Allative Case Research Articles

Trolli se ei ole poika leikki jos mie tartuttelen: frekventatiivijohdoksen kehittyminen adversatiiviseksi passiiviksi kveenissä pohjoissaamen kielikontaktin seurauksena

Derivatives ending in ttele are used with a passive meaning in the Kven dialects of Porsangerand Nordreisa. This use is a result of language contact with Sami. As in the Sami model ofadversative passive, these Kven passive derivatives express an unfavorable event. They areused with a subject argument which has a semantic role as a patient or experiencer andan agent expressed in the allative case. However, not many verbs have gone through thissemantic change. This semantic change illustrates innovative language use among bilinguals.Both second language learners, such as those described by Siitonen (1999) but also bilingualsinterpret linguistic phenomena they encounter in one language based on the knowledge oflanguages they already know. However, while multilinguals create innovations, only thoseinnovations that are accepted by the entire speech community become permanent.

Many ways to decline a noun: elicitation of children’s novel noun inflection in Estonian

abstractAimsThis study investigated three- to five-year-olds’ ability to generalise knowledge of case inflection to novel nouns in Estonian, which has complex morphology and lacks a default declension pattern. We explored whether Estonian-speaking children use similar strategies to adults, and whether they default to a preferred pattern or use analogy to phonological neighbours.MethodWe taught children novel nouns in nominative or allative case and elicited partitive and genitive case forms based on pictures of unfamiliar creatures. Participants included 66 children (3;0–6;0) and 21 adults. Because of multiple grammatical inflection patterns, children’s responses were compared with those of adults for variability, accuracy, and morphological neighbourhood density. Errors were analysed to reveal how children differed from adults.ConclusionsYoung children make use of varied available patterns, but find generalisation difficult. Children’s responses showed much variability, yet even three-year-olds used the same general declension patterns as adults. Accuracy increased with age but responses were not fully adult-like by age five. Neighbourhood density of responses increased with age, indicating that analogy over a larger store of examples underlies proficiency with productive noun inflection. Children did not default to the more transparent, affixal patterns available, preferring instead to use the more frequent, stem-changing patterns.

Which MATter matters in PATtern borrowing? The direction of case syncretisms

This study addresses the question of which case-marker (i.e. MATter) is privileged in case realignment (i.e. PATtern borrowing) by examining two mixed varieties in northern Australia, which have borrowed either a locative or allative case marker, but not both, from a traditional Australian language. In Gurindji Kriol, the Gurindji locative case suffix has been borrowed and generalised to functions marked by the allative in Gurindji, whereas in Wumpurrarni English, realignment has occurred in the opposite direction, with the borrowed Warumungu allative suffix spreading to functions marked by the locative in Warumungu. In both cases, the development of a single marker of spatial relations has most likely occurred as the result of contact with Kriol, which has one preposition langa that marks all spatial relations, whether static or movement-orientated. The question of why the locative has been extended in one situation, and the allative in another is addressed in this paper.

Change versus force in the Finnish case system

In the recent linguistic literature, an increasing attention has been devoted to the role of force dynamics in natural language. The present paper argues that the concept of force plays an important role in the Finnish case system. Translative case in this language is conventionally associated with change of state and the illative and allative cases, with change of location. Unexpectedly under such an approach, these forms are sometimes acceptable (and even required) in sentences that do not entail a change and superficially seem to be stative. This paper argues that translative, illative and allative are licensed by predicates that entail force exertion. While in many instances, force exertion results in a change, this is not an obligatory configuration, which explains the distribution of the cases under discussion.

Case Markers in Bodo and Sanzari Bodo: A Comparative Investigation

This paper is an attempt to investigate and compare the case markers of Bodo and Sanzari Bodo - a variety of Bodo. A Tibeto-Burman language, Bodo is primarily spoken in the north eastern state of Assam, India. Because of immense ethno linguistic diversity the region of Bodoland has attracted numerous linguistic studies from across the globe but due to geographical isolation there are pockets which are left with undocumented language varieties. The present research is based on the data obtained from 20 Sanzari Bodo speakers of Nagaon district of Assam. Though the standard Bodo and Sanzari Bodo share the same number of case markers they have some evident differences between them. Case is a grammatical category which expresses the semantic relation between a noun phrase and its predicate. There are at least ten case markers in both Bodo as well as Sanzari Bodo. Close investigation of data establishes that despite sharing similarities, the two varieties have their uniqueness too, for example, the accusative case marker of Bodo {-kʰɯu} is monophthongised to {-kʰɯ}, the final /ŋ/ sound of instrumental, comitative and allative cases are removed in Sanzari Bodo and the illative case too has different manifestations in the two varieties.

