American Interests Research Articles

Contact Groups as Diplomatic Intervention Tools in Civil Wars: US Diplomacy

Summary American diplomacy employs contact groups to secure the United States’ national interests and fulfil its role as a superpower in several regions worldwide. This article explores three examples of contact groups formed by US diplomacy to intervene in the civil wars in Libya, Syria and Yemen. It tracks the groups’ formation process, meetings’ content and the US assessment of their influence on American interests and the course of the conflicts. The article concludes that the formation process was developed under sensitive compromises among the stakeholders of each conflict and led to the exclusion of some essential actors. The contact groups were influential at the tactical level and impacted the course of the conflicts in the short term, preventing humanitarian disasters, taking de-escalation steps and securing American interests, but they failed to achieve successful settlements.

The Impact of Realism on U.S. Foreign Policy during the Trump Presidency

Purpose: This article explored the impact of realism on American foreign policy during the Trump administration, striving to answer whether Trump adopted a realist stance or employed a unique blend of realism to enhance American interests on the global stage. Methodology: Centering on theoretical analysis and historical context, this study investigated the alignment of Trump's controversial personality and his "America First" slogan with the quest for national interests and power dynamics. This paper spotlighted Trump's unorthodox implementation of realism by exploring specific global issues, such as security strategies, trade policies, and diplomatic methods. Findings: This paper underscored Trump's deviation from traditional realism and adopting an unconventional realist approach. Particular emphasis was placed on this approach's implications for global power dynamics and the ethical dimensions of U.S. foreign policy. This study pinpointed noteworthy results from Trump's unique fusion of realism, providing insights into its effects on international relations. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: This research contributed to theoretical comprehension and practical implications for future American foreign policy. It illuminated the Trump administration's unorthodox implementation of realism and its ramifications for international cooperation. Moreover, this paper advocated for a balanced approach incorporating strategic pragmatism with ethical leadership to efficiently tackle intricate global challenges and uphold the United States' role in the international arena.

THE AMERICAN ROLE IN IRAQ AFTER THE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP

American roles and policies in Iraq and the Middle East region differed according to historical stages. But the constants remain the same according to American foreign policy strategies in the Middle East region in general and Iraq in particular, as the United States of America looks at the Middle East region according to three main goals: 1- Maintaining the continuity of political systems and moderate and allied governments that preserve American interests in the region. 2- Ensuring the access of oil to it 3- Ensuring the security and survival of Israel. Accordingly, the American president has the right to exercise his role within these frameworks, even if his methods and tools differ from those of other presidents. Since every new American president adapts to the goals he seeks to achieve during his presidency, the American role after the administration of President Trump in Iraq has changed from that role and policy followed by US President Joe Biden after winning the 2020 elections. In order to learn about the most prominent features of the American role in Iraq after the administration of President Donald Trump, the topic of the study was chosen, which dealt

The United States, the Defence of the Middle East and Türkiye: 1946-1952

This study analyses the early years of cooperation between Türkiye and the United States (US) in the field of security and defence by utilising US government documents and the secondary sources that heavily depend on primary sources. It emphasizes the link between the elements of the strategic context in which the US developed its approach to the defence of the Middle East and the American interest in developing defence ties with Türkiye. The major outcomes of Turkish-American cooperation were American support for Türkiye against the Soviet Union in 1946, the provision of American military assistance in 1947, the modernization of the Turkish military, the construction of military bases on Turkish territory, American support for Turkish membership in NATO and Turkish willingness to conduct its relations with the Middle East in coordination with the West. This study reveals that those outcomes reflected for the most time American political and strategic preferences. For this reason, the typical characteristics of those relations between great powers and small states can be observed in Turkish-American security relations during their formative years.

Translations in Children’s Paradise (1970–1979): the Union’s agendas and the Cold War cultural diplomacy in Hong Kong

During the Cold War era, translation constituted an integral part of the ideological confrontations of US cultural diplomacy. Scholarly discussions on US-associated cultural products have provided insights from the perspective of American patronage, yet have not adequately addressed the diverse role of unofficial agencies in their cultural practices with multiple intentions. This study analyzes Chinese translations in the magazine Children’s Paradise (CP) operated by the Union, an entity involved in the network of American covert cultural diplomatic activities. It delves into the Union’s agenda of furthering a progressive Chinese nation that continues and revitalizes Chinese civilization by analyzing three marked characteristics of the translated texts and their underlying rationales. It finds that, through deliberate omissions, substitutions, and additions, CP demonstrated a relentless commitment to the Union’s China-centric agendas in its domesticated and adapted translations. Despite sharing the anti-communist conviction associated with American interests, CP leveraged localized practices to engage with the social-political issues of the British-ruled Hong Kong of the 1970s. As a result, it generated cultural outcomes exceeding the Cold War polarities, and left a lasting legacy on the younger generation of Hong Kong.

