American Political Science Association Annual Research Articles

Gender Representation and Strategies for Panel Diversity: Lessons from the APSA Annual Conference

Gender representation is a pervasive problem in political science. We draw on evidence from the 2017 and 2018 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting programs to discuss diversity and representation in large political science disciplinary conferences. APSA program divisions differ substantially in their gender representation: although some are representative of their organized section membership, others are not, and some sections are particularly likely to feature manels. We present representation data by organization section, with discussions of what representation looks like and identifying different kinds of representation goals. We conclude by offering guidelines for increasing gender representation, both for future submitters and program chairs.

Lost in the Storm: The Academic Collaborations That Went Missing in Hurricane ISSAC

By exploiting the cancellation of the 2012 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, we investigate the role of conferences in facilitating academic collaboration. We assembled data sets comprising 17,467 academics, and in difference‐in‐differences analysis we find that the conference cancellation led to a decrease in individuals’ likelihood of co‐authoring an article with another attendant by 16%. Moreover, collaborations formed among attendants of (occurring) conferences are associated with more successful co‐publications: an effect which is sharpest for teams that are new or non‐collocated. Conferences seem to de‐cluster the co‐authorship network. Altogether, our findings demonstrate the importance of conferences in scientific production.

Lost in the Storm: The Academic Collaborations that Went Missing in Hurricane Isaac

By exploiting the cancellation of the 2012 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, we investigate the role of conferences in facilitating academic collaboration. We assembled datasets comprising 17,468 academics and 86 million pairs of conference participants. In difference-in-differences analysis, we find the conference cancellation led to a decrease in individuals' likelihood of co-authoring an article with another attendant by 18 percent. Moreover, collaborations formed among attendants of (occurring) conferences are associated with more successful co-publications: an effect which is sharpest for teams that are new or non-collocated. These findings are novel and demonstrate the importance of conferences in scientific production.

The “Digital Revolution” Reconsidered – NPS Christian Bay Best Paper Award APSA 2015, San Francisco, CA

This article responds to the 2014 American Political Science Association Annual Conference’s theme of “Politics After the Digital Revolution.” It first gives a brief assessment of how the discipline of political science has reacted to the digital revolution. It then seeks to couch the putative revolution in Thorstein Veblen’s theory of a “machine process” in order to recast it less as a discrete phenomenon to be dealt with by the discipline, but instead as part of an evolutionary process of social change that instils habits of mind of those who are subject to it, and who in turn, influence the machine process itself in a co-determinant manner. This article offers the synthesis of Veblen and the Frankfurt School to theorize how the digital revolution might be critically assessed in its evolutionary framework, and speaks towards an evolutionary critical theory for analysing political society beyond discrete events.

The Role of Conferences on the Pathway to Academic Impact: Evidence from a Natural Experiment

We provide evidence for the effectiveness of conferences in promoting academic impact, by exploiting the cancellation -- due to 'Hurricane Isaac' -- of the 2012 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting. We assembled a new dataset of approximately 31,000 articles and quantified conference effects using difference-in-differences regressions. Within one year of being presented at the conference, articles receive an additional 15 downloads. This advantage is permanent, and accrues particularly to authors in their early careers or outside the Top 10 institutions. Moreover, within two years, articles' likelihood of receiving at least one citation increases by close to five percentage points.

Introduction

Recommendation 5: That the character and implications of ethnic, gender, and cultural diversity and the international and transnational dimensions of particular problems and policies be addressed in all relevant courses—“main-streamed,” in the pedagogical vernacular—not treated as a separate and unique problem to be dealt with in a particular course or two or by a particular faculty member. (Wahlke 1991, 53; emphasis in original) The idea for this Critical Perspectives section came from a short course at the 2011 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, “Teaching Gender and Politics: Views from the Field.” In one of the panel discussions, a senior feminist international relations scholar mentioned the above-quoted Wahlke Report, and most participants—almost all of whom identify as gender scholars, many of whom are senior in the field—were surprised not only that APSA recommended gender mainstreaming in the political science classroom, but also that it happened so long ago. Despite this now twenty-year-old recommendation, the available data on gender mainstreaming indicate that gender as a powerful theoretical and analytical construct remains outside the mainstream of political science education (Cassese, Bos, and Duncan 2012). It is illustrative to note that our workshop participants were not the only political scientists who seem to have missed Wahlke's recommendation on inclusion of gender and ethnicity; it was not highlighted in either the immediate aftermath of the publication of the report or in more recent evaluations of the report's influence (Bennett 1991; Ishiyama 2005; Ishiyama, Breuning, and Lopez 2006; Kaufman-Osborn 1991). Given the many benefits of gender mainstreaming—from improving democratic citizenship to increasing the number of women in the profession—our goal for this Critical Perspectives section is to bring renewed focus to the subject of gender mainstreaming in political science education. We hope to start new conversations: What are the benefits of mainstreaming? How can faculty approach mainstreaming? What tools do faculty need in order to mainstream effectively? In the following essays, the authors approach these questions from a variety of viewpoints.