Who needs it? Variation in experiencer marking in Estonian ‘need’-constructions

In this paper, we tackle the twin issues of obligatoriness of semantic arguments and variation in their expression through a study of Estonian constructions denoting need. The variation under investigation consists in the choice of case-marking, between adessive and allative case, as well as the option to omit the oblique argument. We extracted and coded ‘need’-constructions from spoken and written corpora and used non-parametric classification methods for analysis. We found high rates of oblique experiencer omission in these constructions (nearly 60% across corpora). The most important predictors of overt expression of the experiencer in our models were participant-internal modality and the presence of nominal complements, meaning that both semantic and syntactic factors are relevant. The choice between two overt cases is affected by person, complement type, and referential distance. Topical experiencer arguments do not show the subject-like tendency to be omitted more often, but they are more likely to be marked with adessive case, suggesting that adessive is more grammaticalised as a structural, non-nominative, argument-marking case than the more semantic allative case. Our findings show that oblique, semantic arguments may be frequently omitted, and both semantic and syntactic factors may affect variation in case-marking.

Mikalojaus Daukšos <em>Postilės</em> aliatyvas

THE ALLATIVE CASE IN MIKALOJUS DAUKŠA’S PostillaSummaryA semantic analysis of the allative case in Daukša’s Postilla (1599) is performed in order to discuss various types of its use. The following 12 functions of allative are distin­guished, which reflect well-established patterns of grammaticalization of goal-marking morphemes (Rice et al. 2007).I. Spatial functions.1.1. Inanimate Goal of motion. The movement of the Figure (a verb of motion) is directed to the Goal expressed by the allative. This is the most basic meaning of the allative, e.g. Luke 24,28:du iǯg mokitiniu […] priârtinos miéſteloṕ kuríoṕ êio 18931,Dwá ʒ vcniow […] prʒybliyli ſido miáſtecká / do ktorego ßli 19811,‘And they drew nigh unto the village, whither they went’.1.2. Goal of motion, when the Figure acquires a location in physical proximity to the Goal, e.g. Luke 24,24:Ir nuêío nêkurie iġ mûſ grâbo 18925,Y chodʒili niektorʒy ʒ náßych do grobu 1985,‘And certain of them which were with us went to the sepulchre’.This spatial meaning of the allative is frequent and is traditionally considered as the main one. Proximity, however, is determined by the context in the case of three dimen­sional Grounds, whereas with two-, one-dimensional or dimensionless Grounds it is deter-mined by the lexical meaning of the reference object.1.3. Animate Goal of motion. The Figure acquires a location in the physical sphere of the person, e.g. John 1,11:Sawúmpiump atêio / ir ſáwíeii io ne priéme 434,Do właſnośći prʒyßedł / á ſwoi go nie prʒyili 4219,‘He came unto his own, and his own received him not’.1.4. Goal of direction or orientation. The Figure is static. It is motivated by the trans­formations Figure’s motion towards Ground → Figure’s orientation towards Ground and Figure’s motion towards Ground → Figure’s extension towards Ground:ítieſeu iſúmṗ rkás ſawȧs 964,wyćigałem ku wam rce ſwoie 9716,‘I have spread my arms towards you’.II. Non-spatial functions:2. Purpose (purposes are destinations). This use type is very common. Allatives of this type correlate with the infinitive and dative of purpose.[žmonės] nêßa kríkßtoṗ S. maús waikęlús 34813,noßdo Chrʒtu świtego máłe ditki 35927,‘People carry little children to baptize’.3. Abstract Goal of motion (state or emotion). The Figure (a person) moves towards or into a psychological condition, e.g. John 13,20:Wiſſôkes nſſkurís piktái dáro nopkncʒe ßwieſós / ir notêiṫ ßwieſóſṕ 24036,ktory ʒle cyni / nienawidʒi świátłośći / y nie prʒychodʒi ná świátłość 24915,‘For every one that doeth evil hateth the light, neither cometh to the light’.4. Addressee, e.g. Luke 1,34:Táre taḋ Mariá Angełoṕ 4389,Rʒekłá tedy Márya do Anyołá 4547f,‘Then said Mary unto the angel’.5. Emotional target. The Figure (emotion) is directed to a Ground (a person, God, or an inanimate object).6. Additive allative:Néſstoṗ purwóṗ êmes / sîłgiwâtos primâiße 4064,do tego błotá iemſkiego / śiływotnprʒymießał 42011,‘Power of life was added to the mud of the Earth’.7. Standard of comparison. With prilyginti ‘equate’, pridėti ‘add’ the allative is used as the standard of comparative constructions.8. Possessor. With užgulėti, prigulėti, prieitis ‘belong, fit’ (Polish należeć) the allative is almost exclusively used with inanimate possessors.9. Discourse organizing type. With eiti ‘go’, prieiti(s) ‘approach’, sugrįžti ‘return’ the allative denotes the topic of the discourse:Bęt’ ſugrßkimę Siméonoṗ 43013,Ale ſiwroćmy do Symeoná 44528,‘Let’s go back to Simon’.10. Allative of time (time is space). Usually the allative denotes a border of time ap­proached by the Figure.11. Recipient. With atsiųsti ‘send’, atnešti, nunešti ‘bring’, nešiojimas ‘bearing’ the allative is a person-recipient.12. Benefactive.The allative is not a clearly spatial case. Though its local meaning constitutes almost a quarter of the instances, it is quite heterogeneous: four spatial functions are distin­guished. The schematic meaning of the allative can be defined as Goal. This motivates the vast majority of its abstract functions. The traditional meaning of proximity is not fundamental for the allative; it is determined by the context and the lexical meaning of the reference object.