Interest convergence and the maintenance of racial advantage: The case of diversity in higher education

AbstractOne of the major tenets of Critical Race Theory, the interest convergence hypothesis postulates that policies promising improvements for Black Americans are enacted only to the extent they advance White Americans’ interests. We elaborate and update Bell's argument by demonstrating that current diversity commitments in higher education are another example of interest convergence. First, we present empirical and theoretical evidence that ubiquitous approaches to diversity serve the psychological interests of White Americans more than those of Black Americans. Second, we advance a systemic framework for how social psychological processes intersect with normative ideologies in the law and in universities’ operations to facilitate the prioritization of White over Black interests. In so doing, our goal is to illuminate the primacy of White identity and power as fundamental to shaping American society's collective embrace of diversity.

Aspects influencing the foreign exchange reserves of Indonesia

Analysis of Factors Affecting Indonesia's Foreign Exchange Reserves using the Error Correction Model (ECM) Approach. This study aims to determine and analyze the effect of American interest rates, Indonesian interest rates, foreign debt, the rupiah exchange rate, net exports and foreign investment on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves in 1991-2022. The data used in this study is time series data, using secondary data obtained from the publication of the official websites of Bank Indonesia, the World Bank and the Central Bureau of Statistics, totaling 32 years. The analysis technique used in this study is the error correction model with the Eviews 10 tool. The results of this study indicate that in the long term, American interest rates and Indonesian interest rates have a negative effect on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. Foreign debt, rupiah exchange rate and net exports have a positive influence on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. Meanwhile, foreign investment has no effect on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. In the short term, American interest rates, Indonesian interest rates, rupiah exchange rates, net exports and foreign investment have no effect on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. Meanwhile, foreign debt has a positive effect on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves

US Navy Aerial Photography Squadrons in Türkiye: American Interests in Cold War Cartography

This article explores a little-known archive of historical aerial photographs curated by the General Directorate of Mapping of the Republic of Türkiye’s Ministry of Defense and discusses the historical context of their production by US Navy aerial photography squadrons in the 1950s. While the images themselves enable a technical analysis of the method of their collection, contemporary military manuals, domain-specific magazines and newsletters, and eyewitness accounts of how similar photographs were captured fill out the contexts of their production for cartographic purposes, with information about the aircraft involved, their cameras and camera configurations, and mission characteristics. Continuing sections situate the aerial surveys within the framework of US-led initiatives in mapping NATO territories following World War II. As one example of what must have been many special mapping agreements made between NATO countries at this time, the US cartographic surveys over Türkiye discussed here are an expression of postwar realignments of global power, put to the purposes of containment-based security preparations and infrastructure development, and neatly intertwining American military and commercial interests early in the Cold War.

Students for Fair Admissions Through the Lens of Interest-Convergence Theory: Reality, Perception, and Fear

In two cases, Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President & Fellows of Harvard College and Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. University of North Carolina (SFFA), the Supreme Court held that Harvard and UNC violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act in their use of race in their admissions process. This Article examines the SFFA decision through the lens of interest-convergence theory. This Article is novel in three respects. It is the first article to explain the SFFA decision in-depth. The opaqueness of the decision has led to significant confusion between commentators, scholars, and universities about the impact of the decision. I conclude that the SFFA decision overturned prior precedent and ended affirmative action in higher education, no matter how carefully crafted the race-conscious admission plan. I also conclude that universities will not be able to ignore the decision, or use race-neutral alternatives, to maintain a critical mass of minority students. Second, this Article is the first to explain the SFFA outcome using interest-convergence theory. I break down the separate interests of Black,[1] Hispanic,[2] White,[3] and Asian-Americans.[4] I find that Black and Hispanic interests remain served by race-conscious admission policies, but that shifting racial demographics and political power dynamics changed the decades-long White interest in supporting affirmative action. I further find that Asian-Americans have an interest in maintaining affirmative action, but that the SFFA outcome aligned with White interests because it permitted universities to continue “negative action” against Asian-Americans in favor of White students. Third, this Article is the first to explain how the perceptions of White Americans about policies that benefit minorities overrides the significant benefits they receive from diverse educational environments. I conclude that the longstanding and concrete benefits that White students receive from a critical mass of minority students on campus has become less important than the perceived threat of such admission policies to the current societal hierarchy. I conclude that interest-convergence theory explains why the Supreme Court overturned decades of precedent and university admission practices: it served the perceived interests of White Americans.