How To Be a Peer Reviewer: A Guide for Recent and Soon-to-be PhDs

AbstractPeer review is central to political science. In this article we collect the ideas of journal editors in political science and several recent PhDs, who met as a panel at the 2011 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting to discuss the principles of the review process. This includes why reviewing is important to the development of one's own scholarship but also offers some nuts and bolts on reviewing.

International communication

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to acknowledge the assistance of Leanne Cannon in the preparation of this paper. Notes This article was originally published in The Journal of International Communication, vol. 10, no. 2, 2004. 1. See also Boulding (1961 Boulding , K. 1961 ‘National images and international systems’ , in J. Rosenau International Politics and Foreign Policy , New York . [Google Scholar]). 2. See also de Sola Pool (1951 de Sola Pool , I. 1951 Symbols of Internationalism , Stanford . [Google Scholar]). 3. See also Merritt (1972 Merritt , R.L. 1972 Communication in International Politics , Urbana , IL : University of Illinois Press . [Google Scholar]). 4. See also White (1968 White , R.K. 1968 Nobody Wanted War , Garden City , NY . [Google Scholar]). 5. This special issue of The Annals is devoted to articles on the roles, techniques, instrumentalities and agencies of propaganda. 6. For a comprehensive bibliography using communication data and event data in international relations see Burrowes et al (1971 Burrowes , R. , Hoggard , G.D. , Leng , R.J. , Mowlana , H. , Peterson , S. , Phillips , W.R. & Richman , A. 1971 Event-Interaction Analysis: Selected Bibliography of Recent Research, American Political Science Association Annual Meeting , Chicago , September . [Google Scholar]). 7. See also Zinnes (1968 Zinnes , D.A. 1968 ‘The expression and perception of hostility in prewar crisis: 1914’ , in J.D. Singer Quantitative international Politics , New York . [Google Scholar]). 8. See also Osgood (1962 Osgood , C.E. 1962 An Alternative to War or Surrender , Urbana . [Google Scholar]). For the theoretical bases see Heider (1964 Heider , E. 1964 ‘Attitudes and cognitive organization’ , Journal of Psychology , 24 . [Google Scholar]) and Newcomb (1953 Newcomb, T.M. 1953. An approach to the study of communicative acts. Psychological Review, 60: 393–404. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). [9. For examples of development using small group communication and workshops in international communication and international relations during this time see Doob (1969 Doob, L. 1969. The Fermeda Workshop: A different approach to border conflicts on Eastern Africa. Journal of Psychology, 73: 249–266. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]), Walton (1970), Doob et al (1969 Doob, L. 1969. The Fermeda Workshop: A different approach to border conflicts on Eastern Africa. Journal of Psychology, 73: 249–266. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) and Kelman (1972 Kelman , H. 1972 ‘Problem solving workshop in conflict resolution’ , in R.L. Merritt Communication in International Politics , Urbana , IL . [Google Scholar]). 10. See also Mead (1961 Mead , G.H. 1961 ‘The social foundations and functions of thought and communication’ , in T. Parsons et al. Theories of Society , New York . [Google Scholar]). 11. For UNESCO publications in this area see Mowlana (1971 Mowlana , H. 1971 lnternational Communication: A Selected Bibliography , Dubuque , Iowa [Google Scholar]), pp.86–87. 12. See also Almond and Powell (1966 Almond , G. & Powell , G.B. 1966 Comparative Politics: A Development Approach , Boston . [Google Scholar]). 13. See also Fagen's three articles on mass communication in Journalism Quarterly, Autumn 1964, Winter 1964 and Spring 1965. 14. See also Mishra (1971 Mishra, V.M. 1971. Mass media variables related to urbanization and modernization in developing areas. Journalism Quarterly, 48: 513–518. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). 15. See also Deutsch (1963 Deutsch , K.W. 1963 The Nerves of Government , New York . [Google Scholar]). 16. Other discussion includes Rapaport (1960 Rapaport , A. 1960 Fights, Games, and Debates , Ann Arbor , Mich . [Google Scholar]). 17. For international communicators and foreign correspondents see Mowlana (1971 Mowlana , H. 1971 lnternational Communication: A Selected Bibliography , Dubuque , Iowa [Google Scholar]), Chapter X. 18. See also the special issue of the Stanford Journal of International Studies (June 1970) devoted to telecommunication.

