Albanian Nationalism Research Articles

Analysing from a Systematic Perspective the Albanian Nationalism in the Ottoman Empire

The Balkan Peninsula was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for six centuries. This long Ottoman presence and co-existence directly influenced the Balkan peoples in several respects: politics, military, religion, economy, culture, social, demography, art, architecture, state tradition, state institutions and so on. Considering the multiethnic and multireligious structure of the region, the Ottoman Empire was forced to use various regulatory means to have a peaceful and prosperous region. Thus, the Ottoman Empire implemented systems and policies in the Balkans such as “Istimâlet” (tolerance and protection), “Millet”, “Devshirmeh”, “Jizya”, “Cift-Hane”, “Timar”, “Vilayet”, “Iskan”. The effect of these policies on the population of the region has been examined on a systematical basis. These types of policies also had an impact on the subsequent development of nationalism in the Balkans. Nationalism in the Balkans began in the early 19th century with the Greek and Serbian uprisings; these uprisings were largely armed, and later spread to other Balkan peoples. In all these developments, Albanian nationalism makes a difference. It is a fact that the rule of the Ottoman Empire has shaped the Albanian nationalism as it has done with all Balkan nationalism. However, the Albanian nationalism was developed under the conditions that the Ottoman Empire established in the region, videlicet on the policies it applied. The nature of the Albanian nationalism differs from the other regional ones in that it is not an aggressive movement and that it developed more on the basis of a cultural awakening. The investigation of the steps that resulted in this variation holds a particular significance For a real understanding of all the mentioned changes one has to know the systems and policies that are to be explained in this study.

Predsedništvo SFRJ o situaciji na SAP Kosovo i Metohija u prvim mesecima 1989. godine

Yugoslavia was a complex political structure made up of six republics and two autonomous provinces, both within Serbia. In early 1989, the situation in Kosovo was complex. In the middle of March 1989, violent demonstrations began in the cities of the autonomous province of Kosovo. The participants in the demonstrations were Kosovo Albanians. The situation in Kosovo wasdiscussed at the sessions of the Presidency of the SFRY. The paper presents the conclusions and measures taken by the Presidency of the SFRY to normalize the situation in Kosovo. When taking measures to eliminate Albanian nationalism and separatism, the Presidency of the SFRY was guided by the Constitution (1974), but also by considering how the measures would affect internal political relations in Yugoslavia and the international position.

ARNAVUTLUK ULUSAL RÖNESANSI VE ARNAVUT DEVLETİNİN İNŞASI

Albanians are among the oldest and most autochthonous people in Balkan. Known as the "Illyrians", "Albans", "Arberesh" and "Albanian", the Albanian people are among the founders of the Balkan Peninsula and among the most authentic contributors to the culture and civilization of the European continent. Historians and great scholars of the world and Albanian schoolars such as Thuman, Hahn, Shuflai, Stipcevic, Hosch, Çabej, Buda, Zheliskova have confirmed with their historical and linguistic studies the autochtonity, authenticity and contribution of Albanians in this region of more than three thousand five hundred years.In this article, will be studied the initiating period of this process, which is the Albanian National Renaissance, and its impact in the creation of the Albanian Nation State. Felt alone and without any support from international protection of any Greater Power and especially from the Othoman Empire, Albanian National Identity started to be seen as one of the main idea, which remained to be proclaimed by Albanian Renessaincers. So the Albanian National Renaissance movement began later than all the other Balkan peoples and not well-prepared in its political projects. In the cultural, civilizational and spiritual plan, the Albanian National Renaissance was as broad and western as many other peoples of the region. This paper will study the efforts, challenges and in general the elements in the context of creation of the Albanian nation, by bringing the main elements, which characterised this period of time.