Triangular Dynamics: US Response to China’s Assertiveness in the Middle East

New dynamics govern today’s Middle East politics. At a time when Beijing has become a major player and the US perceives China as the sole credible threat to its global primacy, many Middle Eastern states play a triangulation game, offsetting Washington’s pressure with deepening ties with China. In response, the US now sees the region through the prism of managing its rivalry with Beijing. The Biden administration’s strategy is to identify key allies and integrate them into small networks to help protect American interests against Chinese influence. However, with such a strategy the US is setting itself up for frequent setbacks. Since those coalitions, based on the Abraham Accords, bypass the Palestinian issue, America’s Arab allies often find themselves faced with escalation in the occupied territories, thus derailing the work of such networks. Besides, many of America’s Middle East allies have no intention of getting embroiled in the US–Chinese tension.

U.S. policy in Central Asia in the context of confrontation with Russia and China

Central Asia, unlike the Asia-Pacific region, is not the main arena for the Sino-American confrontation. However, the geographical determinant - the region is surrounded by China, Russia, Iran and Afghanistan - predetermined the local nature of Washington's policy aimed at realizing American interests in the neighboring states of Central Asia. This paper examines the US policy in Central Asia at the present stage in the economic, humanitarian and security dimensions.

National Origin Identity and Descriptive Representativeness: Understanding Preferences for Asian Candidates and Representation

Abstract This paper examines how an Asian candidate’s national origin background affects their perceived ability to represent different constituents. Would Asian voters prefer any Asian candidate over someone who is non-Asian? Using a series of survey experiments that randomly emphasize the national origin backgrounds of two real politicians and a hypothetical politician, I find that politicians who are East or Southeast Asian are viewed as more representative of Asian American interests than those who are South Asian. Nonetheless, respondents agree that Asian politicians, regardless of national origin, will represent Asian Americans more than a non-Asian politician. While national origin background matters, there is still potential for an electoral advantage based on shared Asian panethnicity. These results contribute to our understanding of the salience of panethnic identities in electoral contexts.

Analisis Faktor-Faktor Yang Mempengaruhi Cadangan Devisa Indonesia Dengan Pendekatan Error Correction Model (ECM)

This study aims to determine and analyze the effect of American interest rates, Indonesian interest rates, foreign debt, the rupiah exchange rate, net exports and foreign investment on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves in 1991-2022. The data used in this study is time series data, using secondary data obtained from the publication of the official websites of Bank Indonesia, the World Bank and the Central Bureau of Statistics, totaling 32 years. The analysis technique used in this study is the error correction model with the Eviews 10 tool. The results of this study indicate that in the long term, American interest rates and Indonesian interest rates have a negative effect on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. Foreign debt, rupiah exchange rate and net exports have a positive influence on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. Meanwhile, foreign investment has no effect on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. In the short term, American interest rates, Indonesian interest rates, rupiah exchange rates, net exports and foreign investment have no effect on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. Meanwhile, foreign debt has a positive effect on Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves

The Kurdish Movement’s Factor in US Politics at the Peak of Iran and Afghanistan Crises, 1979 – January 1981

At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions.This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises.The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.

Transmission of risk to China's construction industry due to international interest rate fluctuations

PurposeUnder the trend of global economic integration and the new context of stagflation, frequent fluctuations in international interest rates are exerting far-reaching impacts on the world economy. In this paper, the transmission mechanism of the impact of fluctuations in international interest rates (specifically, the American interest rate) on the bankruptcy risk in China's pillar industry, the construction industry (which is also sensitive to interest rates), is examined.Design/methodology/approachUsing an improved contingent claims analysis, the bankruptcy risk of enterprises is calculated in this paper. Additionally, an individual fixed-effects model is developed to investigate the mediating effects of international interest rates on the bankruptcy risk in the Chinese construction industry. The heterogeneity of subindustries in the industrial chain and the impact of China's energy consumption structure are also analysed in this paper.FindingsThe findings show that fluctuations in international interest rates, which affect the bankruptcy risk of China's construction industry, are mainly transmitted through two major pathways, namely, commodity price effects and exchange rate effects. In addition, the authors examine the important impact of China's energy consumption structure on risk transmission and assess the transmission and sharing of risks within the industrial chain.Originality/valueFirst, in the research field, the study of international interest rate risk is extended to domestic-oriented industries. Second, in terms of the research content, this paper is focused on China-specific issues, including the significant influence of China's energy consumption structure characteristics and the risk contagion (and risk sharing) as determined by the current development of the Chinese construction industry. Third, in terms of research methods a modified contingent claim analysis approach to bankruptcy risk indicators is adopted for this study, thus overcoming the problems of data frequency, market sentiment and financial data fraud, which are issues that are ignored by most relevant studies.

