act of writing, regardless of where it was on the scale from assimilationist to race-war separatist, presupposed a reading public trained to read the novel's particular ability to bestow something like humanity on its protagonists and a nation with which the author was engaged. There were, unsurprisingly, problems with exoticizing, condescending, and ignorant texts and readings (we all have our favorite betê noire here), and these all folded into the way reading the ethnic novel became a familiar national pastime. Over its decades, the ethnic novel developed some secondary duties as it began to address not only the nonethnic mainstream, but also ethnic readers. It could be used to conceptualize and build ethnic identity and political solidarity as well as to explore the unique subjective development of those who, as Rey Chow describes it, are subject to a different psychoanalytic. Freud's analysis of the self as experiencing thwarted narcissism, as having to give up love of oneself to be part of the social order, is premised on an opposition between self and society. Members of marginalized groups (“African American,” “Asian American,” and “Native American,” for example) are understood to belong to a group (culture or community) that mediates between the individual and society. They belong to an “extra category—one that is neither strictly a private, personal self nor strictly a public society that includes everybody” (141). It is doubtful whether everyone reading ethnic novels understood this with the sharpness of Chow (or earlier, W. E. B. Du Bois), but a kind of understanding of group identity was established.

A Missing Chapter of Monopoly Capital: Introduction to Baran and Sweezy’s “Some Theoretical Implications”

Monopoly Capital: An Essay on the American Economic and Social Order by Paul A. Baran and Paul M. Sweezy, published in 1966, is one of the foundational works in the development of Marxian political economy in the United States and indeed the world, and is today recognized as a classic, having generated more than four-and-a-half decades of research and debate. The completion of the book, however, was deeply affected by Baran’s death, on March 26, 1964, two years before the final manuscript was prepared. Although all of the chapters were drafted in at least rough form and had been discussed a number of times the authors had not mutually worked out to their complete satisfaction certain crucial problems. Consequently, two chapters were left out of the final work.… What happened to these two missing chapters—“Some Implications for Economic Theory” and presumably “On the Quality of Monopoly Capitalist Society—II”—remained for many years a mystery. This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Immigration Historiography at the Crossroads

Immigration Historiography at the Crossroads David A. Gerber (bio) James M. Berquist . Daily Life in Immigrant America, 1820-1870: How the First Great Wave of Immigrants Made Their Way in America. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2008, rev. 2009. xix + 329 pp. Chronology, notes, bibliography, glossary and index. $16.95 (paper). June Granatir Alexander . Daily Life in Immigrant America, 1870-1920: How the Second Great Wave of Immigrants Made Their Way in America. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2007, rev. 2009. xix + 332 pp. Chronology, notes, bibliography, glossary, and index. $16.95 (paper). Well-respected immigration historians James M. Berquist and June Granatir Alexander have both recently published significant works of synthesis in the field. Together they cover the classic era of European immigration from the return of prosperity and rise of immigration in the 1820s, following the Panic of 1819, to the imposition of quota laws on immigration in the 1920s. These studies provide an opportunity to take the measure of the current state of immigration historiography, a particularly self-conscious field to the extent that there is a powerful and abiding tradition of academic inquiry that has survived over the course of almost a century. It is manifest in both books, inviting the professional reader's scrutiny for markers of the evolution of that tradition. I myself write from within that interpretive tradition and am sympathetic to its aspirations for both the emotional weight of the stories it has to tell and the importance of those stories for understanding Americans. In 2008, I wrote a review essay defending immigration history against recent criticisms I felt were overdrawn and unfair.1 But that does not mean that I regard the current writing of immigration history to be unproblematic or the field not in need of renewal. Both of these gracefully written, well-conceived books, which are intended for lay readers and college surveys but are also useful summaries for scholars, have been published at a time when stock-taking in immigration historiography also has been urged from outside the field. The field has witnessed an enormous expansion of knowledge in the last four decades. But its basic [End Page 74] interpretive assumptions and conceptual frameworks have increasingly been questioned. Scholars working in contemporary ethnic studies find immigration history's traditional preoccupation with the integration and assimilation of white Europeans, its East Coast bias, and its drawing excessively sharp distinctions between the experiences of the so-called Old Immigrants (Northern and Western Europeans) and New Immigrants (Southern and Eastern Europeans) to the relative neglect of non-European immigrants and to the West and Southwest, as well as of race and racialization more generally, has led to an inadequate picture of the formation of both American cultural diversity and American social pluralism. We might know better the European immigrants within their separate ethnicities as the result of such scholarship, it is contended; but when we cannot adequately conceive of those immigrants in the context of the racial fault lines of American society, we cannot really know America—for both the system of privileges and disabilities and the cultural identities by which American social order is formed and sustained will elude us. In the work of its most thoughtful advocates, who resist the emotional and ideological temptations of writing the history of comparative victimization, this is a powerful critique that needs to be taken seriously. To that extent, immigration history seems to be at a crossroads, in need of understanding what it has accomplished and what its next assignments might be. These two studies display at one and the same time the tremendous achievements of immigration history and of our need to consider its future direction. Immigration history owes its origins to the intellectual reaction against nativist-driven anti-immigrant polemics, social work ethnography, and self-justifying phileopietism that, for better or worse, constituted the framework of immigration discourse in the United States at the turn of the last century. It was a reaction that took place simultaneously with the rise of professional academic scholarship in the social sciences and in history, which sought to displace just such moralization, political or philosophical, and replace it with truth determined by empirical methods. Moralizing did little...