The Albanian Prizren League factor and beyond: distinct developments exposed by the Western sources

For many countries in Europe, both in the West and in the East, the nineteenth century was critical in their respective paths towards the attainment of national independence goals. Each nation had its own unique struggles in that political course. Albania, and the Albanian nation was no exception. The seizure of the Albanian territory by the Montenegro, Serbia and Greece during the last two centuries severely affected the Albanian nation. The aim of this research, however, is not to focus exclusively on the ways and means related to Albanian territory division, but to delve into foundations of the selected events, with great impact to the Albanian nation. The current developments and challenges in the Albanian territories in the Balkans cannot be productively analyzed without examining the historical context, within which, the Prizren League played a critical part. Indeed, even though the League, at the time, was largely overlooked by the Western powers, still played, an important role in the ensuing Albanian historical developments. The League, initially an Ottoman supporting mechanism, of mutual (Albanian-Ottoman) interest, developed into an autonomous organization revolting to the perceived enemies of the Albanian cause, later, even against the Ottomans. This study aims to highlight the causes of the formation of the Prizren League, its activities, Albanian revolts against the perceived enemies and other related topics that painted their ordinary life, in the stipulated period. The objective of the research is to focus exclusively on the Western sources visa-a-vis the examined topics in an endeavor, to present, as much as possible, an unbiased picture of events and developments. Numerous themes have been explored in light of many old and authentic sources, in an attempt to enrich the quantity of the examined themes with qualitative inputs...

Renegotiating the Empire, Forging the Nation-State: The Albanian Case through the Political Economic Thought of Ismail Qemali, Fan Noli, and Luigj Gurakuqi, c. 1890–1920s

AbstractThis article examines historical positions regarding the question of the small nation-(state) of Albania remaining “in” the larger Ottoman supranational entity and “out” as independent nation-state during the late 19th and early 20th century. It does so mainly, but not only, through the language of political economy (wealth creation and redistribution) as articulated in the thoughts and deeds of three founding intellectual and political figures of the Albanian nation-(state): Ismail Qemali, Fan Noli, and Luigj Gurakuqi. While lacking a clear political-economic perspective for this emerging nation in the late Ottoman period, all the three figures maintained that as an independent, small nation-state, Albania could survive and perhaps thrive if its wealth and national economic development remained anchored within a larger political and economic space. More than Qemali, Gurakuqi, and Noli envisaged a greater state role in the country’s “national economy-building” process. But while Gurakuqi was more of a “nationalist” on wealth creation, Noli sought to pursue a more “radical,” redistributive path to national development.

THE ALBANIAN EVANGELICAL CHURCH – A POWERFUL SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE IN THE TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGE

It is a fact that Christianity is deeply rooted in the history of the Albanian nation, but, unfortunately, such a fact has opened the gate to endless discussions. This paper aims to highlight an important event in the history of Albania, which will influence the future history of this nation. During the nineteenth century, Protestants contributed significantly to the Albanian national issue through performing translations of several books of the Bible, at a time when books in Albanian language were very rare. Different foreign missionaries came to Albania to spread their religious views. They strongly influenced the opening of Albanian schools while Albanians, under Turkish rule, were forbidden to use their language, to learn to write, or read it. Gradually, the foreign missionaries were attended by Albanian intellectuals, who insist on the opening of the Albanian school and the education of Albanians in Albanian language. Interestingly, Protestantism was the only religious belief that supported Albanian writing and reading, while other religious beliefs exercised in Albania were the fiery opponents of every Albanian component. The Albanian language on one hand was opposed by the Greek Orthodox Church, on the other hand, by the Latin Catholic Church and above all, Ottoman rule opposed the teaching of the Albanian language in order to keep the Albanian people as subordinate as possible. It seems that Protestantism has emerged in all the countries where it has spread, supporting various national identities, but especially in Albania, it has played an important role in supporting the national identity of Albanians and the education of generations, especially of girls. The opening of the first Albanian girls' school in the city of Korça keeps the seal of the Protestant church and it has had a great impact in the future for the emancipation of Albanian society, of women and girls who are oppressed and printed in many directions. Sevasti Qiriazi, as a representative of the Protestant church in Korça, and the first teacher in Albania, will protect the school and try to support the spread of the Albanian language at all costs. Through the spread of faith in Albanian, the first Protestants in Albania conveyed not only knowledge, but also great human, moral, and educational values to people who were suffering, but eager for knowledge and development. The Protestant Albanian movement was actually an 'Albanian spiritual movement' with religious, educational, national and cultural values and purposes. For several decades, during the communist regime in Albania, a good part of the influence of protestants in the country was denied and all efforts were made to overshadow the influence of Protestantism towards education and emancipation of Albanians in this period. Today, after many years of shadow, Protestantism is again one of the religions that are practiced in Albania and numerous efforts are being made to discover many of the unknown elements of the positive influence that this belief had in educating Albanians over the years.