Thinking Beyond the Original Bargain: Post Ratification Constitution Making and the Case of Iraq

This paper, submitted in connection with a panel at the 2012 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, explores some of the implications of regarding a constitution making exercise as not merely the enactment of a particularly important piece of legislation, but rather the establishment a broad and long lasting national compact. In a society such as Iraq, which is not only divided, but where different communities have radically different visions of an ideal state order, such high stakes can be impossible to manage. As such, one way to address the problem of constitution making in such contexts is to embrace ambiguity and deferral as means to reach consensus among sharply divided communities, thereby creating space for future (partial) resolution of existing disputes. This paper explores representative examples where such efforts have been undertaken in Iraq, and evaluates the extent to which they have been successful.

Moral Limit and Possibility in World Politics

At what point does one reasonably concede that the “realities” of world politics require compromise from cherished principles or moral ends, and how does one know when an ethical limit has been reached? Since social constructivist analyses of the development of moral norms explain how moral change occurs in world politics, that agenda should provide insightful leverage on the ethical question of “what to do.” This article identifies contributions of a constructivist research agenda for theorizing moral limit and possibility in global political dilemmas.I thank the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada for its support of a workshop on Moral Limit and Possibility in World Politics, held at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver in September 2005. I thank the participants of that workshop for their input into this article; it is part of a collaborative project and their contributions are too numerous to mention by name. Versions of this article were also presented to the University of Minnesota International Relations Colloquium, the University of British Columbia International Relations Colloquium, at the Australian National University, at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting 2006, and at the University of Chicago Program on International Politics, Economics and Security; I am grateful to participants in these venues for their invaluable questions and comments, as well as to the students in my courses upon whom I vetted a number of the ideas in this project. Thanks also to the reviewers and editors of IO for their rigorous comments. Finally, thanks also to Alana Tiemessen and Scott Watson for research assistance along the way.

Political Science and Beyond: Presidential Address to the American Political Science Association

This is the Presidential Address delivered at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Chicago, IL, August 30 to September 2, 2007. The theme is that the discipline of political science has benefited from imports from many other fields, but it also has a lot to offer in the way of exports to other fields. A personal example is the export of cooperation theory to cancer research. The main recommendation is to cultivate your curiosity by: reading up in a variety of fields so your mind will be well prepared, teaming up with others who can help you, loading up on research related to your problem, and lightening up when you need to escape from the problem for a while. Promising opportunities exist for political science to export to public health, cognitive and neuropsychology, and the design of web-based institutions.Robert Axelrod is the Mary Ann and Charles R. Walgreen, Jr. Professor for the Study of Human Understanding at the University of Michigan (axe@umich.edu). This text is a renamed, footnoted and slightly revised version of his presidential address at the 2007 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting. For help in preparing this address, he wishes to thank John Aldrich, David Axelrod, Vera Axelrod, Lily S. Axelrod, Michael Brintnall, Joshua Epstein, Rick Hall, Liz Gerber, Ross Hammond, Rob Hauck, Lisa Koch, Justin McCrary, Ken Pienta, Robert Putnam, Eric Rabkin, Amy Saldinger, Jasjeet Sekhon, and PhillipTetlock. For financial support he thanks the National Science Foundation.

Evaluating The Bush Menu for Change in the Middle East

These contributions were presented at a roundtable of the Conference Group on the Middle East, “Evaluating the Bush Menu for Change in the Middle East,” at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Chicago, September 5, 2004.

Corruption and the effect of regime type: the case of Taiwan

The use of public resources and powers for particularistic purposes and interests serves as a useful (though not all encompassing) starting point for the definition of corruption.1 This definition ...

KNOWLEDGE AND THE POSITION OF ATTITUDES TO A EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY ON THE REAL-TO-RANDOM CONTINUUM