A Good Social Work: Women's Clubs, Libraries, and the Construction of a Secular Society in Utah, 1890-1920

After the renunciation of polygamy, Mormon women formed secular women's clubs as a means of collaborating with non-Mormon women in the construction of a shared secular society. Their common goal was the establishment and maintenance of the mainstream American social order. Activity in these clubs extended women's sphere into the public realm through socially acceptable public activities such as the temperance cause, civic improvements, political reform movements, and child welfare. The women campaigned for public support of libraries as institutions that would construct, preserve, and transmit American culture, educate the young, strengthen the home and family, and reform society.

White: The Biography of Walter White, Mr. NAACP

White: The Biography of Walter White, Mr. NAACP AUTHOR: KENNETH ROBERT JANKEN NEW YORK: THE NEW PRESS, 2003 PRICE: $29.95 ISBN: 1-56584-3 The life and times of Walter White (1893-1955) is a very important study as it intersects directly with the history of segregation and racialized relations in the US. Fortunately, Kenneth Janken has captured much of White's background, racial ambivalence, and his involvement with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). This book is a timely and first biographical portrait of this controversial "race" man. Why should Walter White be a fascinating African American personality to cover in a biography? The answer to this question can be found in his phenotype. Walter White was in the average person's eyes: White. His blond hair and blue eyes only testified more to the assumption that he could never be of African heritage. However, within the context of the North American social order, Walter White was indeed a man of African heritage. He came out of a southern middle class, "mixed" heritage Atlanta, background that had ingrained the "one drop rule" and placed by law anyone with the smallest amount of African blood into the African American cultural group. Born just three years before the Plessey versus Ferguson Supreme Court decision that upheld social segregation between Blacks and Whites, as long as facilities were "equal" (which was hardly ever the case), Walter White's physical appearance was certainly ambiguous, but his mind and his heart remained unequivocally African American. Moreover, even though Walter White's parents and siblings may well have been able to "pass" into the dominant White society, Janken writes: "There is no suggestion that the White family tried to pass; indeed, the family was enmeshed in the city's principal African American institutions" (p. 15). The fact that White spent the majority of his adult years, nearly forty years (1918-1955), working for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) indicates his staying power in the cause for racial social justice. Janken gives a good account of his work and suggests that he has not been given enough recognition in the contemporary history books relating to African Americans (pp. 368-369). It is difficult to disagree with the perspective that still too little is known about Walter White's contribution to the African American struggle, yet he is not alone. Many significant contributors in the fight for civil and human rights have not been given enough recognition. In terms of Walter White's peers, one could mention Ella Baker as a perfect example of a person who has not received significant acknowledgement for her work in the struggle for civil rights. In point of fact, Janken provides a rare photograph of Ella Baker in the center pages of his book, along with a collection of other key personalities connected to Walter White's life and legacy. Arguably, Walter White had his finest hour for the NAACP as an undercover investigator following the contours of lynching and race riots. …