Reação e afirmação

Em 1878, com a vitória do Império Russo na Guerra Russo-Turca, um novo cenário se desenhava na geopolítica da Península Balcânica. Após quatro longos séculos de julgo otomano, os povos da península vislumbravam a possibilidade de um novo arranjo político. Contudo, embora teoricamente libertos do domínio de Istambul, os povos da península ainda não poderiam ser considerados como responsáveis por traçar as linhas de seu próprio destino. A estratégica localização da península – localizada na transição entre ocidente e oriente – tornavam a região um palco de disputa das grandes potências. Após 400 anos de controle por uma força externa, o destino dos povos da região estava novamente nas mãos de forças exógenas. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho se propõe a analisar o desenvolvimento do nacionalismo albanês dentro do conturbado e volátil cenário da Península Balcânica, durante a etapa final do século XIX e início do XX. A hipótese apresentada para a pesquisa é a de que o surgimento do nacionalismo albanês consiste em um movimento de caráter reativo, frente a um cenário de ruptura do status quo na região.

The Albanian Nationalism: between the National Revival and the Security Prospects in the Adriatic Region

The study will address the phenomenology and the processes that marked the Albanian independence movement, concomitantly illustrating it as an integrated stage into the Balkan trend of nation-state edification during the decline of the Ottoman Empire, hence enforcing the debate over the mechanism that had been used in administrating the territorial possessions of the quasi-defunct caliphate. On this occasion, the research will highlight the external involvement in supporting the Albanian independence movement, mentioning in this way the Italian Kingdom, the actor that assumed the role of protecting independent Albania as a result of Rome`s primordial interests in assuming a predominant role in the Adriatic security architecture.Simultaneously will be pursued Tirana`s nationalist projects and the points of tension from the relations with Greece and Yugoslavia as a result of overlapping the territorial expansionist ethnic agendas of these three states. Therefore, it will illustrate how the Albanian state`s interactions with proximity are influenced by the regional climate of state-building on ethnic backgrounds, with a major impact on the security perspectives over the divergent energies of militant nationalism. In this way, the paper will analyze both the Albania – Greece – Italy triangle, with Rome inoculating the moderation in the Athens – Tirana relationship and mentioning the main the Italian foreign policy objective of assuming the role of a Mediterranean power.Last but not least, the Albanian National Revival Movement is presented from the perspective of social history and ideology, legitimizing Albania's independence, highlighting the domestic lines of rupture and the societal manifestations that could be framed in post-Ottomanism. Differentiating from the Balkan space by Albanian Kemalism eradicated by Ismail Kemal, the Albanian nationalism marked also by a modernization dichotomy: on the one hand by the desire of building a state based on the West-European model, by the agrarian reform and by overcoming the religious differences, and on the other hand the outstanding nationalist conservative revolution of returning to Albania's national values under Skanderbeg`s flag of the two-headed black eagle.