The paper begins with the debate about the stability, the structure and the relevance of attitudes to foreign policy and argues that the cognitive aspect of the issue has a crucial bearing on whether one comes down on the side of the ‘conventional wisdom’ (the so-called Almond–Lippmann consensus) or the side of the ‘revisionists’ in this debate. It goes on to suggest, however, that the underlying issue is not one of ‘true attitudes’ versus ‘non-attitudes’ but rather a matter of where any particular set of attitudinal responses is located on a real-to-random continuum. Having considered some evidence concerning the public’s knowledge of the European Union, the paper puts forward four hypotheses concerning the negative impact of lower levels of knowledge on the structure of attitudes. With some minor qualifications, the four hypotheses are supported by the Eurobarometer data analysed. Attitudes to a European common foreign and security policy are particularly susceptible to variations in knowledge, and the conclusion is drawn that, at lower levels of knowledge, such attitudes come suspiciously close to the wrong end of the real-to-random continuum. THE DEBATE ABOUT ATTITUDES TO FOREIGN POLICY The quality of public opinion on foreign policy is a much-debated matter. What is now dubbed ‘the conventional wisdom’ took a dim view of public opinion in this area. It argued four propositions: public attitudes to foreign policy lack an adequate knowledge base, they are unstructured, they are unstable, and they have no relevance for policy-making. The argument was encapsulated as early as  in Almond’s view that ‘foreign policy attitudes among most Americans lack intellectual structure and factual content. Such superficial psychic states ∗ An earlier version of this paper was presented at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Boston, September, . The paper was submitted to IJPOR  January, . The final version was received  February, .  World Association for Public Opinion Research                 are bound to be unstable since they are not anchored in a set of explicit values and means ends calculations or traditional compulsions’ (Almond, , p.). The ‘conventional wisdom’ regarding the nature of foreign policy attitudes has come in for sustained criticism in recent years, to the extent that it might be said that the revisionist view is now in the ascendant. However, the revisionist critique is not as comprehensive or as telling as might appear at first sight. This can be seen by considering the four propositions (in reverse order to that in which they have just been listed). The last proposition—regarding the relevance of public opinion to the making of foreign policy—can be set aside as an issue that follows from rather than being directly part of the problem of the quality of attitudes to foreign policy. In one sense, it is a normative issue: weakly formed attitudes (if such they be) ought not to have any effect on foreign policy. To the extent that it is not a normative issue, it is open to empirical investigation, but that investigation is distinct from the question of what is the nature of public opinion on foreign policy. In regard to the allegation that attitudes to foreign policy are unstructured or unconstrained, the revisionist response makes a distinction between general foreign policy orientations and abstract beliefs, on the one hand, and specific foreign policy attitudes and opinion on immediate issues, on the other. It then argues that, while constraint might be lacking in relation to views on particular matters, it does obtain at the level of general orientations and beliefs. Two quotations illustrate the point: We take strong exception to the conventional wisdom that in the face of this uncertainty, the public is unable to connect its foreign policy attitudes together or connect them to its political behaviour. . . . The common theme in this research is that while citizens’ specific foreign policy attitudes may not be consistently related to one another or to political evaluations, more general foreign policy orientations play a stronger role in foreign policy decision-making (Hurwitz and Peffley, ,

Privatization presents problems

National Civic ReviewVolume 77, Issue 2 p. 112-117 Article Privatization presents problems Harry P. Hatry, Harry P. Hatry Harry P Hatry is Director of the State Policy Center the Urban Institute, in Washington, D.C. This article is adapted from a presentation at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting September 4, 1987 in Chicago, Illinois, aspart of the session on “The Politics of Privatization.”Search for more papers by this author Harry P. Hatry, Harry P. Hatry Harry P Hatry is Director of the State Policy Center the Urban Institute, in Washington, D.C. This article is adapted from a presentation at the American Political Science Association Annual Meeting September 4, 1987 in Chicago, Illinois, aspart of the session on “The Politics of Privatization.”Search for more papers by this author First published: March 1988 https://doi.org/10.1002/ncr.4100770203Citations: 4 AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume77, Issue2March 1988Pages 112-117 RelatedInformation

The First Year of the Political Science Micro Review

Though humble, the Political ScienceMicro Review (PSMR) is the only social science-oriented microcomputer periodical in the United States. Founded in 1982, it provides low-cost software for microcomputer users at over a hundred institutions affiliated with the network which it serves. Moreover, virtually all microcomputer software produced through the PSMR is donated to the public domain by the North Carolina State University Public Service Research and Computer Laboratory and other network members. Panels and workshops supplement PSMR activities, including three scheduled for the 1983 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting.BackgroundIn 1979 the public Service Research and Computer Laboratory was established in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at North Carolina State University.

The First Year of the Political Science Micro Review

Though humble, the Political ScienceMicro Review (PSMR) is the only social science-oriented microcomputer periodical in the United States. Founded in 1982, it provides low-cost software for microcomputer users at over a hundred institutions affiliated with the network which it serves. Moreover, virtually all microcomputer software produced through the PSMR is donated to the public domain by the North Carolina State University Public Service Research and Computer Laboratory and other network members. Panels and workshops supplement PSMR activities, including three scheduled for the 1983 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting.BackgroundIn 1979 the public Service Research and Computer Laboratory was established in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at North Carolina State University.