HELPING YOUTH AT RISK: AN OVERVIEW OF REFORMIST MOVEMENTS IN AMERICAN PUBLIC LIBRARY SERVICES TO YOUTH

One of the hallmarks of the American public library is its service to youth. In fulfilling this mandate, it has often been involved in social reform movements. This was true in the past and it continues today. From the late nineteenth century until the beginning of World War I, the American public library was very much involved in progressive social reform issues of those periods. In those times, librarians tended to define their social reformist role as that of improving culture, in raising standards of literacy, and in fostering the love of reading and good books. On a larger scale these movements, of which the American public library was a part, had both social and political motives in the perceived need to control and contain certain labour and social movements that were viewed as harmful to American social order. Much of the energy for these feared social dislocations was believed to come from the growing American working class in urban areas and its association with the rise of organised American labour and the arrival of European immigrants with non-American socialistic agendas. In concert with other social reform groups, the American public library directed much of its attention to improving the lot of the working-class poor youth (both native and foreign-born) by improving culture and literacy and in helping working-class youth become good Americans. Providing good literature and good books for working-class youth was a mainstay of the public library's reform activities. Understanding this to be a primary social responsibility, librarians easily condemned as harmful to youth certain types of literature and other forms of mass entertainment often enjoyed by both working-class and middle-class youth while at the same time supporting only literature judged by them to be of higher cultural value. Although this aspect of reform has been replaced by more enlightened understanding of the role of the librarian in society, modern-day librarians have much in common with their earlier counterparts as they still seek to improve the lives of at-risk youth. This paper highlights this commonality, and emphasises the role that community and new concepts of community development play in current-day American reform movements.

Polygamy and the Public Library: The Establishment of Public Libraries in Utah before 1910

Utah’s libraries were perceived as instruments for “the establishment of a recognized social order” by each successive group that came to power and were often founded as the result of conflict between Mormon culture and the larger American society. On their arrival, Mormons established libraries primarily to provide access to information necessary to the practical aspects of establishing their new utopian “Kingdom of God.” As conflict with the mainstream culture grew, religious, political, economic, and social groups in American society looked to libraries to eradicate polygamy; undermine the Mormon religion, culture, and political power; and establish the recognized American social order as the dominant culture in Utah. The period of conflict was followed by reconciliation, unification, and assimilation as the Mormon Church and society abandoned its utopian ideology and sought acceptance into the greater culture of the United States. Utah’s women, previously sharply divided, organized into women’s clubs and literary societies to found these institutions. By 1910, the public library in Utah had become an institution of a generally accepted American secular social order.

What Did Happen to the Antitrust Movement?

In January 1964, historian Richard Hofstadter asked a simple question: What happened to the antitrust movement?' Hofstadter posed this query in a conference paper he delivered to an interdisciplinary meeting held at the University of California, Berkeley, on the links between business, politics, and society. Reviewing the history of antitrust from the late nineteenth century to the postwar era, Hofstadter sought to understand its decline in popularity. Exactly how, he wondered, did the antimonopoly impulse that had burned so brightly seem to fade away? For Hofstadter, the answer lay in the transition experienced by the American social order during the early twentieth century. In the late nineteenth century, antitrust was an ethical question that had spurred a popular movement for greater social justice, provoking much public debate about the moral and political viability of large combinations of firms. With the restructuring of social and economic life around more complex organizations, however, antitrust became a technical issue to be managed by experts empowered by a federal bureaucracy. Over time, then, concerns about the legitimacy of big business were gradually uncoupled from a broader public consciousness. Or, as Hofstadter famously put it, once the United States had an antitrust movement without antitrust prosecutions; in our time there have been antitrust prosecutions without an antitrust movement.2

The Politics of Empowerment. By Robert Weissberg. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999. 272p. $50.00.

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s produced strong pressure on all levels of government to give “power to the people.” This urgent demand came not only from radical activists in the streets but also from the halls of academia, where scholars churned out a massive volume of studies encompassing detailed recommendations for filling the power vacuum between authoritative public and private decision makers and disadvantaged citizens whose lack of sufficient economic and political resources condemned them to the bottom rungs of the American social order. Although most of these studies were considered positive and progressive, they were not without their detractors. The most searing critique of “bottom up” schemes for empowering the disadvantaged has come from the pen of Robert Weissberg in his book, The Politics of Empowerment.

The Sherlock Holmes of Societies

References Bullock, Steven C. 1996. Revolutionary Brotherhood: Freemasonry and the Transformation of the American Social Order, 1730–1840. Chapel Hill and London: Univ. of North Carolina Press. Carnes, Mark. 1989. Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press. Clawson, Mary Ann. 1989. Constructing Brotherhood: Class, Gender, and Fraternalism. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton Univ. Press. Duncan, Malcolm C. 1974. Duncan ’s Masonic Ritual and Monitor, rev. ed., Part I. Chicago: Charles T. Powner Co. Jacob, Margaret C. 1991. Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe. Oxford and New York: Oxford Univ. Press. Kertzer, David I. 1988. Ritual, Politics and Power. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press. Rotundo, Anthony. 1993. American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era. New York: Basic. Thomas, Keith. 1988 [1971]. Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England. London: Penguin. World Almanac and Book of Facts 1995. 1994. Mahwah, N. J.