CONGRESS OF ELBASAN AND THE IMPORTANCE OF NORMAL (PEDAGOGICAL) SCHOOL

Throughout the history, teachers have played a crucial and missionary role in the preparation of generations as citizens of the future. Gratitude on teachers is definitely a patriotic obligation to them.In Albania, due to different historical, geographical and economic factors, teachers have worked and lived in difficult conditions. This is not only in the long periods of foreign conquests and in the period of the National Renaissance but also after the victory of Independence and the creation of an independent Albanian state.Most of them, as true missionaries, regardless of the conditions, devoted themselves to that noble silence, worked without a self-propelled for the nation, which always required renaissance. With and without appropriate school facilities, with difficult general conditions, with or without texts, with a lack of teaching resources, without guaranteed livelihoods, served in an exemplary manner to teach new generations the writing of Albanian language and to cultivate to the student knowledge and how to love their country.But when does the formation of teachers in Albania have the most significant institutional beginnings or developments?Through this paper I tried to bring into attention the decisions of the Congress of Elbasan in 1909 as the first Albanian Pedagogical Congress whose primary task was the opening of a Pedagogical School. This school would served in the institutionally studied preparation of teachers whose job at that time was a national emergency for the development of the Albanian nation. This school was set up to open in the city of Elbasan.Elbasan, a city of Middle Albania, has been described as the cradle of the Normal School. Alongside the economic and social development, Elbasan was also acclaimed for his cultural and educational development, especially in the period of the National Renaissance.Of great importance in the formation of students there is the patriotic spirit of the Renaissance, which was always alive and powerful among Normale's teachers.Patriotic education of students remained as primary target in the field of general formation. Albania's Albanian language (literature, history, and geography) was developed at the highest possible level of time. Since its beginning, Normal School was not seen simply as a high school, but as an educational institution that represented the dignity of the nation, which would radiate the light of Albanian knowledge. Opening Normale School was not a matter of knowledge but also patriotism.

Albanian Nationalism and the State of Kosovo

This article deals with the conceptual, ideological and historical relationships that have existed between Albanian nationalism and the state of Kosovo, created in 2008. These relationships are subject to different theoretical and ideological views. A group of views regard the state of Kosovo as a historical and political finalization of the nation-building project initiated by Albanian nationalism in the second half of the 19th century. While another set of views sees this state as a project motivated by contemporary views of multiethnicity and multiculturalism. The contradiction between these two views today constitutes a contradiction within the constitutional and symbolic format of the state of Kosovo. The first part of the article presents the main theories of nationalism. In the second part, these theories are contextualized in the breakdown of the main features of Albanian nationalism, while the third part analyzes the relations between this nationalism and the state of Kosovo, especially from the standpoint of its basic laws

Interaction of Albanian Nationalism with Kosovo-Macedonia during and after WWII

When defining this research paper, it is worth to mention that so far not many researches have been made to this regard because of the monographic historiographies, which have misunderstood the historical issues of Albanians during the period of World War II and during the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War. Only in the last twenty years we have seen the Albanian historiography, with the support of a stable and well-established historical factography, strongly opposing a part of the historical literature about the Anti-Fascist War. In this research paper, an aim will be the specification of conditions by which Albanians once again showed their determination in the struggle against dictatorships from the Albanian League of Prizren, the Kacak movement, The Second League of Prizren, the Anti-Fascist Liberation War until the last UCK-UCMB war. After the Second League of Prizren ceased to exist, the indispensable necessity for Albanian nationalism to act was born, and it acted under the name of Albanian National Democratic Organization (Movement). The decisions and actions made by Albanian National Democratic Organization constitute the main topic of this research paper.

Bujan Conference Hope for the Realization of Historical Right on National Unification

This paper has its main focus on the Bujan Conference, held from December 31st, 1943 to January 2nd, 1944 in the highlands of Gjakova and considered often as the Second League of Prizren. The Bujan Conference is regarded as one of the most prominent and significant events in the history of the Albanian nation as it marks promises for the right of self-determination and even secession for Kosovo. At the time, it was considered a document of great significance for the Kosovo’s Albanian population but it was thereafter ignored and disregarded. The paper discusses the demand of Kosovo’s Albanians for secession of Kosovo and Dukagjin Plateau from Yugoslavia and their unification with Albania. Straightforward after the Bujan Conference, Yugoslavians ignored the Kosovo’s Albanians right to self-determination and managed in a short period to turn the self-determination for Kosovo’s unification with Albania into the re-annexation of Kosovo and the remaining of Kosovo under the Yugoslavia.