Reckoning with ‘new’ Turkey: Modes of US reaction to unwanted policy shifts in the Middle East

AbstractThis article discusses the changing relations between the United States and Turkey in light of Turkey's contemporary foreign policy that often challenges American interests. More specifically, it adopts a comparative approach to examine the variables that determine the course of US reaction when unwanted policy shifts take place in the Middle East. To this end, apart from Turkey, the article examines two more cases: US relations with Egypt in the 1950s, and with Iran right before, during and after the 1979 revolution. The comparative analysis reveals that the case of contemporary Turkey has been more similar to the historical case of Egypt, which explains why Washington has been adopting (and is more likely to continue doing so) a “wait‐and‐see” approach vis‐à‐vis Ankara. However, domestic changes in Turkey, though not as abrupt and radical as in Iran, remain significant and may have a deeper impact on US–Turkish relations in the future.

THE POLICY OF CONTAINING IRAN BY THE ADMINISTRATION OF DONALD TRUMP (2017-2021)

Since President Donald Trump assumed his constitutional duties in January 2017 and ended his term in January 2021, he adopted strategic goals that were generally characterized by hardening towards Iran, which did not differ from the majority of previous administrations, even of president’s Barack Obama, who agreed with his predecessors on the goals, but differed in his ways to reach them. In the same context, the national security document, which was approved by the us administration, in December 2017, did not depart from the previous framework. Iran was present within its content, which reflected a hard-line image of Iran by focusing on what the latter poses as an increasing threat to American interests, as well as to its allies and the security and stability of the Middle East region in general. The document outlined the Iranian danger, describing it as “a dictatorial regime that seeks to undermine the region and destabilize its security, threaten the allies of the united states, and commit brutal acts against its people.” This strategy was, in terms of form, closer in many of its elements to what is generally accepted than the outcomes of successive administrations towards Iran. These were the same goals that the majority of US administrations had long been striving for, especially since the beginning of the new millennium and the exposure of the Iranian nuclear program, but the difference, as well as in the details and implementation mechanisms, are the paths and steps taken to achieve the goals.

Iran-Russia-Türkiye Triangle: A Challenge for the U.S. Position in the Middle East

The American-centric world order that was shaped after the end of the Cold War is being questioned by dynamically growing “old” and “new” centers of power, namely Russia and China. Entities united in opposition to American hegemony pursue policies that challenge not only the U.S. position but more importantly American interests. This process has been especially visible in the wake of the civil war in Syria. This article aims to analyze the U.S. Middle East strategy in the context of the ongoing redistribution of power in the region, influenced by the Iran-Russia-Türkiye triangle. It claims that Syria’s civil war stimulated the formation of this triangle and significantly influenced the further evolution of the balance of power in the region, posing both a direct challenge and an indirect threat to the American position and its interests in the Middle East. The article argues for the necessity of correcting the American Middle East strategy, as the one implemented so far opened the door to other powers to compete for influence in the Middle East.

“SUMMITS OF THE AMERICAS” AS AN ATTEMPT TO REVIVE THE MONROE DOCTRINE IN MODERN CONDITIONS

Almost two hundred years, the Monroe doctrine has been an ideological justification of the US policy to promote its interests and subdue the Western Hemisphere, despite statements about its cancellation in February 2013. Over time, the US authorities have used different tools for its implementation. Those tools were based on a specific internal and international situation. A new format of relations - Summits of the Americas - the regular meetings of all the American states' heads (except Cuba) was offered to the neighboring states under new geopolitical conditions at the turn of the 20th-21st century in order to discuss the most burning problems of the region and deal with them. In reality, after almost thirty years of this policy it becomes obvious that the United States are not going to abandon the continuation of their neocolonial course or to solve the most complex socio-economic problems of the peoples of America. At the same time, the latter are against interference in their internal affairs and the dictates of American interests.

“SUMMITS OF THE AMERICAS” AS AN ATTEMPT TO REVIVE THE MONROE DOCTRINE IN MODERN CONDITIONS

Almost two hundred years, the Monroe doctrine has been an ideological justification of the US policy to promote its interests and subdue the Western Hemisphere, despite statements about its cancellation in February 2013. Over time, the US authorities have used different tools for its implementation. Those tools were based on a specific internal and international situation. A new format of relations - Summits of the Americas - the regular meetings of all the American states' heads (except Cuba) was offered to the neighboring states under new geopolitical conditions at the turn of the 20th-21st century in order to discuss the most burning problems of the region and deal with them. In reality, after almost thirty years of this policy it becomes obvious that the United States are not going to abandon the continuation of their neocolonial course or to solve the most complex socio-economic problems of the peoples of America. At the same time, the latter are against interference in their internal affairs and the dictates of American interests.