Boys and Girls and “Boys”: Popular Depictions of African‐American Children and Childlike Adults in the United States, 1850–1930

In 1853, Samuel Cartwright, a medical doctor and vocal antebellum apologist for slavery, expounded a common nineteenth-century notion that AfricanAmerican adults-especially men-could be equated with children: [T]he negro [has] a nature not unlike that of a newborn infant of the white race. In children, the nervous system predominates, and the temperament is lymphatic [...]. Negroes, moreover, resemble children in the activity of the liver and in their strong assimilating powers, and in the predominance of the other systems over the sanguineous [... ]. Like children, they require government in every thing; food, clothing, exercise, sleep-all require to be prescribed by rule or they will run into excesses. (Diseases, 316-28) Here we explore how this idea was visualized through the complementary representations of AfricanAmerican children and their elders who are often depicted behaving childishly in popular American imagery of the period.1 Even though these caricatured complements-children and childish men-are often shocking to twenty-first century viewers, they were offered and received as entertainment at the time they were produced. We shall find that, as lighthearted as it purports to be, this postbellum popular imagery echoes, to a remarkable degree, much of antebellum racialist discourse such as that voiced by Cartwright above. It is clear that attitudes most vociferously expressed in slavery debates just prior to the Civil War were given form, and even enhanced in later decades. Such images reflected, propagated, and justified paternalistic attitudes (and worse) on the part of their primarily EuroAmerican audiences. Because few of us would laugh at the caricatures today, these depictions challenge us to understand how they once provoked mirth and confront the sometimes subtle ways they worked to promote a racist American society of which we are the heirs.2 The artists who created the imagery under consideration here worked predominantly in urban centers throughout the country (although the center of the trade was New York) and their work circulated widely, finding its way into a broad spectrum of American homes; the artists, like the majority of viewers were of primarily northern European ancestry, however. The humor in these entertaining images assuaged some uncomfortable realities about race relations in the United States at that period and helped EuroAmerican consumers imagine African Americans who would obligingly join in the fun made at their own expense. In fact, some African-American entertainers such as Bert Williams, George Walker, and others were rewarded handsomely for enacting stereotypical characters such as Jim Crow and Zip Coon in enormously popular stage performances. The pervasive imagery of song sheets, postcards, trade cards, and other print media argued that such performances reflected some imagined reality. Although the creation, signification, and legacy of many nineteenthcentury stereotypical black characters (such as Jim Crow, Zip Coon, Sambo, Mammy, and others) have been explored, popular representations of AfricanAmerican children have been generally overlooked. Here we shall see that African-American children in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century popular lithography were frequently cast in adult roles, serving, metaphorically, as their elders. Further, these representations frequently addressed EuroAmerican concerns about authority and the American social order. Thus, images of cute and playful imaginary children addressed and impacted an adult world that, in its very reality, was often harsh, ugly, and supremely unjust. It is significant that the pictorial analogies of children and childish adults targeted most particularly the African-American man who, although commonly addressed at the time as boy, was perceived, particularly after the Civil War, as the most threatening segment of African-American society.3 Visual representations of mischief-making African-American youths advocated EuroAmerican control over African Americans in general and, by extension, especially those adult males who were consistently portrayed as childish. …

Revolutionary Brotherhood: Freemasonry and the Transformation of the American Social Order, 1730-1840. By Steven C. Bullock (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Va., 1996. xviii plus 421pp. $49.95)

Revolutionary Brotherhood: Freemasonry and the Transformation of the American Social Order, 1730-1840. By Steven C. Bullock (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Va., 1996. xviii plus 421pp. $49.95)

Revolutionary Brotherhood: Freemasonry and the Transformation of the American Social Order, 1730-1840.

Revolutionary Brotherhood: Freemasonry and the Transformation of the American Social Order, 1730-1840.

The Americas

The Americas

Revolutionary Brotherhood: Freemasonry and the Transformation of the American Social Order, 1730-1840.

Revolutionary Brotherhood: Freemasonry and the Transformation of the American Social Order, 1730-1840.