Dyskusja o dziedzictwie osmańskim jako część współczesnych dyskusji o tożsamości w Albanii

The dispute over the Ottoman heritage and its influence on the identity and evolution of the Albanian nation is one of the fundamental tendencies in the identity discussions in post-communist Albania. The European aspirations of the Albanians encouraged the victimization of identity discourse and promoted seeing contemporary Albanian problems in the context of the collapse of Ottoman Empire. Demands to revise history proposed by of the Democratic Party of Albania after 2009 elections fostered the reinforcement of the mythologized vision of history but also lead to the conflict of the memory of Albania and Turkey, whose policies of memory form part of the current political needs of both countries.

Aktuelnost Cvijićevih istraživanja u kontekstu srpsko-albanskih odnosa na Kosovu i Metohiji

The area of Kosovo and Metohija has always attracted researchers, including a prominent geographer Jovan Cvijić. This was due to its strategic position, physical-geographical features, but also because of the dynamic ethnographic processes. Populated by Slavic tribes from the earliest times, the greatest rise was experienced in the medieval Nemanjić state. After the fall of the Serbian state under Ottoman rule, a large number of Serbs moved to the north, while the Arbanasi (Albanians) occupied this area. Impoverished by the Balkan and the First World War, Kosovo and Metohija became a part of the first Yugoslav state. The first half of the 20th century was marked by increase in the share of the Albanian population, with the planned immigration of Serbs through colonization processes in the late 1920s and 1930s. After the Second World War and the formation of the SFRY, the Serbian national question was ignored and pushed into the background. The breakup of the federal-state has led to the culmination of Albanian nationalism in K&M, which soon has grown into an armed conflict. With the NATO involvement and the bombing of the FR Yugoslavia, and support of the Albanians, one of the greatest ethnic cleansings in the contemporary history was carried out. Today, ten years after the unilateral declaration of Kosovo's independence, the key issues of protecting national interests and improving the living conditions of the Serbian community in the southern province have been negotiated.

The Linguistic Culture in the Dialect of Rahovec and Surroundings

This paper’s purpose is to reflect the flow of linguistic culture in the dialect of Rahovec and surroundings, especially after the end of the war from 1999-2017. As it’s known in the city of Rahovec there’s a bilingual situation, which once had the official language the one of the power, so as a consequence of that Albanian Language hadn’t prospered. So the spelling mistakes especially those on pronouncing were obvious in the management of this municipality (city). We have observed the linguistic situation in this area with a deep study of a doctorate thesis, so I think that we can bring lots of valuable things to this conference (in the paper are described the advantages and risks through which Albanian Language is going through). The paper highlights mistakes that were noticed from 2000-2004, also we have followed the situation of changes which have happened until nowadays. In 2005, after the development of the spelling program (curriculum) by QEP, spelling mistakes and the language had radical changes. The Language of the Electronic Media, two digital systems: Digitalb and Tring Tv are lying the linguistic range and they are uniting the Albanian Nation. To realize this paper has been used, collected materials during the work for the doctorate thesis and Rahovec’s archive. This paper draws conclusions about the future of this territory

Protestant Reformation and Albanian Nationalism

The relationship of the Protestant Reformation with Nationalism is understandable if one can appreciate the nature of the general emancipation from the authority as understood during the Middle Ages to the subjectively defined authority that the Reformation brought forth. The connection of the emancipating influence of the Reformation with the Albanian National Awakening is made more clear if one understands not only the thought patterns typically associated with the Reformation, but also some historical dimensions of the Albanian language and education. Therefore, we propose here the thesis that the influence of the Protestant Reformation is discernable also in the history of Albanian Nationalism.