Šiaurinių širvintiškių <em>i</em>,<em> ē </em>ir <em>i̯ā</em> kamienų daiktavardžių raida

DEVELOPMENT OF THE i, ē AND i̯ā STEM NOUNS IN THE NORTHERN ŠIRVINTIŠKIAI SUBDIALECTSummaryThe present article is a joint analysis of three noun stems, as the majority of their endings have become syncretic due to phonetic and morphological development, and the above process resulted in good conditions for mixing of the said stems. Mostly the development of baritone stress i, ē and i̯ā stem nouns is discussed in the article, as unstressed endings have changed to a greater extent than stressed ones in the majority of Eastern Aukštaitian dialects.Quite a number of linguists attribute the majority of morphological changes to essentially phonetic changes. Numerous phonetic and accentual processes have taken place in different case endings of i, ē and i̯ā stem nouns of the Northern Širvintiškiai subdialect (in the localities of Kavarskas, Vidiškiai, Ukmergė and Pašilė). The main processes were Leskien's law (having resulted in the shortening of as many as fifteen case endings), shortening of unstressed long vowels (as unstressed endings were devoid of long vowels), fronting of the vowels a and ā preceded by palatalised consonants (this resulted in conditions for the baritone stress I̯ā stem to develop into the ē stem, cf. nom. sg. *saujā > *saujē “handful” vs. *dulkē “dust”, gen. sg. *saujās > *saujēs vs. *dulkēs etc.), monophthongisation of circumflex and unstressed word‑ending diphthongs ‑ai, ‑ei and ‑ui (the dative case singular endings of all‑stem nouns have become syncretic, e.g. ká․rvi “for a cow”, í․lti “for a fang”, se̾․seri “for a sister”), etc.Following the aforementioned and other changes, a considerable part of case endings belonging to i, ē and I̯ā stem nouns have also become syncretic. Only the singular nominative case nouns with all the three stems have two different endings (e.g. í․ltis “fang”, sá․uje “handful”, dú․lke “dust”). All the remaining singular cases have identical endings. Syncretism is also found among some of the case endings in the plural. Conditions developed for i stem nouns to become members of the ē stem paradigm. Only a very small fraction of i stem baritone stress nouns have remained: í․ltis “fang”, nó·sis “nostril”, pí․ntis “axe head”, klέ̤·tis “granary”, pá․ltis “piece of back bacon” and sví․rtis “lever”. The stable ē stem was preserved well and furthermore enhanced with I̯ā and i stem words.Out of the morphological changes, the most important one is the elimination of system symmetry (substitution of bivocal endings with monovocal ones, e.g. *iltimus > iltims “for fangs”, *iltiji > iltiI̯ “in a fang” etc.). This tendency was typical of all the grammatical cases having bivocal endings except the plural inessive and illative, which have main long forms (e.g. dú․lkese “in dust” and dú․lkesnα “into dust”) in addition to short forms (dú․lkes “in dust, into dust”). The preserved forms with bivocal endings retain the inessive‑illative opposition.The dual number has nearly disappeared in all the stems. In the area of Northern Širvintiškiai, the emergence of the syncretic singular and dual accusative case due to phonetic development was particularly unfavourable for the retention of the dual number: the word í․lti may signify “one fang” (acc. sg.) and “two fangs” (acc. dual).After the disappearance of bivocal endings, unpopular consonant combinations like ‑mp, ‑sp developed in the adessive and allative cases, e.g. iltiesp “towards a fang”, ilčiump “towards fangs”. Besides this, they competed with prepositional constructions and were eventually substituted with such phrases entirely.

Dėl senųjų raštų posesyvinių konstrukcijų su veiksmažodžiu <em>priklausyti</em>

ON THE POSSESSIVE CONSTRUCTIONS WITH THE VERB priklausyti ‘TO BELONG’ IN OLD LITHUANIAN WRITINGS Summary The paper discusses the possessive constructions with the verb priklausyti ‘to belong’ in Old Lithuanian writings. Possessive dative constructions with the verb priklausyti compete not with analogical adessive, but with allative constructions. This confirms the view that the neutralisation of allative and adessive constructions took place in the 16th–17th c. The alternation of possessive dative constructions with the preposition prieg encountered in old records is a related phenomenon. The analysis of possessive constructions indicates that in Lithuanian written records of the 16th–17th c. not only the adessive positional construction prieg + dative was used, but also the construction prieg + genitive correlating with the allative case was still used with verbs.

Proto‐Utian (Miwok‐Costanoan) Case System

Utian (Miwok‐Costanoan) is a family of Central California Indian languages, each with a rich case system. Proto‐Utian had a possible genitive case, as well as objective, adverbial, allative, locative, instrumental, comitative, and vocative cases. It apparently lacked a nominative case, although the genitive may have functioned as the subject marker of some clauses. The adverbial case specified time, manner, and goal of an action. The allative case indicated direction of an action and precise location. The locative case signaled less precise location. The instrumental case indicated means, the comitative case designated accompaniment, and the vocative case was used in direct address.