The Civil War in Greece and Relations with Albania According to the Communist Press During 1948 – 1949

During 1948-1949 relations with Greece were very tense in the postwar period of World War II. The positioning of the two countries in two different camps, respectively Albania in the Socialist Camp and Greece in the Western Camp, lead to even more severe relations between these two countries. The Greek Civil War, fought between two Greek groups, the democratic and the communist one, also involved Albania in the propaganda as supporting the right wing of the Communist Greek. Such a propaganda was retaliated by the Greeks in the Albanian territory, for a few days in the Albanian land. The Albanian press of that time was very much involved by mainly giving information of the propaganda oriented towards Moscow, rather than about the immediate risk the country was directly facing. In many cases, the war and the threat it imposed was transformed and far away from reality. The press of that time mostly transmitted what Stalinist Moscow directed, rather than the truth. It was Stalinist Moscow the place which Enver Hoxha held as the orienting point, especially after breaking relations a few months ago with the Communist Yugoslavian state. The Communist press of that time was more preoccupied about the advancement of the Greek communist forces, rather than the threat the democratic wing imposed by approaching the Albanian border. This showed that the Albanian State was displaying itself since the first steps as being indoctrinated and related to the ideology and not to the threat imposed to the Albanian nation. The communist press of that time varied in numbers and kinds, displayed in every newspaper or magazine the success of the Greek communism. Such a problem is also presented in the British parliament as an unfair action from the Albanian state

Blood Feuds and Revenge in Canons and Medieval Statutes and Social Consequences

In this paper as object of this publication is the phenomenon of blood feud murders as a medieval phenomenon, which continues to accompany the life of the Albanian nation in modern times bringing loss of life and other negative consequences in the society. I purposefully chose this topic as a subject of study in this paper, by noticing the serious consequences that brings the blood feud, and I thought as valuable to investigate, draw conclusions, by stating the reasons and consequences of this medieval phenomenon and to submit my opinions related to this phenomenon. Through this study i want to point out the flow of this medieval phenomenon, reflecting its negative side as well as the consequences of this phenomenon, the tendency of this phenomenon nowdays, the work of the state authorities and non-governmental social organizations to mitigate this phenomenon, always in the service of life and freedom of the individual. Murders are the most serious crimes that affect the human right to live, as a fundamental human right protected by a number of international acts such as the Universal Declaration of the General Assembly of the UN (1948), the European Convention (1950), the Constitution of the Republic of Albania etc. Martin Luterking said (4th april 1968) “It may be true that the law cannot make a man love me, but it can keep him from lynching me, and I think that's pretty important” Albanian scholars in Albania starting from the basic thesis that blood feud murders are social historical phenomena that have appeared since ancient times, in pre-state formations and blood feud was the only way of protection of certain social groups, a phenomenon which over time is replaced by the State and its structures. However in the Albanian areas this medieval phenomenon woefully continued to operate until today, that often appeared more terrific taking innocent human lives and beyond every customary rule. DOI: 10.5901/ajis.2015.v4n3p199

The Limits and Ambiguities of the Albanian “National Question” in Post-communism

This article interrogates the mobilization of the Albanian national question in Albania in 2012. The two interrelated questions of the article are why the nationalist card is not used consistently and why it failed to trigger a policy debate, or lead to policy changes. The main argument of the article is that, more than a policy alternative, “national unification” is a discursive practice performing two functions: Externally, it signals sovereignty and subjectivity to the international community in Albania, primarily the European Union (EU) and the United States, and as such it is used for political leverage, particularly at critical moments. Internally, it aims at constructing national cohesion, while drawing identity lines between the main political parties. This is particularly the case in moments of political instability, juncture or pressure, as before elections. However, its limited ability to inform policy and mobilize political action results not only from the demobilizing power of international actors, for example, the EU and the United States, but also the dominant position that a specific discourse of “good Albanian nationalism” holds in the political debate in post-communist Albania.

«Great Albania» Ideological Project on Political World Map

«Great Albania» project is an idea of the Albanians to create a state with the Albanian ethnic group prevailing. Th e idea was announced for a fi rst time in 1878 by Prizren League of the Albanian Nation, which called for autonomy within the Ottoman Empire with the Albanians’ ethnic majority. Th e project was realized in practice during fascist occupation in 1939–1944. Nowadays it is being implemented diff erently in various countries. Government authorities, who urge to annex territories with the dominant Albanian population, support this project. Th e Macedonian Albanians live in the north-west of the country and actively participate in the state’s political life. Following the development in Kosovo they have received de facto autonomy. In Montenegro and Greece the Albanians live peacefully, only protesting for extending their rights.